Principal Navigations, Voyages, Traffiques and Discoveries of the English Nation

Collected by

Richard Hakluyt

Preacher, and sometime Student of Christ-Church in Oxford

and Edited by
Edmund Goldsmid, F.R.H.S.

Volume XIII

America. Part II.

This web edition published by eBooks@Adelaide.

Last updated Wednesday, December 17, 2014 at 14:15.

To the best of our knowledge, the text of this
work is in the “Public Domain” in Australia.
HOWEVER, copyright law varies in other countries, and the work may still be under copyright in the country from which you are accessing this website. It is your responsibility to check the applicable copyright laws in your country before downloading this work.

The University of Adelaide Library
University of Adelaide
South Australia 5005

Table of Contents

Sir George Peckham’s true Report of the late discoueries. continued.

The second Part or Chapter sheweth, that it is lawfull and necessarie to trade and traffique with the Sauages: And to plant in their Countries: And diuideth planting into two sorts.

And first for traffique, I say that the Christians may lawfully trauell into those Countries and abide there: whom the Sauages may not iustly impugne and forbidde in respect of the mutuall societie and fellowshippe betweene man and man prescribed by the Law of Nations.

For from the first beginning of the creation of the world, and from the renewing of the same after Noes flood, all men haue agreed, that no violence should be offered to Ambassadours: That the Sea with his Hauens should be common: That such as should fortune to be taken in warre, should be seruants or slaues: And that strangers should not be driuen away from the place or Countrey whereunto they doe come.

If it were so then, I demaund in what age, and by what Law is the same forbidden or denied since? For who doubteth but that it is lawfull for Christians to vse trade and traffique with Infidels or Sauages, carrying thither such commodities as they want, and bringing from thence some part of their plentie?

A thing so commonly and generally practised, both in these our dayes, and in times past, beyond the memorie of man, both by Christians and Infidels, that it needeth no further proofe.

And forasmuch as the vse of trade and traffique (be it neuer so profitable) ought not to be preferred before the planting of Christian faith: I will therefore somewhat intreate of planting, (without which, Christian Religion can take no roote, be the Preachers neuer so carefull and diligent) which I meane to diuide into two sortts.

The principall causes why this voyage is vndertaken. The first, when Christians by the good liking and willing assent of the Sauages, are admitted by them to quiet possession.

The second, when Christians being vniustly repulsed, doe seeke to attaine and mainteine the right for which they doe come.

And though in regard of the establishment of Christian Religion, eyther of both may be lawfully and iustly exercised: (Whereof many examples may be found, as well in the time of Moyses and Iosua, and other rulers before the birth of Christ, as of many vertuous Emperours and Kings sithence his incarnation:) yet doe I wish, that before the second be put in practise, a proofe may be made of the first, sauing that for their safetie as well against the Sauages, as all other foreigne enemies, they should first well and strongly fortifie themselues: which being done, then by all fayre speeches, and euery other good meanes of perswasion to seeke to take away all occasions of offence.

As letting them to vnderstand, how they came, not to their hurt, but for their good, and to no other ende, but to dwell peaceably amongst them, and to trade and traffique with them for their owne commoditie, without molesting or grieuing them any way: which must not be done by wordes onely but also by deedes.

For albeit, to maintaine right and repell iniury, be a iust cause of warre: yet must there hereof be heedefull care had, that whereas the Sauages be fearefull by nature, and fond otherwise, the Christians should doe their best endeuour to take away such feare as may growe vnto them by reason of their strange apparell, Armour, and weapon, or such like, by quiet and peaceable conuersation, and letting them liue in securitie, and keeping a measure of blamelesse defence, with as little discommoditie to the Sauages as may bee: for this kinde of warre would be onely defensiue and not offensiue.

And questionlesse there is great hope and likelyhoode, that by this kinde of meanes we should bring to passe all effects to our desired purposes: Considering that all creatures, by constitution of nature, are rendred more tractable and easier wonne for all assayes, by courtesie and mildnesse, then by crueltie or roughnesse: and therefore being a principle taught vs by naturall reason, it is first to be put in vse.

For albeit as yet the Christians are not so thoroughly furnished with the perfectnesse of their language, eyther to expresse their mindes to them, or againe to conceiue the Sauages intent: Yet for the present opportunitie, such policie may be vsed by friendly signes, and courteous tokens, towards them, as the Sauages may easily perceiue (were their sences neuer so grosse) an assured friendship to be offered them, and that they are encountered with such a nation, as brings them benefite, commoditie, peace, tranquilitie and safetie. To further this, and to accomplish it in deedes, there must bee presented vnto them gratis, some kindes of our pettie marchandizes and trifles: As looking glasses, Belles, Beades, Bracelets, Chaines, or collers of Bewgle, Chrystall, Amber, Iet, or Glasse, &c. For such be the things, though to vs of small value, yet accounted by them of high price and estimation: and soonest will induce their Barbarous natures to a liking and a mutuall societie with vs.

Moreouer, it shall be requisite eyther by speeche, if it be possible either by some other certaine meanes, to signifie vnto them, that once league of friendship with all louing conuersation being admitted betweene the Christians and them: that then the Christians from thenceforth will alwayes be ready with force of Armes to assist and defend them in their iust quarrels, from all inuasions, spoyles and oppressions offered them by any Tyrants, Aduersaries, or their next borderers: and a benefite is so much the more to be esteemed, by how much the person vpon whom it is bestowed standeth in neede thereof.

For it appeareth by the relation of a Countreyman of ours, namely Dauid Ingram, (who trauelled in those countries xi. Moneths and more) That the Sauages generally for the most part, are at continuall warres with their next adioyning neighbours, and especially the Cannibals, being a cruell kinde of people whose foode is mans flesh, and haue teeth like dogges, and doe pursue them with rauenous mindes to eate their flesh, and deuoure them.

And it is not to be doubted, but that the Christians may in this case iustly and lawfully ayde the Sauages against the Cannibals. So that it is very likely, that by this meanes we shall not only mightily stirre and inflame their rude mindes gladly to embrace the louing company of the Christians, proffering vnto them both commodities, succour and kindnesse: But also by their franke consents shall easily enioy such competent quantity of Land, as euery way shall be correspondent to the Christians expectation and contentation, considering the great abundance that they haue of Land, and how small account they make thereof, taking no other fruites thereby then such as the ground of it selfe doeth naturally yeelde. And thus much concerning the first sort of planting, which as I assuredly hope, so I most heartily pray may take effect and place.

The seconde kinde of planting But if after these good and fayre meanes vsed, the Sauages neuerthelesse will not bee herewithall satisfied, but barbarously will goe about to practise violence eyther in repelling the Christians from their Ports and safe-landings, or in withstanding them afterwards to enioy the rights for which both painfully and lawfully they haue aduentured themselues thither.

Then in such a case I holde it no breach of equitie for the Christians to defend themselues, to pursue reuenge with force, and to doe whatsoeuer is necessarie for the attaining of their saftie: For it is allowable by all Lawes in such distresses, to resist violence with violence: And for their more securitie to increase their strength by building of Forts for auoyding the extremitie of iniurious dealing.

Wherein if also they shal not be suffered in reasonable quietnesse to continue, there is no barre (as I iudge) but that in stoute assemblies the Christians may issue out, and by strong hand pursue their enemies, subdue them, take possession of their Townes, Cities, or Villages, and (in auoyding murtherous tyrannie) to vse the Law of Armes, as in like case among all Nations at this day is vsed: and most especially to the ende they may with securitie holde their lawfull possession, lest happily after the departure of the Christians, such Sauages as haue bene conuerted should afterwards through compulsion and enforcement of their wicked Rulers, returne to their horrible idolatrie (as did the children of Israel, after the decease of Ioshua) and continue their wicked custome of most vnnaturall sacrificing of humane creatures.

And in so doing, doubtlesse the Christians shall no whit transgresse the bonds of equitie or ciuilitie, forasmuch as in former ages, (yea, before the incarnation of Christ) the like hath bene done by sundry Kings and Princes, Gouernours of the children of Israel: chiefly in respect to begin their planting, for the establishment of Gods worde: as also since the Natiuitie of Christ, mightie and puissant Emperours and kings haue performed the like, I say to plant, possesse, and subdue. For proofe whereof, I wilt alledge you examples of both kindes.

Wee reade in the olde Testament, how that after Noes flood was ceased, restauration of mankinde began onely of those fewe of Noes children and familie as were by God preelected to bee saued in the Arke with him, whose seede in processe of time, was multiplyed to infinite numbers of Nations, which in diuers sortes diuided themselues to sundry quarters of the earth. And foreasmuch as all their posteritie being mightily encreased, followed not the perfect life of Noe their predecessour, God chose out of the multitude a peculiar people to himselfe, to whom afterwardes being vnder the gouernment of Moyses in Mount Sinay, hee made a graunt to inherite the Land of Canaan, called the Land of promise, with all the other rich and fertile Countries next adioyning thereunto. Neuerthelesse, before they came to possession thereof, hauing bene afflicted with many grieuous punishments and plagues for their sinnes, they fell in despayre to enioy the same.

But being encouraged and comforted by their rulers, (men of God) they proceeded, arming themselues with all patience, to suffer whatsoeuer it should please God to send: and at last attaining to the Land, they were encountered with great numbers of strong people, and mighty Kings.

Iosua 4. Notwithstanding, Iosua their Leader replenished with the Spirite of God, being assured of the iustnesse of his quarrell, gathered the chiefe strength of the children Iosua 6. of Israel together, to the number of 40000. with whom he safely passed the huge riuer Iordon, and hauing before sent priuie spies for the discouerie of the famous citie Ierico, to vnderstand the certaintie of the Citizens estate, he forthwith came thither, and enuironed it round about with his whole power the space of seuen dayes.

In which respite, perceiuing none of the Gentiles disposed to yeeld or call for mercie, he then commanded (as God before had appointed) that both the citie Ierico should be burned, yea, and all the inhabitants, as well olde as young, with all their cattell should be destroyed, onely excepted Rahab, her kindred and familie, because shee before had hid secretly the messengers of Iosua, that were sent thither as spies. As for all their golde, siluer, precious stones, or vessels of brasse, they were reserued and consecrated to the Lords treasurie.

Ioshua 8. In like maner he burned the citie Hay, slew the inhabitants thereof, and hanged vp their King. Ioshua 9. But for so much as the Gebionites (fearing the like euent) sent Ambassadours vnto Iosua to entreate for grace, fauour, and peace: hee commaunded that all their liues should bee saued, and that they should be admitted to the children of Israel. Yet vnderstanding afterwards they wrought this by a pollicie, he vsed them as drudges to hewe wood and to carie water, and other necessaries for his people. Iudg. 11. 13. Thus beganne this valiant Captaine his conquest, which he pursued and neuer left till hee had subdued all the Hethites, Cananites. Peresites, Heuites, and Iebusites, with all their princes and Kings, being thirtie and one in number, and diuers other strange nations, besides whose lands and dominions he wholy diuided among Gods people.

Iudg. 1. After that Iosua was deceased, Iuda was constituted Lord ouer the armie, who receiuing like charge from God, pursued the proceedings of the holy captaine Iosua, and vtterly vanquished many Gentiles, Idolaters, and aduersaries to the children of Israel, with all such Rulers or Kings as withstoode him, and namely Adonibezek the most cruell tyrant: whose thumbes and great toes he caused to be cut off, for so much as hee had done the like before vnto seuentie Kings, whom being his prisoners, he forced to gather vp their victuals vnderneath his table. In this God shewed his iustice to reuenge tyrannie. A good note for al Conquerers to be mercifull. Iudg. 6. 7. We reade likewise, that Gedeon a most puissant and noble warriour so behaued himselfe in following the worthy acts of Iosua and Iuda, that in short time he not only deliuered the children of Israel from the hands of the multitude of the fierce Madianites, but also subdued them and their Tyrants, whose landes he caused Gods people to possesse and inherite.

I could recite diuers other places out of the Scripture, which aptly may be applyed hereunto, were it not I doe indeuour my selfe by all meanes to be briefe. Now in like maner will I alledge some fewe Inductions out of the autenticall writings of the Ecclesiasticall Historiographers, all tending to the like argument. And first to begin withall, we doe reade: That after our Sauiour Iesus Christ had suffered his passion, the Apostles being inspired with the holy Ghost, and the knowledge of all strange languages, did immediatly disperse themselues to sundry parts of the world, to the preaching of the Gospel. Yet not in so generall a maner, but that there remayned some farre remote Countries vnvisited by them, among the which it is reported that India the great, called the vttermost India, as yet had received no light of the word. Ruffinus lib. I. cap. 9. But it came to passe, that one Metrodorus, a very learned and wise Philosopher in that age, being desirous to search out vnknowen lands, did first discouer the same finding it wonderfull populous and rich, which vpon his returne being published, and for certaine vnderstood, there was another graue Philosopher of Tyrus called Meropius, being a Christian, who did resolue himselfe (following the example of Metrodorus) to trauaile thither, and in a short time assisted but with a fewe, in a small Vessel arriued there, hauing in his company two yong youths, Edesius and Frumentius, whom (being his schollers) he had thoroughly instructed both in liberall Sciences, and christian Religion. Now after that Meropius somewhile staying there, had (as hee thought) sufficient vnderstanding of the Indians whole estate: He determined to depart, and to bring notice thereof vnto the Emperour, whom he meant to exhort to the conquest of the same.

But by misfortune he was preuented, for being in the middest of his course on the Sea homeward, a sore tempest arose, and perforce droue him backe againe, to an unknowen Port of the said land: where he by the most cruell barbarous Indians on the sudden was slaine with all his company, except the two young Meropius slaine; Edesius and Frumentius preserued by the Indians. schollers aforesayde, whom the barbarous Indians, by reason they were of comely stature and beautifull personages, tooke, and forthwith presented them to their King and Queene: which both being very well liked of, the King courteously entreated, and ordeined Edesius to be his Butler, and Frumentius his Secretarie, and in few yeeres by reason of their learning and ciuill gouernment, they were had in great fauour, honour, and estimation with the Princes. But the King departing this life, left the Queene his wife with her yong sonne to gouerne, and gaue free scope and liberty to the two Christians, at their best pleasure to passe to their natiue soyles, allowing them all necessaries for the same. Yet the Queene who highly fauoured them was very sorrowfull they should depart, and therefore most earnestly intreated them to tarie and assist her in the gouernment of her people, till such time as her yong sonne grewe to ripe yeeres, which request they fulfilled.

Frumentius in great fauour with the Queene of the Indias; Another great worke begunne by a man a meane birth. And Frumentius excelling Edesius farre in all wisedome, ruled both the Queene and her subiects at his discretion, whereby he tooke occasion to put in practise priuily, that the foundation of Christian religion might be planted in the hearts of such as with whom he thought his perswasion might best preuaile, and that soonest would giue eare vnto him: which being brought to passe accordingly, hee then with his fellow Edesius tooke leaue of the Queene to returne to his natiue countrey. And so soone as he was arriued there, he reuealed to the Emperour Constantine, the effect of all those euents: who both commending his deedes and wholy allowing thereof, by the aduise and good liking of Athanasius then Bishop of Alexandria, did arme and set forth a conuenient power for the ayde of Frumentius, in this his so godly a purpose. And by this meanes came the Emperour afterwards by faire promises, and by force of armes together, vnto the possession of all the Indians countrey. Ruffinus the Author of this storie. The author of this storie Ruffinus receiued the trueth hereof from the very mouth of Edesius companion to Frumentius. Moreouer Eusebius in his Historie Ecclesiasticall1 in precise termes, and in diuers places maketh mention how Constantine the great not onely enlarged his Empire by the subduing of his next neighbours, but also endeauoured by all meanes to subiect all such remote Barbarous and Heathen nations, as then inhabited the foure quarters of the worlde. For (as it is written) the Emperour thoroughly ayded with a puissant armie of valiant souldiers whom he had before perswaded to Christian religion, in proper person himselfe came euen vnto this our country of England, then called the Island of Britaines, bending from him full West, which he wholy conquered, made tributarie, and setled therein Christian faith, and left behinde him such Rulers thereof, as to his wisedome seemed best. From thence hee turned his force towardes the North coast of the world, and there vtterly subdued the rude and cruell Nation of the Scythians, whereof part by friendly perswasions, part by maine strength, hee reduced the whole to Christian faith. Afterwards he determined with himselfe to search out what strange people inhabited in the vttermost parts of the South. And with great hazard and labour, making his iourney thither, at last became victour ouer them all euen to the countrey of the Blemmyans, and the remote Æthiopians, that now are the people of Presbyter Iohn, who yet till this day continue and beare the name of Christians.

In the East likewise, what Nation soeuer at that time he could haue notice of, he easily wonne and brought in subiection to the Empire. So that to conclude, there was no region in any part of the world, the inhabitants whereof being Gentiles, though vnkowen vnto him, but in time he ouercame and vanquished.

This worthy beginning of Constantine, both his sonnes succeeding his roome, and also diuers other Emperours afterward to their vttermost endeauour followed and continued, which all the bookes of Eusebius more at large set foorth. Theodoret in eccle. lib. 5. cap 20. Theodoretus likewise in his Ecclesiasticall historie maketh mention how Theodosius the vertuous Emperour imployed earnestly all his time, as well in conquering the Gentiles to the knowledge of the holy Gospel, vtterly subuerting their prophane Temples and abominable Idolatry, as also in extinguishing of such vsurping tyrants as with Paganisme withstoode the planting of Christian religion. Theodoretus cap. 26. eodem lib. After whose decease his sonnes Honorius and Arcadius were created Emperours, the one of the East, the other of the West, who with all the stout godlinesse most carefully imitated the foresteps of their Father; eyther in enlarging theyr territories, or increasing the christian flocke.

Moreouer, it is reported by the sayd author, that Theodosius iunior the Emperour, no whit inferior in vertuous life to any of the aboue named Princes, with great studie and zeale pursued and prosecuted the Gentiles, subdued their tyrants and countries, and vtterly destroyed all their idolatry, conuerting their soules to acknowledge their onely Messias and Creator, and their Countries to the enlargement of the Empire. To be briefe, who so listeth to read Eusebius Pamphilus, Socrates Scholasticus, Theodoritus Hermia, Sozomen, and Euagrius Scholasticus, which all were most sage Ecclesiasticall writers, shall finde great store of examples of the worthy liues of sundry Emperours, tending all to the confirmation of my former speeches.

And for like examples of later time, (yea euen in the memorie of man) I shall not neede to recite any other then the conquest made of the West and East Indies by the Kings of Spaine and Portugall, whereof there is particular mention made in the last chapter of this booke. Herein haue I vsed more copy of examples then otherwise I would haue done, sauing that I haue bene in place, where this maner of planting the Christian faith hath bene thought of some to be scarce lawfull, yea, such as doe take vpon them to be more then meanely learned. To these examples could I ioyne many moe, but whosoeuer is not satisfied with these fewe, may satisfie himselfe in reading at large the authors last aboue recited. Thus haue I (as I trust) prooued that we may iustly trade and traffique with the Sauages, and lawfully plant and inhabite their Countries.

The third Chapter doeth shew the lawfull title which the Queenes most excellent Maiestie hath vnto those countries, which through the ayde of Almighty God are meant to be inhabited.

1170. Owen Guyneth was then Prince of Northwales. And it is very euident that the planting there shal in time right amply enlarge her Maiesties Territories and Dominions, or (I might rather say) restore to her Highnesse ancient right and interest in those Countries, into the which a noble and worthy personage, lineally descended from the blood royall, Nullum tempus occurrit Regi. This Island was discouered by Sir Humfrey and his company, in this his last iourney. borne in Wales named Madock ap Owen Gwyneth, departing from the coast of England, about the yeere of our Lord God 1170. arriued and there planted himselfe and his Colonies, and afterward returned himselfe into England, leauing certaine of his people there, as appeareth in an ancient Welsh Chronicle, where he then gaue to certaine Ilands, beastes, and foules sundry Welsh names, as the Iland of Pengwin, which yet to this day beareth the same.

There is likewise a foule in the saide countreys called by the same name at this day, and is as much to say in English, as Whitehead, and in trueth the said foules haue white heads. There is also in those countreis a fruit called Gwynethes which is likewise a Welsh word. Moreouer, there are diuers other Welsh wordes at this day in vse, as Dauid Ingram aforesaid reporteth in his relations. All which most strongly argueth, the sayd prince with his people to haue inhabited there. And the same in effect is confirmed by Mutezuma2 that mightie Emperour of Mexico, who in an Oration vnto his subiects for the better pacifying of them, made in the presence of Hernando Cortes, vsed these speeches following.

Mutezuma his Oration to his subiects in presence of Hermando Cortes, which Oration was made about the yeere 1520. My kinsmen, friends, and seruants, you doe well know that eighteene yeres I haue bene your King, as my fathers and grandfathers were, and alwayes I haue bene vnto you a louing Prince, and you vnto me good and obedient subiects, and so I hope you will remaine vnto mee all the dayes of my life. You ought to haue in remembrance, that either you haue heard of your fathers, or else our diuines haue instructed you, that wee are not naturally of this countrey, nor yet our kingdome is durable, because our forefathers came from a farre countrey, and their King and Captaine, who brought them hither, returned againe to his naturall Countrey, saying that he would send such as should rule and gouerne vs, if by chance he himselfe returned not, &c.

These be the very wordes of Mutezuma set downe in the Spanish Chronicles, the which being thoroughly considered, because they haue relation to some strange noble person, who long before had possessed those countreys, doe all sufficiently argue the vndoubted title of her Maiestie: forasmuch as no other Nation can truely by any Chronicles they can finde, make prescription of time for themselues, before the time of this Prince Madoc. M. Oliuer Dalbony. M. Edward Reow. M.R.H. M.I.A. Besides all this, for further proofe of her highnesse title sithence the arriuall of this noble Briton into those parts (that is to say) in the time of the Queenes grandfather of worthy memory, King Henry the seuenth, Letters patents were by his Maiestie granted to Iohn Cabota an Italian, to Lewis, Sebastian and Sancius, his three sonnes, to discouer remote, barbarous and heathen Countreys, which discouery was afterwardes executed to the vse of the Crowne of England, in the sayde Kings time, by Sebastian and Sancius his sonnes, who were borne here in England: in true testimony whereof there is a faire hauen in Newfoundland, knowen, and called vntill this day by the name of Sancius hauen, which proueth that they first discouered vpon that coast from the height of 63 vnto the cape of Florida, as appeareth in the Decades.

And this may stand for another title to her Maiesty: but any of the foresayd titles is as much or more then any other Christian Prince can pretend to the Indies, before such time as they had actuall possession thereof, obtained by the discouery of Christopher Columbus, and the conquest of Vasques Nunnes de Balboa, Hernando Cortes, Francisco Pizarro, and others. And therefore I thinke it needlesse to write any more touching the lawfulnesse of her Maiesties title.

The fourth chapter sheweth how that the trade, traffike, and planting in those countreys is likely to proue very profitable to the whole realme in generall.

Now to shew how the same is likely to prooue very profitable and beneficiall generally to the whole realme: it is very certaine, that the greatest iewell of this realme, and the chiefest strength and force of the same, for defence or offence in marshal matter and maner, is the multitude of ships, masters and mariners, ready to assist the most stately and royall nauy of her Maiesty, which by reason of this voyage shall haue both increase and maintenance. Cox the master. And it is well knowen that in sundry places of this realme ships haue beene built and set forth of late dayes, for the trade of fishing onely: yet notwithstanding the fish which is taken and brought into England by the English nauy of fishermen, will no suffice for the expense of this realme foure moneths, if there were none els brought of strangers. And the chiefest cause why our English men doe not goe so farre Westerly as the especiall fishing places doe lie, both for plenty and greatnesse of fish, is for that they haue no succour and knowen safe harbour in those parts. But if our nation were once planted there, or neere thereabouts; whereas they now fish but for two moneths in the yeere, they might then fish as long as pleased themselues, or rather at their comming finde such plenty of fish ready taken, salted, and dried, as might be sufficient to fraught them home without long delay (God granting that salt may be found there) whereof Dauid Ingram (who trauelled in those countreys as aforesayd) sayth that there is great plenty: and withall the climate doth giue great hope, that though there were none naturally growing, yet it might as well be made there by art, as it is both at Rochel and Bayon, or elsewhere. Which being brought to passe, shall increase the number of our shippes and mariners, were it but in respect of fishing onely: but much more in regard of the sundry merchandizes and commodities which are there found, and had in great abundance.

Moreouer, it is well knowen that all Sauages, aswell those that dwell in the South, as those that dwell in the North, so soone as they shall begin but a little to taste of ciuility, will take maruelous delight in any garment, be it neuer so simple; as a shirt, a blew, yellow, red, or greene cotton cassocke, a cap, or such like, and will take incredible paines for such a trifle.

For I my selfe haue heard this report made sundry times by diuers of our countreymen, who haue dwelt in the Southerly parts of the West Indies, some twelue yeeres together, and some of lesse time; that the people in those parts are easily reduced to ciuility both in maners and garments. Which being so, what vent for our English clothes will thereby ensue, and how great benefit to all such persons and artificers, whose names are quoted in the margent,3 I do leaue to the iudgement of such as are discreet and questionlesse; hereby it will also come to passe, that all such townes and villages as both haue beene, and now are vtterly decayed and ruinated (the poore people thereof being not set on worke, by reason of the transportation of raw wooll of late dayes more excessiuely then in times past) shal by this meanes be restored to their pristinate wealth and estate: all which doe likewise tend to the inlargement of our nauy, and maintenance of our nauigation.

To what end need I endeuour my selfe by arguments to proue that by this voyage our nauie and nauigation shalbe inlarged, when as there needeth none other reason then the manifest and late example of the neere neighbours to this realme, the kings of Spaine and Portugall, who since the first discouery of the Indies, haue not onely mightily inlarged their dominions, greatly inriched themselues and their subiects: but haue also by iust account trebled the number of their shippes, masters and mariners, a matter of no small moment and importance?

The idle persons of this realme shall by occasion of this iourney bee well imployed and set on worke. Besides this, it will prooue a generall benefit vnto our countrey, that through this occasion, not onely a great number of men which do now liue idlely at home, and are burthenous, chargeable, and vnprofitable to this realme, shall hereby be set on worke, but also children of twelue or fourteene yeeres of age, or vnder, may bee kept from idlenesse, in making of a thousand kindes of trifling things, which wil be good merchandize for that countrey. Hempe doeth growe neere S. Laurence riuer naturally. And moreouer, our idle women (which the Realme may well spare) shall also be imployed on plucking, drying, and sorting of feathers, in pulling, beating, and working of hempe, and in gathering of cotton, and diuers things right necessary for dying. All which things are to be found in those countreys most plentifully. And the men may imploy themselues in dragging for pearle, woorking for mines, and in matters of husbandry, and likewise in hunting the whale for Trane, and making casks to put the same in: besides in fishing for cod, salmon, and herring, drying, salting and barrelling the same, and felling of trees, hewing and sawing of them, and such like worke, meete for those persons that are no men of Art or Science.

Many other things may bee found to the great reliefe and good employments of no small number of the naturall Subiects of this Realme, which doe now liue here idlely to the common annoy of the whole state. Read the beginning of the booke intituled Diuers touching the discouery of America. Neither may I here omit the great hope and likelyhood of a passage beyond the Grand Bay into the South Seas, confirmed by sundry authors to be found leading to Cataia, the Molluccas and Spiceries, whereby may ensue as generall a benefite to the Realme, or greater then yet hath bene spoken of, without either such charges, or other inconueniences, as by the tedious tract of time and perill, which the ordinary passage to those parts at this day doeth minister.

And to conclude this argument withall, it is well knowen to all men of sound iudgement, that this voyage is of greater importance, and will be found more beneficiall to our countrey, then all other voyages at this day in vse and trade amongst vs.

The fift chapter sheweth, that the trading and planting in those countreis is likely to proue to the particular profit of all aduenturers.

I must, now according to my promise shew foorth some probable reasons that the aduenturers in this iourney are to take particular profit by the same. It is therefore conuenient that I doe diuide the aduenturers into two sorts: the noblemen and gentlemen by themselues, and the Merchants by themselues. For, as I doe heare, it is meant that there shall be one societie of the Noblemen and Gentlemen, and another societie of the merchants. And yet not so diuided, but that eche society may freely and frankely trade and traffique one with the other.

And first to bend my speech to the noblemen and gentlemen, who doe chiefly seeke a temperate climate, wholesome ayre, fertile soile, and a strong place by nature whereupon they may fortifie, and there either plant themselues, or such other persons as they shall thinke good to send to bee lords of that place and countrey: to them I say, that all these things are verie easie to be found within the degrees of 30 and 60 aforesaid, either by South or North, both in the Continent, and in Islands thereunto adioyning at their choise: but the degree certaine of the eleuation of the pole, and the very climate where these places of force and fertility are to be found, I omit to make publike, for such regard as the wiser sort can easily coniecture: the rather because I doe certainly vnderstand, that some of those which haue the managing of this matter, knowe it as well or better then I my selfe, and do meane to reueale the same, when cause shall require, to such persons whom it shall concerne, and to no other: so that they may seat and settle themselues in such climate as shall best agree with their owne nature, disposition, and good liking: and in the whole tract of that land, by the description of as many as haue bene there, great plentie of minerall matter of all sorts, and in very many places, both stones of price, pearle and christall, and great store of beasts, birds and fowles both for pleasure and necessary for vse of man are to be found.

Beasts for pleasure. And for such as take delight in hunting, there are Stagges, Wilde bores, Foxes, Hares, Cunnies, Badgers, Otters, and diuers other such like for pleasure. Also for such as haue delight in hauking, there are haukes of sundry kinds, and great store of game, both for land and riuer, as Fezants, Partridges, Cranes, Heronshawes, Ducks, Mallards, and such like. Hides solde for forty shillings a piece. There is also a kinde of beast much bigger then an Oxe, whose hide is more then eighteene foote long, of which sort a countreyman of ours, one Walker a sea man, who was vpon that coast, did for a trueth report in the presence of diuers honourable and worshipfull persons, that he and his company did finde in one cottage aboue two hundred and fortie hides, which they brought away and solde in France for fortie shillings an hide: and with this agreeth Dauid Ingram, and describeth that beast at large, supposing it to be a certaine kinde of Buffe; Great grapes. Wine of the Palme tree. there are likewise beasts and fowles of diuers kinds, which I omit for breuities sake, great store of fish both in the salt water and in the fresh, plentie of grapes as bigge as a mans thumbe, and the most delicate wine of the Palme tree, of which wine there be diuers of good credit in this realme that haue tasted: and there is also a kind of graine called Maiz, Potato rootes, and sundry other fruits naturally growing there: so that after such time as they are once settled, they shall neede to take no great care for victuall.

And now for the better contentation and satisfaction of such worshipfull, honest minded, and well disposed Merchants, as haue a desire to the furtherance of euery good and commendable action, I will first say vnto them, as I haue done before to the Noblemen and Gentlemen, that within the degrees abouesayde, is doubtlesse to bee found the most wholesome and best temperature of ayre, fertilitie of soyle, and euery other commoditie or merchandize, for the which, with no small perill we doe trauell into Barbary, Spaine, Portugall, France, Italie, Moscouie and Eastland. All which may be either presently had, or at the least wise in very short time procured from thence with lesse danger then now we haue them. And yet to the ende my argument shall not altogether stand vpon likelihoods and presumptions, I say that such persons as haue discouered and trauelled those partes, doe testifie that they haue found in those countreys all these things following, namely:

Of beasts for furres: Marterns, Beauers, Foxes, blacke and white, Leopards.

Of wormes: Silke wormes great and large.

Of Birds: Hawkes, Bitters, Curlewes, Herons, Partridges, Cranes, Mallards, Wilde geese, Stocke dooues, Margaus, Blacke birds, Parrots, Pengwins.

Of Fishes: Codde, Salmon, Seales, Herrings.

Of Trees: Palme trees yeelding sweet wines, Cedars, Firres, Sasafras, Oake, Elme, Popler, and sundry other strange Trees to vs vnknowen.

Of fruites: Grapes very large, Muskemellons, Limons, Dates great, Orrenges, Figges, Prunes, Raisins great and small, Pepper, Almonds, Citrons.

Of Mettals: Golde, Siluer, Copper, Lead, Tinne.

Of Stones: Turkeis, Rubies, Pearls great and faire, Marble of diuers kindes, Iasper, Christall.

Sundry other commodities of all sorts: Rosen, Pitch, Tarre, Turpentine, Frankincense, Honny, Waxe, Rubarbe, Oyle Oliue, Traine oyle, Muske codde, Salt, Tallow, Hides, Hempe, Flaxe, Cochenello and dies of diuers sorts, Feathers of sundrie sorts, as for pleasure and filling of Featherbeds.

And seeing that for small costs, the trueth of these may be vnderstood (whereof this intended supply will giue vs more certaine assurance) I doe finde no cause to the contrary, but that all well minded persons should be willing to aduenture some competent portion for the furtherance of so good an enterprise.

Now for the triall hereof, considering that in the articles of the societie of the aduenturers in this voyage, there is prouision made, that no aduenturer shall be bound to any further charge then his first aduenture: and yet notwithstanding keepe still to himselfe his children, his apprentises and seruants, his and their freedome for trade and traffique, which is a priuiledge that aduenturers in other voyages haue not: and in the said articles it is likewise prouided, that none other then such as haue aduentured in the first voyage, or shal become aduenturers in this supply, at any time hereafter are to be admitted in the said society, but as redemptionaries, which will be very chargeable: therefore generally I say vnto all such according to the olde prouerbe, Nothing venture, nothing haue. For if it do so fall out, according to the great hope and expectation had, (as by Gods grace it will) the gaine which now they reap by traffique into other farre countries, shal by this trade returne with lesse charge, greater gaine, and more safety: Lesse charge, I say, by reason of the ample and large deepe riuers at the very banke, whereof there are many, whereby both easily and quietly they may transport from the innermost parts of the main land, all kind of merchandize, yea in vessels of great burden, and that three times, or twise in the yere at the least. Commodities found in August last. But let vs omit all presumptions how vehement soeuer, and dwel vpon the certainty of such commodities as were discouered by S. Humfrey Gilbert, and his assistants in Newfound land in August last. For there may be very easily made Pitch, Tarre, Rosen, Sope ashes in great plenty, yea, as it is thought, inough to serue the whole realme of euery of these kindes: And of Traine oyle such quantity, as if I should set downe the value that they doe esteeme it at, which haue bene there, it would seeme incredible.

It is hereby intended, that these commodities in this abundant maner, are not to be gathered from thence, without planting and setling there. And as for other things of more value, and that of more sorts and kindes then one or two (which were likewise discouered there) I doe holde them for some respects, more meete for a time to be concealed then vttered.

Of the fishing I doe speake nothing, because it is generally knowen: and it is not to be forgotten, what trifles they be that the Sauages doe require in exchange of these commodities: yea, for pearle, golde, siluer, and precious stones. All which are matters in trade and traffique of great moment. But admit that it should so fall out, that the aboue specified commodities shall not happily be found out within this first yeere: Yet it is very cleere that such and so many may be found out as shall minister iust occasion to thinke all cost and labour well bestowed. For it is very certaine, that there is one seat fit for fortification, of great safety, wherein those commodities following, especially are to be had, that is to say, Grapes for wine, Whales for oyle, Hempe for cordage, and other necccessary things, and fish of farre greater sise and plenty, then that of Newfound land, and of all these so great store, as may suffice to serue our whole realme.

Besides all this, if credit may be giuen to the inhabitants of the same soile, a certaine riuer doth thereunto adioyne, which leadeth to a place abounding with rich substance: I doe not hereby meane the passage to the Molluccaes, whereof before I made mention.

And it is not to be omitted, how that about two yeeres past, certaine merchants of S. Malo in France, did hyre a ship out of the Island of Iersey to the ende that they would keepe that trade secret from their Countreymen, and they would admit no mariner, other then the ship boy belonging to the said ship, to goe with them, which shippe was about 70. tunne. I doe know the shippe and the boy very well, and am familiarly acquainted with the owner, which voyage prooued very beneficiall.

To conclude, this which is already sayd, may suffice any man of reasonable disposition to serue for a taste, vntill such time as it shall please almighty God through our owne industrie to send vs better tydings. In the meane season, if any man well affected to this iourney, shall stand in doubt of any matter of importance touching the same, he may satisfie himselfe with the iudgement and liking of such of good calling and credite, as are principall dealers herein. For it is not neccessary in this treatise, publikely to set forth the whole secrets of the voyage.

The sixth Chapter sheweth that, the traffique and planting in those countries, shall be vnto the Sauages themselues very beneficiall and gainefull.

Now to the end it may appeare that this voyage is not vndertaken altogether for the peculiar commodity of our selues and our countrey (as generally other trades and iournies be) it shall fall out in proofe, that the Sauages shall hereby haue iust cause to blesse the houre when this enterprise was vndertaken.

First and chiefly, in respect of the most happy and gladsome tidings of the most glorious Gospel of our Sauiour Iesus Christ, whereby they may be brought from falshood to trueth, from darknesse to light, from the hie way of death to the path of life, from superstitious idolatrie to sincere Christianity, from the deuill to Christ, from hell to heauen. And if in respect of all the commodities they can yeelde vs (were they many moe) that they should but receiue this onely benefit of Christianity, they were more then fully recompenced.

But hereunto it may bee obiected, that the Gospel must bee freely preached, for such was the example of the Apostles: vnto whom although the authorities and examples before alledged of Emperors, Kings and Princes, aswel before Christs time as since, might sufficiently satisfie: yet for further answere, we may say 2 Corinth. 9. with S. Paul, If wee haue sowen vnto you heauenly things, doe you thinke it much that we should reape your carnall things? And withall, The workman is worthy of his hire. These heauenly tidings which those labourers our countreymen (as messengers of Gods great goodnesse and mercy) will voluntarily present vnto them, doe farre exceed their earthly riches. Moreouer, if the other inferiour worldly and temporall things which they shall receiue from vs, be weighed in equall ballance, I assure my selfe, that by equal iudgement of any indifferent person, the benefits which they then receiue, shall farre surmount those which they shall depart withall vnto vs. And admit that they had (as they haue not) the knowledge to put their land to some vse: yet being brought from brutish ignorance to ciuilitie and knowledge, and made then to vnderstand how the tenth part of their Land may be so manured and employed, as it may yeeld more commodities to the necessary vse of mans life, then the whole now doeth: What iust cause of complaint may they haue? And in my private opinion, I do verily thinke that God did create land, to the end that it should by culture and husbandry yeeld things necessary for mans life.

But this is not all the benefit which they shall receiue by the Christians: for, ouer and beside the knowledge how to till and dresse their grounds, they shal be reduced from vnseemly customes to honest maners, from disordered riotous routs and This bargen cannot be uniust, where both parties are gainers. companyes to a well gouerned common wealth, and withall, shalbe taught mechanicall occupations, arts, and liberall sciences: and which standeth them most vpon, they shalbe defended from the cruelty of their tyrannicall and bloodsucking neighbors the Canibals, whereby infinite number of their liues shalbe preserued. And lastly, by this meanes many of their poore innocent children shall be preserued from the bloody knife of the sacrificer, a most horrible and detestable custome in the sight of God and man, now and ever heretofore vsed amongst them. Many other things could I heere alledge to this purpose were it not that I doe feare lest I haue already more then halfe tired the reader.

The seuenth Chapter sheweth that the planting there, is not a matter of such charge or difficultie, as many would make it seeme to be.

Now therefore for proofe, that the planting in these parts is a thing that may be done without the ayde of the Princes power and purse, contrary to the allegation of many malicious persons, who wil neither be actors in any good action themselues, nor so much as afoord a good word to the setting forward thereof: and that worse is, they will take vpon them to make molehilles seeme mountaines, and flies elephants, to the end they may discourage others, that be very well or indifferently affected to the matter, being like vnto Esops dogge, which neither would eate Hay himselfe, nor suffer the poore hungry asse to feede thereon:

I say and affirme that God hath prouided such meanes for the furtherance of this enterprise, as doe stand vs in stead of great treasure: for first by reason that it hath pleased God of his great goodnesse, of long time to hold his merciful hand ouer this realme, in preseruing the people of the same, both from slaughter by the sword, and great death by plague, pestilence, or otherwise, there are at this day great numbers (God he knoweth) which liue in such penurie and want, as they could be contented to hazard their liues, and to serue one yeere for meat, drinke and apparell only, without wages, in hope thereby to amend their estates: which is a matter in such like iourneyes, of no small charge to the prince. Moreouer, things in the like iourneyes of greatest price and cost as victuall (whereof there is great plentie to be had in that countrey without money) and powder, great artillery, or corselets are not needefull in so plentifull and chargeable maner, as the shew of such a iourney may present: for a small quantitie of all these, to furnish the Fort only, will suffice vntill such time as diuers commodities may be found out in those parts, which may be thought well worthy a greater charge. Also the peculiar benefit of archers which God hath blessed this land withall before all other nations, will stand vs in great stead amongst those naked people.

Another helpe we haue also, which in such like cases is a matter of marueilous cost, and will be in in this iourney procured very easily (that is to say) to transport yeerely as well our people, as all other necessaries needfull for them into those parts by the fleet of merchants, that yeerely venture for fish in Newfound-land, being not farre distant from the countrey meant to be inhabited, who commonly goe with emptie vessels in effect, sauing some litle fraight with salt. And thus it appeareth that the souldier, wages, and the transportation may be defrayed for farre lesse summes of money then the detractors of this enterprise haue giuen out. Againe, this intended voyage for conquest, hath in like maner many other singular priuiledges wherewith God hath, as it were, with his holy hand blessed the same before all others. For after once we are departed the coast of England, wee may passe straight way thither, without danger of being driuen into any the countries of our enemies, or doubtfull friends: for commonly one winde serueth to bring vs thither, which seldome faileth from the middle of Ianuarie to the middle of May, a benefite which the mariners make great account of, for it is a pleasure that they haue in a few or none of other iourneyes. Also the passage is short, for we may goe thither in thirtie or fortie dayes at the most, hauing but an indifferent winde, and returne continually in twentie or foure and twentie dayes at the most. And in the same our iourney, by reason it is in the Ocean, and quite out of the way from the intercourse of other countreyes, we may safely trade and traffique without peril of piracy: neither shall our ships, people, or goods there, be subiect to arrest or molestation of any Pagan potentate, Turkish tyrant, yea, or Christian prince, which heretofore sometimes vpon slender occasion in other parts haue stayed our ships and merchandizes, whereby great numbers of our countrymen haue bene vtterly vndone, diuers put to ransome, yea, and some lost their liues: a thing so fresh in memorie as it neede no proofe, and is well worthy of consideration.

Besides, in this voyage we doe not crosse the burnt line,4 whereby commonly both beuerage and victuall are corrupted, and mens health very much impayred, neither doe we passe the frozen seas, which yeelde sundry extreame dangers but haue a temperate climate at all times of the yeere, to serue our turnes. And lastly, there neede no delayes by the way for taking in of fresh water and fewell, (a thing vsually done in long iournies) because, as I sayd aboue, the voyage is not long, and the fresh waters taken in there, our men here in England at their returne home haue found so wholesome and sweete, that they haue made choise to drinke it before our beere and ale.

Behold heere, good countreymen, the manifold benefits and commodities and pleasures heretofore vnknowen, by Gods especiall blessing not onely reueiled vnto vs, but also as it were infused into our bosomes, who though hitherto like dormice haue slumbred in ignorance thereof, being like the cats that are loth for their prey to wet their feet: yet if now therefore at the last we would awake, and with willing mindes (setting friuolous imaginations aside) become industrious instruments to our selues, questionlesse we should not only hereby set forth the glory of our heauenly father, but also easily attaine to the end of all good purposes that may be wished or desired.

And may it not much encourage vs to hope for good successe in the countrey of the Sauages, being a naked kinde of people, voyde of the knowledge of the discipline of warre, seeing that a noble man, being but a subiect in this realme (in the time of our king Henry the second) by name Strangbow, then earle of Chepstow in South Wales, by himselfe and his allies and assistants, at their owne proper charges haue passed ouer into Ireland, and there made conquest of the now countrey, and then kingdome of Lynester, at which time it was very populous and strong, which History our owne chronicles do witnesse: And why should we be dismayed more then were the Spanyards, who haue bene able within these few yeeres to conquer, possesse, and enioy so large a tract of the earth, in the West Indies, as is betweene the two tropikes of Cancer and Capricorne, not onely in the maine firme land of America, which is 47. degrees in latitude from South to North, and doth containe 2820. English miles at the least, that the king of Spaine hath there in actuall possession, besides many goodly and rich Islands, as Hispaniola, now called S. Domingo, Cuba, Iamaica, and diuers other which are both beautifull and full of treasure, not speaking any whit at all, how large the said land is from East to West, which in some places is accounted to be 1500. English miles at the least from East to West, betweene the one Sea and the other.

2. Decad. lib. 5. fol. 77. of the West Indies in English. Canoa is a kind of boat. 3. Decad. lib. I. fol. 97. About the yere of our Lord 1511. Or why should our noble nation be dismaid, more then was Vasques Nunnes de Valboa, a priuate gentleman of Spaine, who with the number of 70. Spaniards at Tichiri, gaue an ouerthrow vnto that mighty king Chemaccus, hauing an armie of an hundred Canoas and 5000. men, and the said Vasques Nunnes not long after, with his small number, did put to flight king Chiapes his whole armie.

Conquest of the West Indies. fol. 43. and 45. English. Likewise Hernando Cortes, being also but a priuate gentleman of Spaine, after his departure from the Islands of Cuba and Acuzamil, and entring into the firme of America, had many most victorious and triumphant conquests, as that at Cyntla, where being accompanied with lesse then 500. Spanish footmen, thirteene horsemen and sixe pieces of Ordinance only, he ouerthrew 40000. Indians. The same Cortes with his sayd number of Spanyards, tooke prisoner that mighty Emperour Mutezuma in his most chiefe and famous citie of Mexico, which at that instant had in it aboue the number of 50000. Indians at the least, and in short time after obtained not onely the quiet possession of the said citie, but also of his whole Empire.

A marueilous victorie. And in like maner in the Countrey of Peru, which the king of Spaine hath now in actuall possession, Francisco Pysarro, with the onely ayd of Diego de Almagro, and Hernando Luche, being all three but priuate gentlemen, was the principall person that first attempted discouerie and conquest of the large and rich countrey of Peru, which through the ayd of the almighty, he brought to passe and atchieued in the Tambo of Caxamalca, (which is a large place of ground, enclosed with walles) in which place he tooke the great and mightie prince Atabalipa prisoner, midst the number of 60000. Indians his subiects, which were euer before that day accounted to bee a warlike kind of people, which his great victorie it pleased God to grant vnto him in the yeere of our Lord God 1533. he not hauing in his company aboue the number of 210. Spaniards, whereof there were not past threescore horsemen in all: after the taking of which prince Atabalipa, he offered vnto Pyzarro for his ransome, to fill a great large hall full of gold and siluer, and such golde and siluer vessels as they then vsed, euen as high as a man might reach with his arme. And the sayd prince caused the same hall to be marked round about at the sayd height, which ransome Pyzarro granted to accept. And after when as this mighty prince had sent to his vassals and subiects to bring in gold and siluer for the filling of the hall, as aforesaid, as namely to the cities or townes of Quito, Paciacama and Cusco, as also to the Calao of Lima, in which towne, as their owne writers doe affirme, they found a large and faire house, all slated and couered with gold: and when as the said hall was not yet a quarter ful, a mutinie arose amongst the Spanyards, in which it was commonly giuen out, that the said prince had politikely offered this great ransome vnder pretence to raise a much more mightie power, whereby the Spanyards should be taken, slaine and ouerthrowen: wherevpon they grew to this resolution, to put the sayd prince to death, and to make partition of the golde and siluer already brought in, which they presently put in execution. And comming to make perfect Inuentorie of the same, as well for the Emperour then king of Spaine, his fift part, as otherwise, there was found to be already brought in into the sayd hall, the number of 132425. pound weight of siluer, and in golde the number of 1828125. pezos, which was a riches neuer before that nor since seene of any man together, of which there did appertaine to the Emperour for his fift part of golde 365625. pezos, and for his fift part of, siluer 26485. pound waight, and to euery horseman eight thousand pezos of gold, and 67. pound waight of siluer. Euery souldier had 4550. pezos of gold and 280. pound waight of siluer. Euery Captaine had some 30000. some 20000. pezos of gold and siluer proportionally answerable to their degrees and calling, according to the rate agreed vpon amongst them.

Francis Pizarro as their generall, according to his decree and calling proportionally, had more then any of the rest, ouer and besides the massie table of gold which Atabalipa had in his Letter, which waighed 25000. pezos of gold: neuer were there before that day souldiers so rich in so small a time, and with so little danger And in this iourney for want of yron, they did shoe their horses, some with gold, and some with siluer. This is to be seene in the generall historie of the West Indies, where as the doings of Pizarro, and the conquest of Peru is more at large set forth.

To this may I adde the great discoueries and conquests which the princes of Portugall haue made round about the West, the South, and the East parts of Africa, and also at Callicut and in the East Indies, and in America, at Brasile and elsewhere in sundry Islands, in fortifying, peopling and planting all along the sayd coastes and Islands, euer as they discouered: which being lightly weyed and considered, doth minister iust cause of yncouragement to our Countreymen, not to account it so hard and difficult a thing for the subiects of this noble realme of England, to discouer, people, plant and possesse the like goodly lands and rich countreys not farre from vs, but neere adioyning land offring themselues vnto vs (as is aforesayd) which haue neuer yet heretofore bene in the actuall possession of any other Christian prince, then the princes of this Realme. All which (as I thinke) should not a little animate and encourage vs to looke out and aduenture abroad, vnderstanding what large Countreys and Islands the Portugals with their small number haue within these few yeeres discouered, peopled and planted, some part whereof I haue thought it not amisse, briefly in particular to name both the Townes, Countreys, and Islands, so neere as I could vpon the sudden call them to remembrance: for the rest I doe referre the Reader to the histories, where more at large the same is to be seene. First, they did winne and conquere from the princes of Barbary the Island of Geisera and towne of Arzila, not past an 140. mile distant from their Metropolitane and chiefe citie of Fesse: and after that they wonne also from the said princes the townes of Tanger, Ceuta, Mazigan, Azamor, and Azaffi, all alongst the Sea coasts. And in the yeere of our Lord, 1455. Alouis de Cadomosta5 a Gentleman Venetian, was hee that first discouered for their vse Cape Verd, with the Islands adioyning, of which he then peopled and planted those of Bonauista and Sant Iago discouering also the riuer Senega, otherwise called Niger, and Cape Roxo and Sierra Leone, and in few yeeres after they did discouer the coast of Guinea, and there peopled and built the castle of Mina: then discouered they further to the countreys of Melegettes, Benin, and Congo, with the Islands of Principe, da Nabon, S. Matthewe, and S. Thomas vnder the Equinoctiall line, which they peopled, and built in the said Island of S. Thomas the hauen towne or port of Pauosan. After that, about the yeere of our Lord, 1494. one Bartholomew Dias was sent forth, who was the first man that discouered and doubled that great and large Cape called de Bon Esperanze, and passing the currents that run vpon the said coast, on the Southeast part of Africa, betweene the said maine land and the Island of S. Laurence, otherwise called of the ancients, Madagascar, he discouered to the harbor named the Riuer of the Infant. Ceffella accompted to be the place where the noble and wise king Salomon did fetch his gold. After that since the yeere of our Lord God, 1497. and before the ful accomplishment of the yeere of Christ, 1510. through the trauailes and discoueries of Vasques de Gama,6 Peter Aluares, Thomas Lopes, Andrew Corsale, Iohn de Empoli, Peter Sintia, Sancho de Toar, and that noble and worthy gentleman Alonzo de Albuquerque,7 they did discouer, people, and plant at Ceffala, being vpon the East side of Africa, in the twenty degrees of latitude of the South Pole, and direct West from the Island of S. Laurence (at which port of Ceffala, diuers doe affirme that king Salomon did fetch his gold) as also vpon the said East side of Africa, they did afterward discouer people, and plant at Mozambique, Quiola, Monbaza, and Melinde, two degrees of Southerly latitude, and so vp to the Streight of Babell–Mandell at the entring of the red sea, all vpon the East coast of Africa, from whence they put off at the Cape Guarda Fu, and passed the great gulfe of Arabia and the Indian Sea East to Sinus Persicus, and the Island of Ormus, and so passing the large and great riuer Indus, where he hath his fall into the maine Ocean, in 23. degrees and an halfe, vnder the tropike of Cancer, of Septentrional latitude, they made their course againe directly towardes the South, and began to discouer, people, and plant vpon the West side of the hither India at Goa, Mangolar, Cananor, Calecut and Cochin, and the Island of Zeilam.8

And here I thinke good to remember to you, that after their planting vpon this coast, their forces grewe so great that they were able to compel all the Moores, the subiectes of the mightie Emperour of the Turkes to pay tribute vnto them, euer as they passed the gulfe of Arabia, from the port of Mecca in Arabia Foelix, where Mahomet lieth buried, or any of the other portes of the sayd land, euer as they passed to and from the hauens of Cochin, Calecut, and Cananor, and by their martiall maner of discipline practised in those partes, the great and mightie prince the Sophie Emperour of the Persians, and professed enemie to the Turke, came to the knowledge and vse of the Caliuer shot, and to interlace and ioyne footemen with his horsemen, sithence which time the Persians haue growen to that strength and force, that they haue giuen many mighty and great ouerthrowes to the Turke, to the great quiet of all Christendome.

These are the furthest parts of the world from England. At these Islands hath sir Francis Drake bene, where the fame of the Queenes most excellent Maiestie was renowmed. And from the Island of Zeilam aforesayd they all discouered more East in passing the gulfe of Bengala, and so passed the notable and famous riuer of Ganges, where hee hath his fall into the maine Ocean, vnder the tropike of Cancer, and to the Cape of Malaca, and vnto the great and large Islands of Sumatra, Iaua maior, Iaua minor, Mindanao, Palobane, Celebes, Gilolo, Tidore, Mathin, Borneo, Machian, Terenate, and all other the Islands of Molucques and Spiceries, and so East alongst the coasts of Cathaia, to the portes of China, Zaiton and Quinsay, and to the Island of Zipango and Iapan, situate in the East, in 37. degrees of Septentrionall latitude and in 195. of longitude. These are their noble and worthie discoueries. Here also is not to bee forgotten, that in the yeere of our Lord. 1501, that famous and worthy gentleman Americus Vespucius did discouer, people, and plant to their vse the holdes and forts which they haue in Brasill, of whom (he but being a priuate gentleman) the whole countrey or firme land of the West Indies, is commonly called and knowen by the name of America.

I doe greatly doubt least I seeme ouer tedious in the recitall of the particular discoueries and Conquests of the East and West Indies, wherein I was the more bold to vrge the patience of the Reader, to the end it might most manifestly and at large appeare, to all such as are not acquainted with the histories, how the king of Portugall, whose Countrey for popularity and number of people, is scarce comparable to some three shires of England, and the king of Spaine likewise, whose natural Countrey doth not greatly abound with people, both which princes by means of their discoueries within lesse then 90. yeeres past, haue as it appeareth both mightily and marueilously enlarged their territories and dominions through their owne industrie by the assistance of the omnipotent, whose aid we shall not need to doubt, seeing the cause and quarrell which we take in hand tendeth to his honour and glory, by the enlargement of the Christian faith.

To conclude, since by Christian dutie we stand bound chiefly to further all such acts as do tend to the encreasing the true flock of Christ by reducing into the right way those lost sheepe which are yet astray: And that we shall therein follow the example of our right vertuous predecessors of renowned memorie, and leaue vnto our posteritie a diuine memoriall of so godly an enterprise: Let vs I say for the considerations alledged, enter into iudgement with our selues, whether this action may belong to vs or no, the rather for that this voyage through the mighty assistance of the omnipotent God, shall take our desired effect (whereof there is no iust cause of doubt.) Then shal her Maiesties dominions be enlarged, her highnesse ancient titles iustly confirmed, all odious idlenesse from this our Realme vtterly banished, diuers decayed townes repaired, and many poor and needy persons relieued, and estates of such as now liue in want shail be embettered, the ignorant and barbarous idolaters taught to know Christ, the innocent defended from their bloodie tyrannical neighbours, the diabolicall custome of sacrificing humane creatures abolished.

All which (no man doubteth) are things gratefull in the sight of our Sauiour Christ, and tending to the honour and glory of the Trinitie. Bee of good cheere therefore, for he that cannot erre hath sayd: That before the ende of the world, his word shall bee preached to all nations. Which good work I trust is reserued for our nation to accomplish in these parts: Wherefore my deere countreymen, be not dismayed: for the power of God is nothing diminished, nor the loue that he hath to the preaching and planting of the Gospel any whit abated. Shall wee then doubt he will be lesse ready most mightily and miraculously to assist our nation in this quarell, which is chiefly and principally vndertaken for the enlargement of the Christian faith abroad, and the banishment of idlenes at home, then he was to Columbus, Vasques, Nunnes, Hernando Cortes, and Francis Pizarro in the West: and Vasques de Gama, Peter Aluares, et Alonso de Albuquerque in the East: Let vs therefore with cheerefull minds and couragious hearts, giue the attempt, and leaue the sequell to Almightie God: for if he be on our part, what forceth it who bee against vs: Thus leauing the correction and reformation vnto the gentle Reader, whatsoeuer is in this treatise too much or too little, otherwise vnperfect, I take leaue and so end.

1 Marginal note. Euseb. in his Ecclesiasticall historie, testifieth how that Constantine the great did enlarge his dominions by subduing of Infidels and Idolatrous nations. Eusebius lib. I. de vita Constant. cap. 4. et cap. 9. Euseb. cod. lib. cap. 39.

2 Montezuma.

3 Marginal note. — Clothiers. Woolmen. Carders. Spinners. Weauers Fullers. Sheermen. Diers. Drapers. Cappers. Hatters, &c. and many decayed townes repayred.

4 Equator

5 Louis Cadamosto, a Venetian, born about 1422, sailed from Madeira in 1455. under the auspices of Dom Henry, son of King John of Portugal. He discovered Senegal, Cape Verd, and Gambia River. In a second voyage, in 1456, he pushed as far as the Saint Dominic River. On his return to his native land in 1464, he published an account of his travels.

6 Vasco da Gama was the first to double the Cape of Good Hope. Died at Cochin, 24th December 1525.

7 Alonzo, Duke of Albuquerque, an illegitimate descendant of the Kings of Portugal, established the Portuguese power on the East Coast of Africa, in Arabia, the Persian Gulf, further India, the Moluccas, etc. As Viceroy of the East Indies, his justice and chivalrous nature won the love and respect of all, and many years after his death, which happened in 1515, the natives used to make pilgrimages to his tomb to pray for justice against his cruel successors.

8 Ceylon.

A letter of Sir Francis Walsingham to M. Richard Hakluyt then of Christchurch in Oxford, incouraging him in the study of Cosmographie, and of furthering new discoueries, &c.

I vnderstand aswel by a letter I long since receiued from the Maior of Bristoll, as by conference with Sir Iohn Pekham, that you haue endeuoured, and giuen much light for the discouery of the Westerne partes yet vnknowen: as your studie in those things is very commendable, so I thanke you much for the same; wishing you do continue, your trauell in these and like matters, which are like to turne not only to your owne good in priuate, but to the publike benefice of this Realme. And so I bid you farewell. From the Court the 11. of March. 1582.

Your louing Friend, FRANCIS WALSINGHAM.

A letter of Sir Francis Walsingham to Master Thomas Aldworth merchant, and at that time Maior of the Citie of Bristoll, concerning their aduenture in the Westerne discouerie.

After my heartie commendations, I haue for certaine causes deferred the answere of your letter of Nouember last till now, which I hope commeth all in good time. Your good inclination to the Westerne discouerie I cannot but much commend. And for that sir Humfrey Gilbert, as you haue heard long since, hath bene preparing into those parts being readie to imbarke within these 10. dayes, who needeth some further supply of shipping then yet he hath, I am of opinion that you shall do well if the ship or 2. barkes you write of, be put in a readinesse to goe alongst with with him, or so soone after as you may. I hope this trauell wil prooue profitable to the Aduenturers and generally beneficiall to the whole realme: herein I pray you conferre with these bearers M. Richard Hackluyt, and M. Thomas Steuenton, to whome I referre you: And so bid you heertily farewell. Richmond the 11. of March. 1582.

Your louing Friend, FRANCIS WALSINGHAM.

A letter written from M. Thomas Aldworth merchant and Maior of the Citie of Bristoll, to the right honourable Sir Francis Walsingham principall Secretary to her Maiestie, concerning a Westerne voyage intended for the discouery of the coast of America, lying to the Southwest of Cape Briton.

Right honourable, vpon the receit of your letters directed vnto me and deliuered by the bearers hereof M. Richard Hakluyt and M. Steuenton, bearing the date the 11. of March, I presently conferred with my friends in priuate, whom I know most affectionate to this most godly enterprise, especially with M. William Salterne deputie of our company of merchants: whereupon my selfe being as then sicke, with as conuenient speede as he could, hee caused an assembly of the merchants to be gathered: where after dutifull mention of your honourable disposition for the benefite of this citie, he by my appointment caused your letters being directed vnto me priuately, to be read in publike, and after some good light giuen by M. Hakluyt vnto them that were ignorant of the Countrey and enterprise, and were desirous to be resolued the motion grew generally so well to be liked, that there was eftsoones set downe by mens owne hands then present, and apparently knowen by their own speach, and very willing offer, the summe of 1000. markes and vpward: which summe if it should not suffice, we doubt not but otherwise to furnish out for this Westerne discouery, a ship of threescore, and a barke of 40. tunne, to bee left in the countrey vnder the direction and gouernment of your sonne in law M. Carlile, of whom we haue heard much good, if it shall stand with your honors good liking and his acceptation. In one of which barks we are also willing to haue M. Steuenton your honours messenger, and one well knowen to vs as captaine. And here in humble maner, desiring your honour to vouchsafe vs of your further direction by a generall letter to my selfe, my brethren, and the rest of the merchants of this city, at your honors best and most conuenient leisure, because we meane not to deferre the finall proceeding in this voyage, any further then to the end of April next comming, I cease, beseeching God long to blesse and prosper your honourable estate. Bristol. March 27. 1583.

A briefe and summary discourse vpon the intended voyage to the hithermost parts of America: written by Captaine Carlile in April, 1583. for the better inducement to satisfie such Merchants of the Moscouian companie and others, as in disbursing their money towards the furniture of the present charge, doe demand forthwith a present returne of gaine, albeit their said particular disbursements are required but in very slender summes, the highest being 25. li. the second at 12. li. 10. s. and the lowest at 6. pound fiue shilling.

When the Goldsmith desireth to finde the certaine goodnesse of a piece of golde, which is newly offered vnto him, he presently bringeth the same to the touchstone, where by comparing the shewe or touch of this new piece with the touch or shew of that which he knoweth of old, he forthwith is able to iudge what the value is of that, which is newly offered vnto him. After the example whereof I haue thought it good to make some briefe repetition of the particular estate of many other forren voyages and trades already frequented and knowen vnto vs, whereby we may be the better able to conceiue and iudge what certaine likelihood of good there is to be expected in the voyage, which is presently recommended vnto your knowledge and resolution.

And first to lay downe that of Moscouia, whose beginning is yet in the remembrance of many: It is well knowen, that what by the charges of the first discouery, and by the great gifts bestowed on the Emperour and his Nobilitie, togither with the leud dealing of some of their seruants, who thought themselues safe enough from orderly punishment, it cost the company aboue fourescore thousand pounds, before it could be brought to any profitable reckoning. And now that after so long a patience and so great a burthen of expences, the same began to frame to some good course and commoditie: It falleth to very ticklish termes, and to as slender likelihood of any further goodnesse, as any other trade that may be named.

For first the estate of those Countreys and the Emperours dealings, are things more fickle then are by euery body vnderstood.

Next, the Dutchmen are there so crept in as they daily augment their trade thither, which may well confirme that vncertainty of the Emperours disposition to keepe promise with our nation.

Thirdly, the qualitie of the voyage, such as may not be performed but once the yeere.

Fourthly, the charges of all Ambassadours betweene that Prince and her Maiesty, are alwayes borne by the merchants stocke.

And lastly, the danger of the king of Denmarke, who besides that presently he is like to enforce a tribute on vs, hath likewise an aduantage vpon the ships in their voyage, either homewards or outwards whensoeuer he listeth to take the opportunitie.

The badde dealings of the Easterlings are sufficiently knowen to be such towards our merchants of that trade, as they doe not onely offer them many iniuries ouerlong to bee written, but doe seeke all the meanes they can, to depriue them wholy of their occupying that way: and to the same purpose haue of late cleane debarred them their accustomed and ancient priuiledges in all their great townes.

The traffique into Turkie, besides that by some it is thought a hard point to haue so much familiaritie with the professed and obstinate enemie of Christ: It is likewise a voyage which can not be made but at the deuotion, and as it were in the danger of many states, who for sundry respects are apt to quarell with vs vpon sudden occasions, and the presents to be giuen away in Turkie this yeere, cost little lesse then two thousand pounds.

As for the trades into all the parts of Italie, it may easily be considered by euery one of iudgement, that the same stand in the like termes touching the passages, as that of Turkie, and that many times our shippes being taken in the way by the Gallies of Alger, our poore Mariners after the losse of their goods and trauell, are set at such excessiue ransoms before they can bee freed of their slauerie, as for the most part they are no way able to discharge. As for example, at this instant there are some prisoners, poore ordinarie Mariners, for whose releasing there must be payed two hundred Duckets the man, for some three hundred, yea, foure or fiue hundred Duckets the man for some of them. And how enuiously the Venetians doe already oppose themselues against our frequenting into their parts, may appeare by the late customs which they haue imposed as well vpon our English merchandize which we bring them, as also vpon such their merchandize which we fetch from them.

The trade into Barbarie groweth likewise to worse termes then before times, and when it was at the best, our merchants haue bene in danger of all their goods they had there, whensoever it happened the king to die. For vntill a new were chosen, the libertie of all disordered persons is such, as they spoile and wrong whom they list, without any redresse at all.

Remember the great arrest of the Hollanders. An. 1598. Touching Spaine and Portugall, with whom wee haue very great trade, and much the greater, by meanes of their venting a good part of our wares in their Indies, as also of the prouision they haue from the same, wherewith are made many of our returnes from them againe: It falleth out that twise the yeere ordinarily we send our Fleetes into those parts: So that whensoeuer the king of Spaine listeth to take the opportunitie, hee may at these seasons depriue vs not onely of a great number of our very good ships, but also of our honestest and ablest sort of Mariners that are to bee found in our whole Realme againe, which is a matter of no small consequence: for it is to bee noted, that when hee shall take a quarrell in hand, though it be but his owne particularly, yet hath he the meanes to put in hazard as well those our shippes which are in his owne Countreys of Spaine and Portugall, as also all others which shall bee bound to any the partes of all Italie or of Turkie either. And further whosoeuer hee bee that is but meanely affected in Religion, as of necessitie becommeth euery ordinarie man and good Christian to be, cannot but be agrieued in his heart to consider, that his children and seruants whom hee desireth to haue well brought vp, are in these trades of Spaine and Portugall, and all Italie, forced to denie their owne profession, and to acquaint themselues with that which the Parents and Masters doe vtterly deny and refuse, yea which many of them doe in their owne hearts abhorre as a detestable and most wicked doctrine.

But who shall looke into the qualitie of this voyage, being directed to the latitude of fortie degrees or thereaboutes, of that hithermost part of America, shal find it hath as many points of good moment belonging vnto it, as may almost be wished for.

Commodities of this voyage in shortnesse. 1 As first it is to be vnderstood, that it is not any long course, for it may be perfourmed too and fro in foure moneths after the first discouerie thereof.

2 Secondly, that one wind sufficeth to make the passage, whereas most of your other voyages of like length, are subiect to 3. or 4. winds.

3 Thirdly, that it is to be perfourmed at all times of the yeere.

4 Fourthly, that the passage is vpon the high sea, wherby you are not bound to the knowledge of dangers, on any other coast, more then of that Countrey, and of ours here at home.

5 Fiftly, that those parts of England and Ireland, which lie aptest for the proceeding outward or homeward vpon this voyage. are very well stored of goodly harbours.

6 Sixtly, that it is to bee accounted of no danger at all as touching the power of any foreine prince or state, when it is compared with any the best of all other voyages before recited.

7 And to the godly minded, it hath this comfortable commoditie, that in this trade their Factours, bee they their seruants or children, shall haue no instruction or confessions of Idolatrous Religion enforced vpon them, but contrarily shall be at their free libertie of conscience, and shall find the same Religion exercised, which is most agreeable vnto their Parents and Masters.

As for the merchandising, which is the matter especially looked for, albeit that for the present we are not certainely able to promise any such like quantitie, as is now at the best time of the Moscouian trade brought from thence: So likewise is there not demanded any such proportion of daily expences, as was at the first, and as yet is consumed in that of Moscouia and other.

Commodities of the countrey more then those of Moscouie. But when this of America shall haue bene haunted and practised thirtie yeeres to an ende as the other hath bene, I doubt not by Gods grace, that for the tenne shippes that are now commonly employed once the yeere into Moscouia, there shall in this voyage twise tenne be imployed well, twise the yeere at the least. And if for the present there doe fall out nothing els to bee found then the bare Fishing, yet doubt I not after the first yeeres planting but by that matter only to serue halfe a dozen of your best sorts of ships, although my supply of people doe not follow me so substantially, as in all reason may be well looked for.

The seuerall merchandise. But when it is asked what may be hoped from thence after some yeeres, it is first to be considered, that this situation in fourtie degrees, shall bee very apt to gather the commodities either of those parts which stand to the Southward of it, as also of those which are to the Northward.

In the Northerlie may be expected not onely an especiall good fishing for Salmon, Codde, and Whales, but also any other such commodities, as the Easterne Countreys doe yeeld vs now: as Pitch, Tarre, Hempe, and thereof cordage, Masts, Losshe hides, rich Furres, and other such like without being in any son beholding to a king of Denmarke, or other prince or state that shall be in such sort able to command our shippes at their pleasure, as those doe at this day, by meanes of their strait passages and strong shipping.

As for those partes which lie West and to the Southwardes, it may well bee hoped they will yeeld Wines with a small helpe, since the grapes doe growe there of themselues alreadie very faire and in great abundance. Oliues being once planted, will yeelde the like Oyle as Spaine, Prouince and Italie. The Countrey people being made to know, that for Waxe and honie, we will giue them such trifling things as they desired of vs, and shewing them once the means how to prouide the same, the labour thereof being so light, no doubt but in short time they will earnestly care to haue the same in good quantitie for vs. A lake of salt in Vasques his voyage. Besides, what great likelihoode there is of good meanes to make Salt, which may serue for the fishing of those partes, may well appeare vnto them, who can iudge the qualitie of such places as are required to make the same in.

Thus much for the beginning, because they may bee had with an easie kinde of trauell: but when it may haue pleased God to establish our people there any such time as they may haue planted amongst them in sundry partes of the Countrey, and that by gentle and familiar treating them, they bee made to see what is better for them then they doe as yet vnderstand of, and that in so many sorts of occasions as were infinite to be set downe: It is to bee assuredly hoped, that they will daily by little and little forsake their barbarous and sauage liuing, and growe to such order and ciuilitie with vs, as there may be well expected from thence no lesse quantitie and diuersitie of merchandize then is now had out of Dutchland, Italie, France or Spaine. And as the bordering neighbours are commonly the aptest to fall out with vs, so these parts being somewhat remote, are the liker to take, or giue lesse occasion of disquiet. But when it is considered that they are our own kindred, and esteemed our own countrey nation which haue the government, meaning by those who shall be there planted, who can looke for any other then the dealing of most louing and most assured friends?

There are further to be considered these two poynts of good importance, concerning the matter of trade. The one is, that by the good prospering of this action, there must of necessitie fall but a very liberall vtterance of our English Clothes into a maine Country, described to bee bigger then all Europe, the larger part whereof bending to the Northward, shall haue wonderfull great vse of her sayde English Clothes, after they shall come once to knowe the commoditie thereof. The like will bee also of many other things, ouer many to bee reckoned, which are made here by our Artificers and labouring people, and of necessitie must bee prouided from hence.

The other is, if there be any possible meanes to finde a sea passage or other fresh water course, which may serue in some reasonable and conuenient sort, to transport our Merchandize into the East Indian Sea, through any of these Northerly partes of America, it shall be soonest and most assuredly perfourmed by these who shall inhabite and first grow into familiaritie with the Inland people.

What minerall matter may fall out to bee found, is a thing left in suspence, vntill some better knowledge, because there be many men, who hauing long since expected some profits herein, vpon the great promises that haue bene made them, and being as yet in no point satisfied, doe therevpon conceiue that they be but wordes purposely cast out for the inducing of men to bee the more ready and willing to furnish their money towards the charge of the first discouerie.

But nowe to answere some others who begin with an other objection, saying: That it is not for the Marchants purse to continue the charges of transporting and planting: and that once these hundred men which are nowe to bee planted will cost foure thousand pound: It is then to bee thought, that the charge of a farre greater number, will bee also a farre greater summe of money.

Whereunto I answere, that in all attempts vnknowen, especially such a one as this is, wherewith wee are presently in hand, the first charges are commonly aduentured in more desperate kinde, then those that followe vpon some better knowledge: and therewith it falleth out, that whereas one aduentureth in the first enterprise, an hundred for that one will of themselues bee willing and desirous to aduenture in the next, if there bee neuer so little more appearance, that the intended matter is by some knowledge of our owne, found true in some poynts of our first presumption.

The examples are many, and may easily bee remembred by those who be Merchants, euen in their ordinarie and dayly trades, as well as in extraordinarie attempts, which of late yeeres haue fallen into those termes of some likelyhood, as is aforesayde.1 So then no doubt, but when certaine reports shall bee brought by them who directly came from thence, that such a Countrey and people they haue themselues seene, as is by vs spoken of, but that then there will come forwarde a greater number of those, who haue nowe neither heard any thing of the matter, as also of others, who presently make such friuolous scruple, and will not otherwise be satisfied, then by the report of Saint Thomas. I speake not this by the Marchants whom for their fredoms of trade I would not haue pressed to any further charge then this first preparation, but rather as such as haue great affection to hazard the changing of their estates, and would be well content to goe in the voyage if they might onely be assured that there is such a Countrey, and that their money should not be wasted to nothing in the preparations.

The right examination of this point must bee the contrary sequell of the common Prouerbe that is vsed, Nothing venture, nothing haue: so on the other side by venturing, many great good profites are found out, to the wonderfull benefite of Common weale, and to those especially in priuate, who take on them the hazard of their life and trauell, or substance in the first attempts: and therefore I would wish that they, who (God be thanked) are well able to spare that which is required of each one towardes the vndertaking of this aduenture, be well content and willing to imploy the same, since the sequell in good and substantiall reasons doth promise, not onely a great commoditie in particular to the Marchant, who shall here at home exercise the trade of Marchandise: but also to an infinite number of other, who presently liue in poore estate, and may by taking the opportunitie of this discouerie, alter the same to a far better degree. Wherefore to make some conclusion vpon this point of the Marchants misdoubt, who suspecteth lest this first disbursement without returne of present gaine, should not be all his charge, but that afterwards he might yet further be vrged to continue the like again, as hath happened in the discouery of the Moscouian trade: It may suffice to consider, that this is not an action which concerneth onely the Marchants particularly, but a great deale more the generall sort of people throughout all England: And that when such relation shall be returned, as that it may bee found a matter worthy the following, the whole generalitie will not refuse to contribute towards the furtherance thereof, rather then it should sinke, for want of any reasonable supply.

But as it is a very little time, since I haue beene throughly resolued to trie my fortune in the matter, so it is more then time the preparation were in hand already, and therefore no fit time now to make any number of ignorant men to vnderstand with reason the circumstance that belongeth to a matter of so great consideration and importance.

To those who haue any forward mindes in well doing to the generalitie of mankind, I say thus much more, that Christian charitie doth as greatly perswade the furtherance of this action, as any other that may be layed before vs, in as much as thereby wee shall not onely doe a most excellent worke, in respect of reducing the sauage people to Christianitie and ciuilitie, but also in respect of our poore sorte of people, which are very many amongst vs, liuing altogether vnprofitable, and often times to the great disquiet of the better sort. For who knoweth not, how by the long peace, happie health, and blessed plentifulnesse, wherewith God hath endued this Realme, that the people is so mightily encreased, as a great number being brought vp, during their youth in their parents houses, without any instruction how to get their liuings after their parents decease, are driuen to some necessitie, whereby very often for want of better education they fall into such disorders, and so the good sort of people, as I sayde before, are by them ordinarily troubled, and themselues led on to one shamefull ende or other, whereas if there might bee found some such kinde of imployment as this would be, no doubt but a greater part of them would be withheld from falling into such vile deedes: and insteade thereof, prooue greatly seruiceable in those affaires, where they might be so imployed.

Master Carliles owne experience This I speake of mine owne experience, hauing seene diuers come ouer to the warres of the lowe Countreys during my residence in the same, who here had bene very euill and idle liuers, and by some little continuance with vs, haue growen to be very industrious in their facultie, which I can assure you, was a more painefull maner of liuing then in this action is like to fall out, and withall to a purpose of farre lesse value, in respect of their particular recompence, then with an assured kind of good hope is looked for in this.

Thus you see in euery point that may bee wished for in a good action and voyage, there is matter and reason enough to satisfie the well disposed. But nowe to growe somewhat neerer the quicke, and to shewe you some greater appearance, then hath bene yet spoken of touching the trade which is the onely subiect wherewith I doe meane to intermeddle at this time, because my addresse hereby is chiefly to men of such like facultie: you may vnderstande by that which followeth, the circumstance of a little discourse, which doeth concerne these matters, very directly.

In the yeere 1534. Iames Carthier, of S. Malo made his first discouerie of those partes of America, which lie to the Westwardes, and as it were on the backside of Newfoundland. In which voyage his principall intention was to seeke out the passage, which hee presumes might haue bene found out into the East Indian Sea, otherwise called the passage to Cathaya, but this yeere he went no higher then the Island of the Assumption in the great bay of S. Laurence, and so returned backe into France.

The next yeere following hee went with greater prouision into the Grand bay againe, where he keping the Northerly shoare, ran vp the great Riuer that comes downe from Canada and other places, vntill at last with his small pinnesses, (hauing left his great shipping by the way) be arriued at Hochelaga towne, being three hundreth leagues within the entrance of the Grand bay. In which trauaile he had spent so much of the yeere, that it was nowe the moneth of October, and therefore thought it conuenient for the better enforming himselfe at large in this discouerie, to winter it out in those partes, which he did at a place called by himselfe Holy Crosse. This winter fell out to bee a very long and hard winter, as many times the like happeneth with vs in these partes, and the sauage people, who for the most part make but a slender kinde of prouision, euen as it were from hande to mouth, fell into some scarcitie of victuals; yet did they not refuse to serue the Frenchmen, with any thing they had all the winter long, albeit at somewhat higher prices towardes the ende when the neede was most, as with our selues the like happeneth at such times.

But when the French had their wants serued all the yeere and that as yet they sawe not any appearance of their intended matter, which was the discouerie of the passage, and yet imagining by the signes, wherewith the willing people endeuoured to declare their knowledge in that poynt, that some good matter might bee had from them, if they might haue beene well vnderstoode, they resolued with themselues to take some of the sufficientest men of that countrey home into France, and there to keepe them so long, as that hauing once atchieued the French tongue, they might declare more substantially their minde, and knowledge in the sayde passage, concluding this to be the meane of least charge, of least trauaile, and of least hazard.

And when they came to bethinke themselues, who might bee meetest for it, they determined to take the King, as the person who might bee best infourmed of such partes as were somewhat remote from his owne Countrey, as also that for the respect of him, the people would bee alwayes readie, and content to doe them any further seruice, when it should happen them to returne thither againe about the discouerie.

Thus the poore king of the Countrey, with two or three others of his chiefe companions comming aboorde the French shippes, being required thither to a banquet, was traiterously caryed away into France, where hee liued foure yeeres, and then dyed a Christian there, as Theuet the French Kings Cosmographer doeth make mention. The Frenchmens trade renewed in Canada, in the yeere 1581. This outrage and iniurious dealing did put the whole Countrey people into such dislike with the French, as neuer since they would admit any conuersation or familiaritie with them, vntill of late yeeres, the olde matter beginning to grow out of minde, and being the rather drawen on by gifts of many trifling things, which were of great value with them, they are as (I sayde) within these two or three yeeres content againe to admit a traffique, which two yeeres since was begunne with a small barke of thirtie tunnes, whose returne was found so profitable, as the next yeere following, being the last yeere, by those Marchants, who meant to haue kept the trade secret vnto themselves, from any others of their owne Countrey men, there was hired a shippe of fourescore tunnes out of the Isle of Iersey, but not any one Mariner of that place, sauing a shipboy. This shippe made her returne in such sorte, as that this yeere they haue multiplyed three shippes, to wit, one of nine score tunnes, another of an hundreth tunnes, and a third of fourescore tunnes: which report is giuen by very substantiall and honest men of Plimmouth, who sawe the sayd shippes in readinesse to depart on their voyage, and were aboord of some of them.

Here is at this instant in the towne a man of Guernsey, Lewis de Vike, who reporteth to haue credibly heard, that by this last yeeres voyage the Frenchmen got foureteene or fifteene hundreth for euery one hundreth: But how soeuer it be, it carrieth good likelyhood of some notable profite, in asmuch as they doe so greatly, and thus suddenly encrease the burthen and number of their ships this present yeere.

The South part best for inhabiting and traffique. Nowe if in so little as two yeeres time this voyage of the Northerne partes bee growen to such good passe as hath beene declared vnto you: it is worth the thinking on to consider what may be hoped for from the Southerne part, which in all reason may promise a great deale more. And so, as one who was neuer touched with any indirect meaning, I presume to wish and perswade you to some better taking of this matter to heart, as a thing which I do verely thinke will turne to your greater and more assured commodity, then you receiue by any other voyage, as yet frequented of so short and safe a course as this hath: dealing herein no otherwise with you for your seuerall small summes, then I doe with myselfe, both for more of mine owne, then is required of any one of you: besides the hazard and trauaile of my person, and the totall imployment of my poore credit, which (I thanke God) hath hitherto passed cleare and vnspotted in matters of greater importance and difficultie, then is like to fall out in this matter betweene you and me.

1 Marginal note. — The ewer of metal brought by M. Fromisher, caused two seuerall supplies, the two yeeres next following; whereof the latter was of thirteene tall ships.

Articles set downe by the Committies appointed in the behalfe of the Companie of Moscouian Marchants, to conferre with M. Carlile, vpon his intended discouerie and attempt into the hithermost parts of America.

The names of the Committies.

First the Committies are well perswaded, that the Countrey whereunto this action is intended, is very fruitfull, inhabited with sauage people of a milde and tractable disposition. And that of all other places which are vnfrequented at this day, it is the onely most fit and most commodious for vs to intermeddle withall.

The conuenientest manner of attempting this enterprise is thought to bee thus: That there should be one hundreth men conueyed thither to remaine there one whole yeere: who with friendly intreatie of the people, may enter into better knowledge of the particular estate of the Countrey, and thereby gather what commoditie may be hereafter, or presently looked for.

The furnishing foorth of 100. men for one yeere will cost 4000. li. The charge to transport these hundreth men, to victuall them, and to furnish them of munition and other needefull things, will not be lesse then foure thousand poundes: whereof hath bene very readily offered by the Citie of Bristoll one thousand poundes, the residue being three thousande poundes, remaineth to bee furnished by this Citie of London, or any others who will aduenture their money in this first preparation.

The Committies thinke it conuenient that a Priuilege should be procured by Master Carlile from her Maiesty, by vertue whereof these conditions and Articles following may be effectually prouided for.

First, that they who shall disbursse their money for the first preparation shall be named Aduenturers, and shall haue the one halfe of all such landes, territories, townes, mines of gold and siluer, and other metals whatsoeuer, as shall bee found, gotten, obtained, as conquered by this discouery: yeelding to her Maiestie the fift part of all such gold and siluer, as shall happen to be had out of any mines that so shall be found.

That those parties which doe employ themselues personally in the present discouerie, shall be named Enterprisers, and shall haue the other halfe, of all the Lands, Territories, Townes, Mines of Gold and Siluer and other mettals, yeelding to her Maiestie the fift part of the Gold and Siluer as the Aduenturers do: The same to bee distributed by the Generall, with the consent of the greatest part of twelue discreet persons to bee chosen out of the whole number of the Enterprisers.

Also, that all trade of Merchandise which shall be vsed to and from those partes, which by this discouerie shall bee found out, shall apperteine onely to the Aduenturers which first shall disbursse their money for this discouery, which prohibition to all other her Maiesties subiects, and other Marchants to deale in the sayd parts, without the consent of the first Aduenturers, vpon losse of shippe and goods, and punishment of their persons, that so shall aduenture in trade of merchandise: or otherwise by imprisonment at the Companies pleasure.

That no person shall hereafter aduenture in this discouerie as Aduenturers for the profits mentioned in the first Articles, but such onely as doe disbursse their money in the first preparation: and they shall not aduenture hereafter any greater summe, then ratably according to their proportion of this their first aduenture.

Also, the profite which by this discouerie shall be attained vnto, either by lande which may bee conquered, or otherwise gotten: as also such profite which by this discouerie shall bee obtained by mines, or otherwise gotten, that eche one shall haue his part rate and rate, like, according to the proportion of their first aduenture, and not otherwise.

The Aduenturers in this first preparation shall at their owne free will and libertie, choose whether they will supply hereafter any further charge or not: if there doe fall out any such occasion to require the same. And yet withall shall for euer holde to them the freedome of the trade which shall growe in any of these partes: notwithstanding their sayd refusall to beare any further charge.

That in the Patent which is to bee obteined, be graunted, that all her Maiesties subiects may transport themselues thither that shall be contented to goe. And that the Patentee or his assignes may shippe thither from time to time, so many and such persons, men, women, and children, as they shall thinke meete. And the same persons to inhabite or remaine there at their pleasure, any lawe to the contrary notwithstanding, with expresse prohibition, as is mentioned in the third article, against all others, which shall go thither without the licence of the patentee or his assignes first obteined.

That it shall not be lawful for any of her Maiesties subiects, or any other to inhabite or traffique within one hundred leagues any way of the place, where the Generall haue setled his chiefest being or residence.

A relation of the first voyage and discouerie of the Isle Ramea, made for Monsieur de La Court Pre Ravillon and Grand Pre, with the ship called the Bonauenture, to kill and make Traine oyle of the beasts called the Morses with great teeth, which we haue perfourmed by Gods helpe this yeere 1591.

The fleete of Canada. For the performance of our said voyage, we departed from S. Malo with the fleete that went for Canada, and kept companie with the ships called The Soudil and the Charles halfe the way, and then lost them, a violent wind arising at Northwest, which separated vs.

After which we had faire wether, and came to the coast of Cape Rase, and had no further knowledge thereof, because the winde was at the Southwest but a scarce gale: and we came to the sounding Southwest of the Isles of S. Peter about 10. leagues, where we found 20. fathoms water, and we sayled Northwest one quarter of the North, and came within 12. leagues of Cape de Rey.

The next day being the 6. of May 1591. we were come to Cape de Rey, and saw a ship Southwest of vs, and stayed there that night.

The next day being the seuenth of the sayd moneth, we came to the Isles of Aponas, where we put foorth our boat, because we had not past 8. leagues to our hauen, which we kenned very clearly, although the coasts lay very low: and because the night approched, and the wind grew very high, we sought not to seeke our port, because it is very hard to find it when the wind is lofty, because of the shoalds that are about it. And we thought to keepe our course vntill the next morning between the Isle of Biton and the Isle of Aponas. But there arose so great a tempest at the Southwest, that without the helpe of God we had bene in great danger among these Isles. And we trauersed vp and downe eleuen dayes, making our prayers vnto God to ende the tempest and to send vs faire weather, that we might obteine our hauen: which of his goodnesse he gaue vs. The last of May we ranged the Isle Ramea on the Northnorthwest side, vnto the contrary part of the land, where it trendeth to the Southsoutheast: and seeing no land on the West side, wee ranged the sayd land to the East one quarter to the North at the least 15. leagues, and being from the shore some eight leagues, we found 15 fathoms water, and passed betweene the Isle of Duoron and the Isle of Ramea, where goeth a chanel of 3. leagues bredth; in the midest whereof you shall haue 7. 8. and 9. fathoms water. And the lowe poynt of the Isle Ramea, and the Isle Duoron lie Northnortheast, and Southsouthwest. And take heede you come not neere the low point of the Isle Ramea by a great league, for I haue sounded it at 3. fathoms water. The Isle is marked. And the harbour of the Isle Ramea lyeth Northeast and Southwest, one quarter to the East and West. And if you would enter the sayd harbour, keepe you a league off the shoare: for often times there is great danger.

The markes of the harbour of the Isle Ramea. And that you may know the sayd hauen, to the Eastnortheast of the sayde Isle there are high lands appearing to them that are without on all sides like a number of Islands, but in very deede they are all firme land: and if you come on the South and Southwest side, you shall see a hill diuided into 3. parts, which I called The three hillockes, which is right within the hauen. An Isle like a Floure de lice. And for another better marke of the sayd harbour, you shall see an Isle like vnto a Floure de lice, distant from the sayd hauen 6. leagues at the least: and this Isle and the sayd hauen lie Northeast and Southwest, a quarter to the North and South. And on the sayd Isle there is good pebble A banke of sand. stone to drie fish vpon: But to the West thereof there is a very faire countrey: and there is a banke of sande, which runneth the length of a cable, hauing not past one fathom water vpon it. From the sayd Isle along the firme land the coast lyeth East and West, and you shall see as it were a great forrest running eastward: and the Easterne Cape is called Cape du Chapt, and is great and red toward the Sea. And betweene the sayd lands you shall see as it were a small Island, but it ioyneth to the firme land on the Southwest part: and there is good shingle to drie fish on. The maine a shold coast. And you must coast the shore with boates and not with ships, by reason of the shallowes of the sayd coast. For I haue seene without Cape du Chapt in faire weather the ground in two fathoms water, neere a league and an halfe from shore, and I iudged by reason of the highnesse of the land, that there had bene aboue thirtie fathoms water, which was nothing so: and I haue sounded comming neere the shore, in more or lesse depth. Lisle Blanche. The place where they killed 1500. Morses. The coast stretcheth three leagues to the West from Lisle Blanche or the white Isle, vnto the entrance of a riuer, where we slewe and killed to the number of fifteene hundred Morses or Sea oxen, accounting small and great, where at full sea you may come on shoare with boates, and within are two or three fathoms water. From thence the coast trendeth foure leagues to the West 1/4 to the Northwest vnto the Isle Hupp, which is twentie leagues in circuit, and is like the edge of a knife: vpon it there is neither wood nor grasse: there are Morses vpon it, but they bee hard to be taken. From thence the coast trendeth to the Northwest and Northnorthwest: which is all that I haue seene, to wit, the two sides and one ende of the Isle. And if I had had as good lucke as my Masters, when I was on the Northwest side with my shippe, I would haue aduentured to haue sayled South-southeast, to haue discouered the Easterne shoare of the sayd Isle.

Sands and sholds. A smal Island conteining a league of ground. In your returne to the East, as you come from the hauen of Cape du Chapt vnto the sayde hauen are sandes and sholds. And three good leagues from Cape du Chapt there is a small Island conteining about a league of ground: where there is an hauen toward the Southeast: and as you enter into the sayd hauen on the starreboord side; a dented Cape all of redde land. A hard hauen. And you cannot enter into the sayd hauen but with the flood, because of a barre which lieth halfe a league without the poynts of the sayd hauen. The tydes are there at Southeast and Northwest; but when the wind is very great, it bloweth much into the hauen at halfe flood. But ordinarily it floweth fiue foote and an halfe. Markes to come into the hauen. The markes to enter into the sayd hauen are to leaue the Isle Blanche or White Island at your comming in on the starreboord; and the poynt of the hauen toward the West hath a thick Island, which you shall see on the other side, and it hath a little round Buttresse, which lyeth on the East side of the Island. There are also two other buttresses more easie to be seene then hidden: these are not to the East but to the West, and they haue markes on them. Here you shall not haue aboue two fathom and an halfe at a full sea vpon this barre. And the sounding is stone and rough ground. The barre. At your entring in, when you shall finde white sand which lyeth next the Southeast of the Cape, then you are vpon the barre: and bee not afrayd to passe vp the chanell. And for markes towarde the West athwart the barre, when you haue brought an Island euen, which lyeth to the westward without, with the thicke part of the high land which lyeth most to the West, you shall bee past the barre: and the chanell runneth due North. The best anchorage. And for your anchoring in the sayd hauen, see that you carefully seeke the middest of the sayd Thicke land, which lyeth in the bottome of the sayd hauen: for you must anchor betweene two bankes of sand, where the passage is but narrow. And you must anker surely: for there goeth a great tyde: for the Sea runneth there as swiftly. There is good ground and ankorage here: and you shall ride in three fathom water. And within the sayde hauen there is nothing to hurt you, for you are free from all winds. Another entrance. The Isle of Cormorants. And if by chance you should be driuen Westward of the sayd hauen, you may seeke an entrance, which is right ouer against the small Island named before, which is called The Isle of Cormorants; and you may enter in there as at the other hauen at a full sea: And you must passe vpon the West side, and you shall finde on the Barre at a full sea fourteene foote water, and great depth when you are entred in: for the Sea runneth very swiftly in that place: and the entrie thereof lyeth Southeast and Northwest.

Right ouer against you on the other side, you may passe with boates at a full sea. And all these entrances make all but one hauen, which is good within. I say this, because I haue passed into the maine Sea by the one and the other passage. And the said Isle is not past two leagues ouer in the middest. It is but two bankes of sande, whereof one is like to that of S. Malo, which let the Sea from passing through the middest of all the Isle: But the two endes are high mountaines with Islands altogether cut and separated with streames and riuers.

To anker in the sayd harbour, you must not ride farther then fiue or sixe cables length from the sayd hauen.

A letter sent to the right Honourable Sir William Cecil Lord Burghley, Lord high Treasurer of England &c. From M. Thomas Iames of Bristoll, concerning the discouerie of the Isle of Ramea, dated the 14 of September. 1591.

Right Honourable, my humble duetie to your good Lordship done, I thought good humbly to aduertise your honour of the discouery of an Island made by two smal shippes of Saint Malo; the one 8 daies past being prised neare Silley by a ship of which I am part owner, called the Pleasure, sent by this citie to my Lord Thomas Howard, for her Maiesties seruice. Which prise is sent backe to this Port by those of the sayd shippes, with upwards of fortie tunnes of Traine. The Island lyeth in 47. degrees, some fiftie leagues from the grand Bay, neere Newfoundland: and is about twentie leagues about, and some part of the Island is flat Sands and shoulde: and the fish commeth on banke (to do their kinde) in April May and Iune, by numbers of thousands, which fish is very big: and hath two great teeth: and the skinne of them is like Buffes leather: and they will not away from their yong ones. The yong ones are as good meat as Veale. And with the bellies of fiue of the saide fishes they make a hogshead of Traine, which Traine is very sweet, which if it will make sope, the king of Spaine may burne some of his Oliue trees. Humbly praying your Lordship to pardon herein my boldnes, betaking your Honour to the keeping of the Almightie. From Bristoll this 14 of September. 1591. Your Honours most humbly at commandement. THOMAS IAMES.

A briefe note of the Morsse and the vse thereof.

In the first voyage of Iaques Carthier, wherein he discouered the Gulfe of S. Laurence and the said Isle of Ramea, in the yeere 1534. as you may reade in pag. 250 of this present volume,1 he met with these beasts, as he witnesseth in these words. About the said Island are very great beasts as great as oxen, which haue two great teeth in their mouthes like vnto Elephants teeth, and liue also in the sea. Wee sawe one of them sleeping vpon the banke of the water, and thinking to take it, we went to it with our boates, but so soone as he heard vs, he cast himselfe into the sea. Touching these beasts which Iaques Carthier saith to be as big as Oxen, and to haue teeth in their mouthes like Elephants teeth: True it is that they are called in Latine Boues Marini, or Vaccæ Marinæ, and in the Russian tongue Morsses, the hides whereof I haue seene as big as any Oxe hide, and being dressed I haue yet a piece of one thicker then any two Oxe or Buls hides in England. The Leather dressers take them to be excellent good to make light targets against the arrowes of the Sauages; and I hold them farre better then the light leather targets which the Moores vse in Barbarie against arrowes and lances, whereof I haue seene diuers in her Maiesties stately Armorie in the towre of London. The teeth of the sayd fishes, whereof I haue seene a dry flat full at once, are a foote and some times more in length: and haue bene sold in England to the combe and knife makers, at 8 groats and 3 shillings the pound weight, whereas the best Iuory is solde for halfe the money: the graine of the bone is somewhat more yellow then the Iuorie. One M. Alexander Woodson of Bristoll my old friend, an excellent Mathematician and skilful Phisition, shewed me one of these beasts teeth which were brought from the Isle of Ramea in the first prize, which was half a yard long or very little lesse: and assured mee that he had made tryall of it in ministering medicine to his patients, and had found it as soueraigne against poyson as any Vnicornes horne.2

1 This page refers to Vol. III. of the Edition of 1812. For Jacques Cartier’s voyage, see farther on.

2 A very curious account of the Unicorn is to be found in Goldsmid’s Myths of Ancient Science, 1886.

The voyage of the ship called the Marigold of M. Hill of Redrife vnto Cape Briton and beyond to the latitude of 44 degrees and an halfe, 1593. Written by Richard Fisher Master Hilles man of Redriffe.

The voyage of M. Drake of Apsham to Ramea. The ship called the Marigold of 70 tunnes in burthen furnished with 20 men, wherof 10 were mariners, the Masters name being Richard Strong of Apsham, the Masters mate Peter Langworth of Apsham, with 3 coopers, 2 butchers to flea the Morsses or sea Oxen (whereof diuers haue teeth aboue a cubit long and skinnes farre thicker then any buls hide) with other necessary people, departed out of Falmouth the 1 of Iune 1593 in consort of another ship of M. Drakes of Apsham, which vpon some occasion was not ready so soone as shee should haue bene by two moneths. The Isle of Ramea, or Menquit. The place for which these two ships were bound was an Island within the streightes of Saint Peter on the backe side of Newfoundland to the Southwest in the latitude of fortie seuen degrees, called by the Britons of Saint Malo the Isle of Ramea, but by the Sauages and naturals of the Continent next adioyning Menquit: On which Isle are so great abundance of the huge and mightie Sea Oxen with great teeth in the moneths of April, May and Iune, that there haue bene fifteene hundreth killed there by one small barke, in the yeere 1591. The two English shipps aforesayde, lost companie before they came to Newfoundland: and neuer came after together in all their voyage.

The ship of M. George Drake fell first with New-foundland, and afterward very directly came to the Isle Ramea, though too late in the yeere to make her voyage: where shee found a shippe of Saint Malo three parts fraighted with these fishes: the men whereof enquiring whence our shippe was and who was the Master thereof, being answered that shee was belonging to Master George Drake of Apsham, fearing to bee taken as good prize being of a Leaguer towne, and at that time out of league with England, fled so hastily that present night that they left three and twentie men and three Shallops behinde them, all which our men seazed vpon and brought away as good prises home.

Here our men tooke certaine Sea–Oxen, but nothing such numbers as they might haue had, if they had come in due season, which they had neglected. The shippe called the Marigolde fell with Cape Saint Francis in Newfoundland the eleuenth of Iulie, and from thence wee went into the Bay Rogneuse, and afterward doubled Cape Razo, and sayling toward the straight of Saint Peter (which is the entrance betweene Newfoundland and Cape Briton,) being vnacquainted with the place, beate vp and downe a very long time, and yet missed it, and at length ouer shot it, and fell with Cape Briton.

The English men land vpon Cape Briton. Here diuerse of our men went on land vpon the very Cape, where, at their arriuall they found the spittes of Oke of the Sauages which had roasted meate a litle before. And as they viewed the countrey they sawe diuers beastes and foules, as blacke Foxes, Deere, Otters, great Foules with redde legges, Pengwyns, and certaine others. But hauing found no people here at this our first landing wee went againe on shipboorde, and sayled farther foure leagues to the West of Cape Briton, where wee sawe many Seales. They goe on shore in another place. And here hauing neede of fresh water we went againe on shore. And passing somewhat more into the land, wee founde certaine round pondes artificially made by the Sauages to keepe fish in, with certaine weares in them made to take fish. To these pondes wee repayred to fill our caske with water. The people of the countrey came downe to our men. Wee had not bene long here, but there came one Sauage with blacke long hayre hanging about his shoulders who called vnto vs, weauing his handes downewardes towardes his bellie, vsing these wordes, Calitogh Calitogh: as wee drewe towardes him one of our mens musket vnawares shot off: wherevpon hee fell downe, and rising vp suddenly againe hee cryed thrise with a loude voyce Chiogh, Chiogh, Chiogh. Blacke dogs. Thereupon nine or tenne of his fellowes running right vp ouer the bushes with great agilitie and swiftnesse came towardes vs with white staues in their handes like halfe pikes, and their dogges of colour blacke not so bigge as a grey-hounde followed them at the heeles; but wee retired vnto our boate without any hurt at all receiued. Howbeit one of them brake an hogshead which wee had filled with fresh water, with a great branche of a tree which lay on the ground. Vpon which occasion we bestowed halfe a dozen muskets shotte vpon them, which they avoyded by falling flatte to the earth, and afterwarde retired themselues to the woodes. One of the Sauages, which seemed to bee their Captaine, ware a long mantle of beastes skinnes hanging on one of his shoulders. The rest were all naked except their priuities, which were couered with a skinne tyed behinde. After they had escaped our shotte they made a great fire on the shore, belike to giue their fellowes warning of vs.

The kindes of trees that wee noted to bee here, were goodly Okes, Firre trees of a great height, a kinde of tree called of vs Quickbeame, and Cherie trees, and diuerse other kindes to vs vnknowne, because wee stayed not long with diligence to obserue them: and there is great shewe of rosen, pitch, and tarre. Wee found in both the places where wee went on land abundance of Raspeses, Strawberies, Hurtes, and herbes of good smell, and diuers good for the skuruie, and grasse very ranke and of great length. A secret trade to the Southwest of Cape Briton. Wee sawe fiue or sixe boates sayling to the Southwestwardes of Cape Briton, which wee iudged to bee Christians, which had some trade that way. Wee sawe also, while wee were on shore, the manner of their hanging vp their fish and flesh with withes to dry in the ayre: they also lay them vpon raftes and hurdles and make a smoake vnder them, or a softe fire, and so drie them as the Sauages vse to doe in Virginia.

Soundings to the South and Southwestward of Cape Briton. While wee lay foure leagues South of Cape Briton wee sounded and had sixtie fathomes black ozie ground. And sayling thence Westwarde nine or ten leagues off the shore, we had twenty foure fathomes redde sande, and small whitish stones. They sayle 50 or 60 leagues to the South-West of Cape Briton. Wee continued our course so farre to the Southwest, that wee brought ourselues into the latitude of fourtie foure degrees and an half, hauing sayled fiftie or sixtie leagues to the Southwest of Cape Briton. We found the current betweene this Cape Briton and Cape Rey to set out toward the Eastsoutheast. Great store of Seales, Porposes, Whales and Cods. In our course to the West of Cape Briton we saw exceeding great store of seales, and abundance of Porposes, whereof we killed eleuen. We sawe Whales also of all sortes aswel small as great: and here our men tooke many Iberded Coddes with one teate vnderneath, which are like to the Northeast Cods, and better then those of Newfoundland.

They continue on the coast from Cape Briton Westwards full eleuen weekes. From our arriuall at the hauen of Saint Francis in Newfoundland, (which was as is aforesayde the eleuenth of Iuly) we continued beating vp and downe on the coast of Arambec to the West and Southwest of Cape Briton vntil the twentie eight of September, fully by the space of eleuen weekes: and then by the perswasion of our Master and certaine others wee shaped our course homeward by the Isles of the Açores, and came first to Coruo and Flores, where beating vp and downe, and missing of expected pray, we sayled by Tercera, and from thence to Saint Michael, where we sought to boorde a Portugall shippe, which we found too well appointed for vs to bring along with vs, and so being forced to leaue them behinde and hauing wasted all our victuals, wee were constrained against our willes to hasten home vnto our narrowe Seas: but it was the two and twentieth of December before wee could get into the Downes: where for lacke of winde wee kept our Christmas with dry breade onely for dropping of our clothes. An huge Whale pursued their ship by the space of many dayes till one of their men fell ouerboord. One thing very strange hapened in this voyage: to witte, that a mightie great Whale followed our shippe by the space of many dayes as we passed by Cape Razo, which by no meanes wee coulde chase from our ship, untill one of our men fell ouerboord and was drowned, after which time shee immediatly forsooke vs, and neuer afterward appeared vnto vs.1

1 Probably a Shark.

A briefe note concerning the voyage of M. George Drake of Apsham to Isle of Ramea in the aforesayd yere 1593.

In the beginning of the former relation written by Richard Fisher seruant to the worshipfull Master Hill of Redriffe is, as you reade, a briefe reporte of their loosing of their consort the shippe of Master George Drake of Apsham: which though shee came directly to the Isle of Ramea, yet because shee was not ready so soone by two moneths as she ought to haue bene, she was not onely the hinderance of her consort the Marigolde, and lost the season of the yere for the making of her voyage of killing the Morses or Sea Oxen, which are to be taken in Aprill, May, and Iune: but also suffered the fit places and harboroughs in the Isle which are but two, as farre as I can learne, to be forestalled and taken vp by the Britons of Saint Malo and the Baskes of Saint Iohn de Luz, by comming a day after the Fayre, as wee say. Which lingering improuidence of our men hath bene the ouerthrowe of many a worthy enterprize and of the vndertakers of the same.

The relation of this voyage at large I was promised by the Authour himselfe: but the same not comming to my handes in tyme I am constrained to leaue it out. The want whereof, for the better vnderstanding of the state of the sayde Island, the frequenting of that gainefull trade by the aforesayd nations of the Britons and Baskes, may in part be supplyed by the voyage of Master Charles Leigh to the sayde Island of Ramea: which also comming much too late thither, as Master George Drake had done, was wholly preuented and shutte out to his and his friendes no small detriment and mischiefe, and to the discouraging of others hereafter in the sayde gainefull and profitable trade.

Neuerthelesse albeit hitherto the successe hath not answered our expectation through our owne default, as is abouesaid, yet I was very willing to set downe in briefe and homely stile some mention of these three voyages of our owne men. The first of M. George Drake, the second of M. Siluester Wyet, the third of M. Charles Leigh, because they are the first, for ought that hitherto is come to my knowledge, of our own Nation, that haue conducted English ships so farre within this gulfe of S. Laurence, and haue brought vs true relation of the manifold gaine which the French, Britaynes, Baskes, and Biskaines do yerely returne from the sayd partes; while wee this long time haue stood still and haue bene idle lookers on, making courtesie who should giue the first aduenture, or once being giuen, who should continue or prosecute the same.

The voyage of the Grace of Bristoll of M. Rice Iones, a Barke of thirty-fiue Tunnes, vp into the Bay of Saint Laurence to the Northwest of Newfoundland, as farre as the Ile of Assumption or Natiscotec, for the barbes or fynnes of Whales and traine Oyle, made by Siluester Wyet, Shipmaster of Bristoll.

Wee departed with the aforesaid Barke manned with twelue men for the place aforesaid from Bristoll the 4 of Aprill 1594 and fell with Cape d’Espere on the coast of Newefoundland the nineteenth of May in the heighth of 47. We went thence for Cape Raz, being distant from thence 18 or 19 leagues, the very same day.

The 20 day we were thwart of Cape Raz.

Then we set our course Northwest for Cape S. Marie, which is distant from Cape Raz 19 leagues, and is on the Eastside of the great bay of Placentia almost at the entrie thereof.

The Islands of the Martyers. The Isles of S. Peter. From thence we shaped our course for the Islands of S. Pedro passing by the broken Islands of the Martyers, our course to the Isles of S. Pedro was West and by North. In these Isles of S. Pedro there is a faire harbour, which we went into with our barke, and found there 2 ships of Sibiburo fishing for Cod: where we stayed 2 dayes, and tooke in balest for our ship. There are as faire and tall firre trees growing therein, as in any other part of Newfoundland. Then wee departed thence, and as we came out of the harbours mouth we laid the ship vpon the lee, and in 2 houres space we tooke with our hookes 3 or 4 hundred great Cods for our prouision of our ship. Then we departed from the Isle of S. Pedro to enter into the gulffe of S. Laurence betweene Cape Briton and the said Isle, and set our course West North West, and fel with Cape de Rey which wee found to be distant from the Isles of S. Pedro 42 leagues. From Cape de Rey to Cape de Angullie we set our course Northnorthwest being distant thence 12 or 13 leagues. From the Cape de Angullie into the Bay of S. George we ran Northeast and by East some 18 or 19 leagues.

In this bay of Saint George, we found the wrackes of 2 great Biskaine ships, which had bene cast away three yeeres before: where we had some seuen or eight hundred Whale finnes, and some yron bolts and chaines of their mayne shrouds and fore shroudes: al their traine was beaten out with the weather but the caske remained still. Some part of the commodities were spoiled by tumbling downe of the clifts of the hils, which couered part of the caske, and the greater part of those Whale finnes, which we vnderstood to be there by foure Spaniards which escaped, and were brought to S. Iohn de Luz. Here we found the houses of the Sauages, made of firre trees bound together in the top and set round like a Doue-house, and couered with the barkes of firre trees, wee found also some part of their victuals, which were Deeres flesh roasted vpon wooden spits at the fire, and a dish made of a ryne of a tree, sowed together with the sinowes of the Deere, wherein was oile of the Deere. There were also foules called Cormorants, which they had pluckt and made ready to haue dressed, and there we found a wooden spoone of their making. And we discerned the tracks of the feete of some fortie or fiftie men, women and children.

When we had dispatched our businesse in this bay of S. George and stayed there ten dayes, wee departed for the Northern point of the said Bay, which is nine or ten leagues broade. Then being enformed, that the Whales which are deadly wounded in the grand Bay, and yet escape the fisher for a time, are woont vsually to shoot themselues on shore on the Isle of Assumption, or Natiscotec, which lieth in the very mouth of the great riuer that runneth vp to Canada, we shaped our course ouer to that long Isle of Natiscotec, and wee found the distance of the way to the Estermost ende thereof to be about fourty foure leagues: and it standeth in the latitude of 49. They land on the Isle of Natiscotec. Here wee arriued about the middest of Iune at the East end, and rode in eighteene fadome water, in faire white sand and very good ankerage, and for tryall heaued a lyne ouerboorde and found wonderfull faire and great Cod fish: we went also seuen of vs on shore and found there exceeding fayre great woods of tall firre trees, and heard and sawe store of land and sea foules, and sawe the footing of diuers beastes in the sand when we were on shore. From the Easter end we went to the Norther side of the Island, which we perceiued to be but narrow in respect of the length thereof. And after wee had searched two dayes and a night for the Whales which were wounded which we hoped to haue found there, and missed of our purpose, we returned backe to the Southwarde, and were within one league of the Island of Penguin, which lyeth South from the Eastermost part of Natiscoter some twelue leagues. From the Isle of Penguin wee shaped our course for Cape de Rey and had sight of the Island of Cape Briton: then returned wee by the Isles of Saint Pedro, and so came into the Bay of Placentia, and arriued in the Easterside thereof some ten leagues vp within the Bay among the fishermen of Saint Iohn de Luz and of Sibiburo and of Biskay, which were to the number of threescore and odde sayles, whereof eight shippes onely were Spaniardes, of whom we were very well vsed and they wished heartily for peace betweene them and vs. There the men of Saint Iohn and Sibiburo men bestowed two pinnesses on vs to make vp our voyage with fish. Then wee departed ouer to the other side of the Bay, where we arriued in an harbour which is called Pesmarck, and there made our stage and fished so long, that in the ende the Sauages came, and in the night, when our men were at rest, cut both our pinnesse and get them againe. Then for feare of a shrewder turne of the Sauages, we departed for Cape Saint Marie, and hauing passed Cape Kaz, we passed Northwarde foureteene leagues and arriued in Farrillon, and finding there two and twentie sayles of Englishmen, wee made vp our fishing voyage to the full in that harborough the twentieth foure of August to our good content: and departing thence we arriued first in Combe and staied there a seuen night, and afterward in Hungrod in the riuer of Bristoll by the grace of God the 24 of September. 1594.

The voyage of M. Charles Leigh, and diuers others to Cape Briton and the Isle of Ramea.

The Hopewell of London of the burthen of 120 tunnes, whereof was M. William Crafton, and the Chancewel of London of the burthen of 70 tunnes, whereof was M. Steuen Bennet, bound vnto the riuer of Canada, set to sea at the sole and proper charge of Charles Leigh and Abraham Van Herwick of London merchants (the saide Charles Leigh himselfe, and Steuen Van Herwick brother to the sayd Abraham, going themselues in the said ships as chiefe commanders of the voyage) departed from Graues-end on Fryday morning the 8 of April 1597. And after some hindrances, arriuing at Falmouth in Cornewal the 28 of the said moneth put to sea againe. And with prosperous windes the 18 of May we were vpon the Banke of Newfoundland. The 19 we lost the Chancewel. The 20 we had sight of land and entred within the bay of Assumption, where our men contrary to my knowledge fought with a French ship: and afterward in the same bay wee met with our consort. Whereupon we presently put to sea againe: and the next day we arriued at Caplen bay, where we remained by extremitie of foule weather, and to mend a pinnes of 7 or 8 tunnes (which was giuen vs at Farrillon by M. Wil. Sayer of Dartmouth the Admiral of that place) vntill the last of May. On which day departing from thence in the afternoone we put in to Rogneuse to seeke Shallops but could find none. The first of Iune we set saile from Rogneuse, and the second we put roome to a bay vnder the Northside of Cape Raz being inforced in by an extreme storme. The 4 we set saile, and this day we saw a great Island of yce. The 5 at night we lost the Chancewell in a fog at the mouth of the bay of Placentia. The 11 at Sunne setting we had sight of Cape Briton. The Isle of Menego. And the 12 by reason of contrary windes we cast anker vnder the Northeast ende of the Isle of Menego to the North of Cape Briton in 16 fathome reasonable ground. In that place we caught great store of Cods, which were larger and better fish then any in Newfoundland. The 13 wee weyed anker againe, and being becalmed about a league from the shore we fell to fishing where the Cods did bite at least 20 fathomes aboue ground, and almost as fast as we could hale them into the ship. The 2 Islands of Birdes. The 14 we came to the two Islands of Birds, some 23 leagues from Monego: where there were such abundance of Birds, as is almost incredible to report. Store of Morsses. And vpon the lesse of these Islands of Birds, we saw great store of Morsses or sea Oxen, which were a sleepe vpon the rockes: but when we approched nere vnto them with our boate they cast themselues into the sea and pursued vs with such furie as that we were glad to flee from them. The 16 we arriued at Brians Island, which lyeth 5 leagues West from the Island of Birds. About this Island ther is as great aboundance of cods as in any place can be found. In litle more then an houre we caught with 4 hookes 250 of them. Here we caught also a great Turbut which was an elle long and a yard broad: which was so great that the hooke could not hold her into the ship: but when she was aboue water she bent the hooke and escaped. In Bryans Island excellent ground for corne and meadow. In this Island we found exceeding good ground both for corne and meadow, and great store of wood, but of smal groweth. Springes of fresh water we found none in all the Island, but some standing pooles of raine water. The same day at night we weighed anker againe. The 17 we had stormy weather. The 18 we came to the Isle of Ramea, where we appointed to meet with our consort. And approching neere vnto the harborough of Halabolina we cast anker in 3 fadomes water and sent our great boate into the harborough, with the masters mate and some dozen more of the company: who when they came in, found 4 ships. Namely 2 of Saint Malo in Britaigne, and two of Sibiburo adioyning to Saint Iohn de Luz being the French Kings subiects, whom they supposed to haue bene of Spaine, and so affirmed vnto vs. Whereupon wee went presently into harborough, finding but eleuen foote and an halfe of water vpon the barre and a mightie great current in, when wee had cast anker we sent presently to speake with the masters of all the ships: but those only of Saint Malo came aboord, whom wee entertained very friendly, and demaunded of whence the other two shippes were. They sayde as they thought of Saint Iohn de Luz or Sibiburo. Then we presently sent our boate for the Masters of both the sayd shippes, to request them to come aboord, and to bring with them there Charters parties and other euidences, to the ende we might knowe of whence they were. At which message one of the sayde Masters came aboord, with the Pilote and Masters mate of the other shippe: whom when we had examined, they sayd that they were of Sibiburo, and the French Kings subiects. We requested them for our better securitie in the harborough peaceably to deliuer up their powder and munition: promising them that if we found them to be the French Kings subiects it shoulde be kept in safetie for them without diminishing. But they woulde not consent thereunto: whereunto we replyed, that vnlesse they would consent thereunto we would hold them to be our enemies. They not consenting, we sent the boate well manned to fetch their powder and munition from aboorde their ship; but straightly commanded our men not to touch anything else in the ship vpon their further perill: which they promised to performe. When they came aboorde the said ships which were mored together, they were resisted by force of armes, but quickly they got the victorie: which done, they fell presently to pillaging of the Baskes, contrary to their promise: whereupon we sent another to forbidde them: but when he came to them, none was more ready of pillage then he. Whereupon I went my selfe, and tooke away from our men whatsoever they had pillaged, and gaue it againe to the owners: onely I sent aboord our owne ship their powder and munition to be kept in safetie vntil we knew farther what they were. When I had done, I gaue the Baskes possession of their shippe againe, and tolde them they should not loose the valewe of one peny if they were the French Kings subjects. Then I caryed away all our men, and also tooke with me two or three of the chiefest of them, and when I came aboord went to examining of them, and by circumstances found one of the ships to belong to France: whereupon I tolde the master of the said ship, that I was throughly satisfied that he was of France and so dismissed him in peace. Of the other ship we had great presumption that she was of Spaine, but had no certaine proofe thereof, wherefore wee dismissed them likewise in peace. After I had thus dismissed them, our ships company fell into a mutiny, and more then half of them resolued to cary one of those ships away. But they were preuented of their euill purpose by ayde which the saide ships receiued from their countreymen in the other harborough: Another harbourough in Ramea. For the next morning, which was the twentieth of Iune, very early there were gathered together out of all the ships in both harboroughs, at the least 300 Frenchmen and Britons, who had planted vpon the shore three pieces of Ordinance against vs, and had prepared them selues in al readinesse to fight with vs, which so soone as as we had discried them gaue the onset vpon vs with at least an hundred small shot out of the woods. There were also in a readines to assault vs about three hundred Sauages. A skirmish betweene the French men and vs. But after we had skirmished a while with them, we procured a parley by one of the men of Saint Malo, whose ship rowed hard by vs: In which parley they required some of our men to come on shore vnto them: wherevpon wee requested M. Ralph Hill and the Boatswaines mate to go on shore to them: whom when they had they detained as prisoners; and then required the powder and munition, which we had of the Baskes in possession; which we surrendered vnto them in safetie as our intent alwayes was, which done, there A new treason of the Britons. came aboord vnto vs one Captaine Charles, who was captaine of the great ship of Saint Malo, which rode in the other harborough: who challenged our great boate which we had at Farillon to be his. And while we were in talke with him about the two Baskes which at first we thought to be Spaniards, wee had almost bene betraied. For the said Captaine Charles with halfe a dozen more of his company kept themselues aboord of our ship and held vs in a talke, while thirtie or fortie others should haue entred our ship vnawares from one of the ships of S. Malo, which professed to be our friend, and vnto whom we shewed all courtesie. But we perceiuing their treacherous intent, threatned to set fire on the said ship, which was then thwart our hawse, from which they would haue entred. By which resolution of ours God did discourage them from effecting their mischieuous purposes. Now the said captaine Charles when he saw himself preuented of his wicked intents, took his boat presently to go on shore, and promised that all things should be ended in peace betweene vs, and that he would send vs our two men againe. But when he was on shore he presently sent for our great boat which he claimed to be his, and withall commanded vs out of the harborough, but he sent not our men as he promised, we being now the weaker side did not only deliuer his boat but also determined to be gon and then requested them to help vs with our anker which was on shore; but they would not. Then we desired them to cut the bent of the cable vpon the anker on shore (for we durst not send our boat lest they should haue kept from vs both our boat and men) which they promised to do for vs, as also to send our men; but when they were on shore, they would do neither. We therefore seeing their falshood in euery thing, durst no longer tary for feare of farther treachery; wherefore we concluded to cut our cable in the hawse: which we did, and so departed the harborow about 9 of the clock, leauing two of our men with our cable and anker, and 20 fathoms of a new hawser behind vs. And as we were going away, they made great shewes of friendship, and dranke vnto vs from the shore; but more for feare then loue, and requested vs to come on shore for our men, whom then they deliuered. The bar of the hauen of Ramea. The same morning in passing ouer the barre before the harborowes mouth, and by that time that we had all our men aboord, our ship came on ground vpon the sands; where we lay some 8 houres: during which time, at low water we trimmed our ship without boord, and by the great prouidence of God found our leake which then we stopped. About sixe of the clocke at night we got our ship on float againe, and that night ankered within part of the barre, which then because of the wind we could not passe. They depart from Ramea. But it pleased God to send vs faire weather all that night, and the next day by noone we had gotten our ship cleane ouer the bar. The 21 day after we got ouer the barre the wind arose at east and eastsoutheast, we blew right into the bay: which if it had come before we were cleere of the bar, we had both ship and men perished in the sands. Isle Blanch or the White Isle. The same day, because the wind kept vs within the bay, we went to the Isle Blanch, where the ships of the other harborow had their stages: but it was at least two leagues from their ships: where we hoped by friendship to procure a shallope and assurance of our cable and anker againe. But when we had approched nere the shore with our ship, and weaued them with a white flag, they in sted of comming vnto vs, sent their message by a bullet out of a piece of great ordinance, which they had placed on shore of purpose against vs; so that they would neither speake with vs, nor permit vs to come nere them. Thus we departed, and would haue put to sea that night: but there was much wind at East, which kept vs within the bay, and inforced vs to come to an anker vnder Isle Blanch. The next morning being the 22. we put to sea, and about 12 of the clocke the same day, the wind being at Northeast and foule weather, the master sayd he could not ply vp to Grande Coste, because of the leeshore, and the wind against vs, and therefore asked what we should do. The riuer of Cape Briton. I asked then how farre we had to the river of cape Briton: he sayd a little way. Then sayd I, If it be not farre, we were best to go thither to trade with the Sauages while the wind is contrary, and to take in water and balist, which we wanted. To which the master sayd, that if I would he would cary vs thither. I thinking it to be the best course, sayd I was content, so farre forth as that from thence we tooke the first faire wind for Grande Coste. Hereupon the master willed him at the helme to keepe his course southeast and southeast and by south. Presently after I asked him how many leagues we had to the sayd riuer, and from the sayd riuer to Grande Coste. He then sayd that we had 40. leagues to the riuer, and from the riuer to Grande Coste 120 leagues. Hereupon I said I would not consent to go so far out of our way, but willed him to keep his directest course for Grande Coste; which he did. Within one halfe houre afterwards the 23 day the gunner and company of the ship presented me and the master with a request in writing to returne for England or to goe for the Islands of Açores for a man of war, for they would not proceed on their voyage to Grande Coste; and therefore do what I could they turned the the helme homewards. Their arriuall in the Isle of Cape Briton. The 14 of Iune we sent our boat on shore in a great bay vpon the Isle of Cape Briton for water. The 25 we arriued on the West side of the Isle of Menego, where we left some caske on shore in a sandy bay, but could not tary for foule weather. The 26 we cast anker in another bay vpon the maine of Cape Briton. The Chancewel cast away 18 leagues within Cape Briton. The 27 about tenne of the clocke in the morning we met with eight men of the Chancewell our consort in a shallope; who told vs that their ship was cast away vpon the maine of Cape Briton, within a great bay eighteene leagues within the Cape, and vpon a rocke within a mile of the shore, vpon the 23 of this moneth about one of the clocke in the afternoon: and that they had cleered their ship from the rocke: but being bilged and full of water, they presently did run her vp into a sandy bay, where she was no sooner come on ground, but presently after there came aboord many shallops with store of French men, who robbed and spoiled all they could lay hands on, pillaging the poore men euen to their very shirts, and vsing them in sauage maner: whereas they should rather as Christians haue aided them in that distresse. Which newes when we heard, we blessed God, who by his diuine prouidence and vnspeakeable mercy had not onely preserued all the men, but brought vs thither so miraculously to ayd and comfort them. Woods on the Isle of Cape Briton. So presently we put into the road where the Chancewell lay; where was also one ship of Sibiburo, whose men that holpe to pillage the Chancewell were runne away into the woods. But the master thereof which had dealt very honestly with our men stayed in his ship, and came aboord of vs whom we vsed well, not taking any thing from him that was his, but onely such things as we could finde of our owne. And when we had dispatched our businesse, we gaue him one good cable, one olde cable and an anker, one shallop with mast, sailes, and other furniture, and other things which belonged to the ship. In recompence whereof he gaue vs two hogsheads of sider, one barrel of peaze, and 25 score of fish. The 29 betimes in the morning we departed from that road toward a great Biskaine some 7 leagues off of 300 tun, whose men dealt most doggedly with the Chancewels company. The same night we ankered at the mouth of the harborow, where the Biskain was. The 30 betimes in the morning we put into the harborow; and approching nere their stage, we saw it vncouered, and so suspected the ship to be gone: whereupon we sent our pinnesse on shore with a dozen men, who when they came, found great store of fish on shore, but all the men were fled: neither could they perceiue whether the ship should be gone, but as they thought to sea. This day about twelue of the clocke we tooke a Sauages boat which our men pursued: but all the Sauages ran away into the woods, and our men brought their boat on boord. The same day in the afternoone we brought our ship to an anker in the harborow: and the same day we tooke three hogsheads and an halfe of traine, and some 300 of greene fish. The Sauages of Cape Briton come aboord of our ship. Also in the euening three of the Sauages, whose boat we had, came vnto vs for their boat; to whom we gaue coats and kniues, and restored them their boate againe. The next day being the first of Iuly, the rest of the Sauages came vnto vs, among whom was their king, whose name was Itarey, and their queene, to whom also we gaue coats and kniues, and other trifles. Cibo an harborow in the Isle of Cape Briton. These Sauages called the harborow Cibo. In this place are the greatest multitude of lobsters that euer we heard of: for we caught at one hawle with a little draw net aboue 140. The fourth of Iuly in the morning we departed from Cibo. And the fift we cast anker in a reasonable good harborow called New Port vnder an Island some eight leagues from Cibo, and within three leagues from the English port. At this place in pursuing certaine shallops of a ship of Rochel, one of them came aboord, who told vs, that the Biskainer whom we sought, was in the English port with two Biskainers more, and two ships of Rochel. Thereupon wee sent one of our men in the Rochellers shallop to parle with the admiral and others our friends in the English port, requesting them ayd for the recouery of our things, which the other ship called the Santa Maria of S. Vincent (whereof was Master Iohannes de Harte, and Pilot Adame de Lauandote) had robbed from the Chancewell. To which they answered, that if we would come in vnto them in peace, they would assist vs what they might. This answere we had the sixt day: and the seuenth in the fornoone we arriued in the English port, and cast anker aloofe from the other ships: which done, I went aboord the Admirall, to desire the performance of his promise: who sent for Iohannes de Harte, who was contented to restore most of our things againe: whereupon I went aboord his ship to haue them restored. This day and the eighth I spent in procuring such things as they had robbed; but yet in the end we wanted a great part thereof. Then we were briefe with them, and willed them either to restore vs the rest of our things which they had, or els we would both inforce them to doe it, and also haue satisfaction for our victuals and merchandises which by their meanes were lost in the Chancewell. The ninth in the morning wee prepared our ship to goe neere vnto them. Whereupon their Admirall sent his boat aboord, and desired to speake with mee: then I went aboord vnto him, and desired to haue our things with peace and quietnesse, proffering to make him and the Masters of the two ships of Rochel our vmpires, and what they should aduise I would stand vnto. Heereupon he went aboord the other ship to make peace; but they would heare no reason, neither yet condescend to restore any thing els which they had of ours. Then I desired that as I came in peace vnto them, they would so set me aboord my ship againe: which they denied to doe, but most vniustly detained me and Stephen van Herwicke who was with me. A while after our shallop came with foure men to know how I did, and to fetch me aboord: but so soone as she came to the Admirals ships side, his men entred, and tooke her away, detaining our men also as prisoners with vs. Then presently all the three Biskainers made toward our ship, which was not carelesse to get the winde of them all: and hauing by the mercy of God obtained the same, shee then stayed for them: but when they saw they had lost their aduantage, they presently turned their course, making as great haste in againe as they did out before. Afterwards I attempted twise to goe aboord, but was still enforced backe by the two other Biskainers, who sought our liues: so that in the end the Master of the Admirall was inforced to man his great boat to waft vs: and yet notwithstanding they bent a piece of great ordinance at vs: for we were to passe by them vnto our ship: but we rescued our shallop vnder our Masters great boat; and by that meanes passed in safety. The next morning being the tenth of the moneth, we purposed if the winde had serued our turne, to haue made them to repent their euill dealing, and to restore vs our owne againe, or els to haue suncke their ships if we could. They departed from Cape Briton. But the winde serued not our turne for that purpose; but caried vs to sea: so that the same morning wee tooke our course toward the bay of S. Laurence in Newfoundland: where wee hoped to finde a Spanish ship, which as we had intelligence, did fish at that place. S. Peters Islands. The thirteenth day we had sight of S. Peters Islands. And the foureteenth day being foggy and misty weather, while we made towards the land, we sent our shallop before the shippe to discouer dangers: but in the fogge, through the mens negligence which were in her, she lost vs: yet we kept on our course, thinking that although we could not see them, yet they might see our ship: and comming into sixteene fathoms water we cast anker, supposing our selues to be neere the shore: and in the euening it pleased God to giue vs for the space of one quarter of an houre clere weather, by which we found our selues to be imbayed, and also had sight of our shallop, which was at the point of a land about one league from vs. The same night we went further into the same bay, where we had very good riding. The fifteenth we went on shore, and in that place found footing of deere, and before we returned we killed one. A Spanish ship taken. The eighteenth we departed toward S. Laurence: the same euening we had sight of S. Laurence, and sent off our boat in the night with our Master and sixteene men to surprise the Spanyard, which lay in Litle S. Laurence: who presently vpon the entrance of our men surrendered vp their ship and goods. The nineteenth in the morning before day, the Master of our ship with two more, and three Spanyards, tooke a boat and came foorth to meet our shippe, but being foggy, he cast anker by the mouth of the harborow, thinking in faire weather to put out to our ship, which through the current and foggy weather was put fiue or sixe leagues to leeward: and while they were at anker in the boat they were surprised again by certaine Basks of S. Iohn de Luz who were in Great S. Laurence hard by. These Basks with their forces (hauing receiued intelligence by one of the Spanyards, who sleeping on shore, escaped vnto them ouerland) on the sudden surprised the sayd boat with our Master and others: and then presently made vnto the ship; but our men aboord defended them off. M. Crafton. In the end they threatned that vnlesse they would yeeld, they would kill M. Crafton and our other men before their eyes. So at last vpon M. Craftons intreaty and our mens, to saue their liues, they yeelded vp the ship againe, vpon condition, that they should not iniure any of our men, but should let them all with their weapons peaceably depart: yet when our men had yeelded, they brake their couenant, profering them great violence, threatning to kill them, disarming them, stripping their clothes from their backs, and vsing them more like dogs then men. After they had thus robbed our men of their prize and weapons, they presently towed the shippe with their boats out of that harborow into Great S. Laurence, where their owne shippes did ride, and within lesse then an houre after they had caried our prize away, our shippe arriued in the bay: where after we had bene a while at anker, our shallop came aboord vnto vs, with most part of our sixteene men, who tolde vs the whole story before recited, as also that captaine Laurence had caried away our Master, and Stephen van Herwicke prisoners, and turned the rest of our men on shore in the woods, without either meat, drinke, or almost any apparell. The 20 all our men came aboord, except the two prisoners: and the same day we tooke with our boats three of the Spanyards shallops, with fiue hogsheads of traine oile in ech of them, and in one boat foure Spanyards; but the men of the other two shallops fled on shore. The same day also we tooke the Master of one of the ships which was in the harborow with three other of his men, whom we detained prisoners to ransome M. Crafton and Stephen van Henrick: The 22 captaine Laurence sent them aboord, and we also released all our prisoners, except one Spanyard, who was boatswaine of the Spanish ship, whom we kept with vs: and the same day we set from thence. The harborow of Cape S. Marie. The 24 we had aduice of our Spanyard of certain Leagers which were in the harborow of cape S. Mary. Whereupon the same night, being within fiue or six leagues of the harborow, I sent off our two shallops with thirty men to discouer the harborow, and to surprise the enemy. The 25 in the morning we approched the harborow with our ship, and in the mouth thereof we espied three shallops, two whereof were ours, and the third of a ship of Rochel, which they had surprised with foure men in her: who told them that there were but two ships in the harborow, whereof one was of Rochel, and the other of Bell isle. And as we were discoursing with the Rochellers, we had sight of the ships: whereupon we sent our boat aboord the Rocheller to certifie him that we were his friends, and to request him not to hinder our fight with the enemy. This message being sent, we made all the haste we could vnto the ship of Belle isle, which first began with vs with three great shot, one whereof hit our maintopsaile, but both the other missed vs. And we also sent one vnto them: then being approched nere vnto them ten or twelue of vs went in a shallop to enter them, and we caried also a warpe with vs to make fast vnto their ship, whereby our ship might the better come vp to ayd vs. And when we boorded them in our boat, they betooke themselues to their close fights, playing chiefly vpon vs with shot and pikes out at two ports, between which we entred very dangerously, escaping neere dangers both by shot and pike. Some of our men were wounded, but no great harme was done. And mine owne piece in entring, was shot out of my hand into the sea: which shot also burst one side of the ladder, by which I entred. We had not long bene aboord, but through the helpe of God we caused them to yeeld vnto our mercy. A Briton ship of 200 tunnes taken. There were of them in the ship aboue forty men, most whereof we sent aboord our shippe, there to be kept in holde, with order to our chyrurgion to dresse the wounded men, one of which was wounded vnto death. That done, we had then time to view our prize, which we found of great defence, and a notable strong ship, almost two hundred tun in burden, very well appointed, and in all things fitted for a man of warre. They had also foureteene or fifteene men more, which were then absent from the ship; otherwise we should haue had the hoter fight. The same day we got our sailes to the yard, and our top masts on end, and rigged the shippe what we could. The 26 day we got some oile aboord, and there we taried vntill the second of August, fitting our selues for the sea, and getting fish aboord as weather serued vs. During our abode there we diuided our men, and appointed to ech ship their company, my selfe and my friends being resolued to take our passage in the prize; wherein when we were shipped, and the company, there arose great enmity against vs by the other shippe, which afterward was quieted. The second day of August, hauing taken in water and wood, we put to sea from that harborow in company of the Hopewell, with purpose to go directly to Parlican, which is an harborow in the North part of Newfoundland, where we expected another prize. But when we came to sea we found our sailes so olde, our ropes so rotten, and our prouision of bread and drinke so short, as that we were constrained to make our resolution directly for England: whereupon we drew out our reasons the fourth day of August, and sent them aboord the Hopewell, to certifie them the cause of our resolution for England: wherat they were generally offended, thinking and saying, that we in the prize went about to cousin and deceiue them. To conclude, they sent vs word that they would keepe vs company for England. But I had giuen William Crafton commission before to go for the Island of the Açores, and there to spend his victuals for a man of warre. The next day being the fift of August, hauing a faire winde, we put off from the coast of Newfoundland, and kept our course directly for England, the Hopewell keeping vs company vntill midday, whenas hauing lost vs in a fogge, she shot off two pieces of ordinance, and we answered her with three: afterwards we spake not with her, supposing that she went for the Islands. The 27 of August, drawing neere the coast of England, we sounded and found ground at seuenty fadoms. Some of the mariners, thinking we were in Bristow channell, and other in Silly channell: so that through variety of iudgements, and euil marinership we were faine to dance the hay foure dayes together, sometimes running to the Northeast, sometimes to the Southeast, then againe to the East and Eastnortheast. Thus did we spend faire winds, and lose our time vntill the last of August. And then it pleased God that we fell with the Island of Lundy within the channell of Bristoll; from whence we shaped our course: and after diuers dangers, the third of September we met with the Tramontane of the Queene off Dartmouth; to the captaine whereof we gaue certaine things that he had need of. The fift of September I landed on the outside of the Isle of Wight, and within few dayes after it pleased God to bring the ship in safety to London, where she was made prize as belonging to the enemies of this land.

Certaine obseruations touching the countreys and places where we trauelled.

The Newfoundland we found very subiect to fogs and mists. The ground of it is very rocky: and vpon it there is great store of firre trees, and in some places red; and about the shore it hath great abundance of cod fish. We were on land in it in foure seuerall places: 1 At Caplin bay and Farrillon: 2 At Cape Rase: 3 At the harborow of Lano, which lieth foure leagues to the West of Cape Laurence: 4 At S. Marie port.

The Island of Monego for the soile is much like Newfoundland, but the fish about it, as also throwout the Grande Bay within Cape Briton, is much larger and better than that of the Newfoundland. This Island is scant two leagues long, and very narrow. In the midst of it, a great way within the wood is a great poole. Here we were thrise on shore: once at the East side, and twise at the West.

The three Islands of birds are sandy red, but with the multitude of birds vpon them they looke white. The birds sit there as thicke as stones lie in a paued street. The greatest of the Islands is about a mile in compasse. The second is little less. The third is a very little one, like a small rocke. At the second of these there lay on the shore in the Sunshine about thirty or forty sea-oxen or morses: which when our boat came nere them, presently made into the sea, and swam after the boat.

Brions Island wee found to be very good, and sandy ground. It hath in it store of firre trees. It is somewhat more than a league long, and about three leagues in compasse. Here we were on land once, and went from the one side of it to the other.

The Island of Ramea we tooke to be like ground as Brions Island, hauing also abundance of firre trees. It seemeth to be in length about twelue or thirteene leagues at least. We were there in harborow, but not on shore, which we much desired, and hoped to haue bene: but the conflict which we had there with the Basks and Britons, mentioned before, preuented vs.

The Isle Blanche likewise seemeth in quality of the ground and bignesse of it to be much like Brions Island aforesayd, but somewhat lesse. We were not on shore vpon it, but rode before it at anker.

The land of Cape Briton we found to be somewhat like the Newfoundland, but rather better. Here toward the West end of it we saw the clouds lie lower then the hils: as we did also at Cape Laurence in Newfoundland. The Easterly end of the land of Cape Briton is nothing so high land, as the West. We went on shore vpon it in fiue places: 1 At the bay where the Chancewell was cast away: 2 At Cibo: 3 At a little Island betweene Cibo and the New port: 4 At the New port: And 5 at Port Ingles, or the English port.

Concerning the nature and fruitfulnesse of Brions Island, Isle Blanche, and of Ramea, they do by nature yeeld exceeding plenty of wood, great store of wild corne like barley, strawberries, gooseberries, mulberies, white roses, and store of wilde peason. Also about the sayd Islands the sea yeeldeth great abundance of fish of diuers sorts. And the sayd Islands also seeme to proffer, through the labour of man, plenty of all kinde of our graine, of roots, of hempe, and other necessary commodities.

Charles Leigh.

Certaine Voyages

Containing the discouerie of the Gulfe of Sainct Laurence to the west of Newfoundland, and from thence vp the riuer of Canada, to Hochelaga, Saguenay, and other places: with a description of the temperature of the climate, the disposition of the people, the nature, commodities, and riches of the soile, and other matters of speciall moment.

The first relation of Iaques Carthier of S. Malo, of the new land called New France, newly discovered in the yere of our Lord 1534.

How M. Iaques Carthier departed from the Port of S. Malo, with two ships, and came to Newfoundland, and how he entred into the Port of Buona Vista.

After that Sir Charles of Mouy knight lord of Meylleraye, and Viceadmirall of France had caused the Captaines, Masters, and Mariners of the shippes to be sworne to behaue themselues truely and faithfully in the seruice of the most Christian King of France, vnder the charge of the sayd Carthier, vpon the twentieth day of Aprill 1534, we departed from the Port of S. Malo with two ships of threescore tun apiece burden, and 61 well appointed men in each one: and with such prosperous weather we sailed onwards, that vpon the tenth day of May we came to Newfoundland, where we entred into the Cape of Buona Vista, which is in latitude 48 degrees and a halfe, and in longitude ——.1 But because of the great store of the ice that was alongst the sayd land, we were constrayned to enter into an hauen called S. Katherins Hauen, distant from the other Port about fiue leagues toward Southsoutheast: there did we stay tenne days looking for faire weather; and in the meanwhile we mended and dressed our boats.

How we came to the Island of Birds, and of the great quantity of birds that there be.

Vpon the 21 of May the wind being in the West, we hoisted saile, and sailed toward North and by East from the cape of Buona Vista vntil we came to the Island of Birds, which was enuironed about with a banke of ice, but broken and crackt: notwithstanding the sayd banke, our two boats went thither to take in some birds, whereof there is such plenty, that vnlesse a man did see them, he would thinke it an incredible thing: for albeit the Island (which containeth about a league in circuit) be so full of them, that they seeme to haue been brought thither, and sowed for the nonce, yet are there an hundred folde as many houering about as within; some of which are as big as iayes, blacke and white, with beaks like vnto crowes: they lie alwayes upon the sea; they cannot flie very high, because their wings are so little, and no bigger then halfe ones hand, yet do they flie as swiftly as any birds of the aire leuell to the water; they are also exceeding fat: we named them Aporath. In lesse then halfe an houre we filled two boats full of them, as if they had bene with stones: so that besides them which we did eat fresh, euery ship did powder and salt fiue or sixe barrels full of them.

Of two sorts of birds, the one called Godetz, the other Margaulx; and how we came to Carpunt.

Besides these, there is another kinde of birds which houer in the aire, and ouer the sea, lesser than the others; and these doe all gather themselves together in the Island, and put themselues vnder the wings of birds that are greater: these we named Godetz. There are also of another sort, but bigger, and white, which bite euen as dogs: those we named Margaulx. And albeit the sayd island be 14 leagues from the maine land, notwithstanding beares come swimming thither to eat of the sayd A great white bear. birds: and our men found one there as great as any cow, and as white as any swan, who in their presence leapt into the sea: and vpon Whitsunmunday (following our voyage toward the land) we met her by the way, swimming toward land as swiftly as we could saile. So soone as we saw her, we pursued her with our boats, and by maine strength tooke her, whose flesh was as good to be eaten as the flesh of a calf of two yeres olde. Les Chasteaux. The Wednesday following, being the 27 of the moneth, we came to the entrance of the bay of the Castles; but because the weather was ill and the great store of ice we found, we were constrained to enter into an harborow about the sayd entrance called Carpunt, where, because we would not come out of it, we stayed til the ninth of Iune, what time we departed, hoping with the helpe of God to saile further then the said Carpunt, which is latitude 51 degrees.

The description of Newfoundland, from Cape Razo to Cape Degrad.

The land from Cape Razo to Cape Degrad, which is the point of the entrance of the bay that trendeth from head to head toward Northnortheast, and Southsouthwest. All this part of land is parted into Islands one so near the other, that there are but small riuers betweene them: thorow the which you may passe with little boats, and therefore there are certaine good harborows, among which are those of Carpunt and Degrad. In one of these Islands that is the highest of them all, being the top of it you may plainly see the two low Islands that are nere to Cape Razo, from whence to the port of Carpunt they count it fiue and twenty leagues; and there are two entrances thereat, one on the East, the other on the South side of the Island. But you must take heed of the side and point of the East, because that euery where there is nothing els but shelues, and the water is very shallow: you must go about the Island toward the West the length of halfe a cable or thereabout, and then to goe toward the South to the sayd Carpunt. Also you are to take heed of three shelues that are in the chanell vnder the water: and toward the Island on the East side in the chanell, the water is of three or four fadome deepe, and cleere ground. The other trendeth toward Eastnortheast, and on the West you may go on shore.

Of the Island which is now called S. Katherins Island.

Going from the point Degrad, and entring into the sayd bay toward the West and by North: there is some doubt of two Islands that are on the right side, one of the which is distant from the sayd point three leagues, and the other seuen, either more or lesse then the first, being a low and plaine land, and it seemeth to be part of the maine land. I named it Saint Katherines Island; in which, toward the Northeast there is very dry soile; but about a quarter of a league from it, very ill ground so that you must go a little about. The sayd Island and the Port of Castles trend toward North northeast, and South southwest, and they are about 15. leagues asunder. Blanc Sablon or white Sands. From the said port of Castles to the port of Gutte, which is in the northerne part of the said Bay, that trendeth toward East northeast, and West southwest, there are 12. leagues and an halfe: and about two leagues from the port of Balances, that is to say, the third part athwart the saide Bay the depth being sounded it is about 38. fadomes: and from the said port of Balances to the white Sands towards West southwest there is 15. leagues, but you must take heed of a shelfe that lyeth about 3. leagues outward from the said white Sands on the Southwest side aboue water like a boat.

Of the place called Blanc Sablon or the white Sand: of the Iland of Brest, and of the Iland of Birds, of the sorts and quantitie of birds that there are found: and of the Port called the Islettes.

White Sand is a Road in the which there is no place guarded from the South, nor southeast. Brest a place to the North in Newfoundland. But toward South southwest from the saide road there are two Ilands, one of the which is called Brest Iland, and the other the Iland of Birds, in which there is great store of Godetz, and crowes with red beakes and red feete: they make their nestes in holes vnder the ground euen as Conies. A point of land being passed about a league from white Sand, there is a Port and passage found called the Islettes, a better place then white Sand: and there is great fishing. From the said Port of the Islettes vnto another called Brest, the circuit is about ten leagues. This Port is in latitude 51. degrees and 55. minutes, and longitude ——.2 From the Islettes to that place there are many other Ilands: and the saide Port of Brest is also amongst those Ilands. Moreouer the Ilands do compasse more then 3. leagues from the said Brest, being low, and ouer them are the other lands aboue mentioned seene.

How we with our ships entred into the Port of Brest, and sayling onward toward the West we passed amidst the Islettes, which were so many in number, that it was not possible to tell them: and how we named them the Islettes.

Vpon the 10. of June wee with our ships entred into the Port of Brest, to furnish our selues with water and wood, and to make vs ready to passe the said Bay. Vpon S. Barnabas day Seruice being heard, we with our boats went beyond the said Port toward the west, to see what harboroughes were there: wee passed through the midst of the Islettes, which were so many in number that it was not possible they might be tolde, for they continued about 10. leagues beyond the said Port. We to rest our selues stayed in one of them a night, and there we found great store of ducke egges, and other birds that there do make their nests, we named them all The Islettes.

Of the Port called S. Antonies Port, S. Seruans Port, Iames Cartiers Port: of the riuer called S. Iames: of the customes and apparell of the inhabitants in the Iland of White Sand.

The next day we passed the said Ilands, and beyond them all we found a good hauen, which we named S. Antonies Hauen, and one or two leagues beyond wee found a little riuer towarde the southwest coast, that is betweene two other Ilands, and is a good harborough. There we set vp a Crosse, and named it S. Seruans Port: and on the Southwest side of the said Port and riuer, about one league there is a small Iland as round as an Ouen, enuironed about with many other litle Ilands that giue notice to the said Ports. Further about two leagues there is another greater riuer, in The riuer of S. Iaques. which we tooke a good store of salmon, that we named S. Iames his Riuer. Being in the said riuer, we saw a ship of Rochel that the night before had passed the Port of Brest, where they thought to haue gone a fishing: but the Mariners knew not where they were. We with our boats approched neere vnto it, and did direct it to another Port one league more toward the West than the said riuer of S. Iames, which I take to be one of the best in all the world, and therefore wee named it Iames Carthiers Sound. If the soile were as good as the harboroughes are, it were a great commoditie: but it is not to be called The new Land, but rather stones and wilde cragges, and a place fit for wilde beastes, for in all the North Iland I did not see a Cart-load of good earth: yet went I on shoare in many places, and in the Iland of White Sand, there is nothing else but mosse and small thornes scattered here and there, withered and dry. To be short, I beleeue that this was the land that God allotted to Caine. There are men of an indifferent good stature and bignesse, but wilde and vnruly: they weare their haire tied on the top like a wreath of hay, and put a wooden pinne within it, or any other such thing instead of a naile, and with them they binde certaine birdes feathers. They are clothed with beastes skinnes as well the men as women, but that the women go somewhat straiter and closer in their garments than the men do, with their wastes girded: they paint themselues with certaine Roan colours: Boats made of the barke of birch trees. their boates are made of the barke of birch trees, with the which they fish and take great store of Seales, and as farre as we could vnderstand since our comming thither, that is not their habitation, but they come from the maine land out of hotter countreys, to catch the saide seales and other necessaries for their liuing.

Of certaine Capes, that is to say, The double Cape, The pointed Cape, Cape Royal, and the Cape of Milke: of the mountaines of Granges: of the Ilands of Doue houses: and of the great fishing of Cods.

Vpon the 13. of that moneth we came to our ships againe with our boats on purpose to saile forwards because the weather was faire, and vpon Sunday we caused Seruice to be saide; then on Munday being the 15. of the moneth we departed from Brest, and sailed toward the South to take a view of the lands that there wee had seene, that seemed vnto vs to bee two Ilands: but when we were amidst the Bay, we knew it to be firme land, where was a great double Cape one aboue the other, and therefore wee named it The double Cape. In the entrance of the Bay wee sounded, and found it to be an hundred fadome round about vs. From Brest to The double Cape there is about 20 leagues, and about fiue or sixe leagues beyond we sounded againe and found 40 fadome water. The said land lieth Northeast and Southwest. The next day being the 16 of the moneth we sailed along the said coast toward the Southwest, and by South about 35 leagues from the double Cape, where we found very steepe and wilde hilles, among the which were seene certaine smal cabbans, which we in the countrey call Granges, and therefore we named them The hilles of the Granges. The other lands and mountaines are all craggie, cleft and cut, and betwixt them and the Sea, there are other Ilands, but low. The day before through the darke mists and fogges of the weather, we could not haue sight of any land, but in the euening we spied an entrance into the land, by a riuer among the said Hilles of Granges, and a Cape lying toward the Southwest about 3 leagues from vs. The said Cape is on the top of it blunt-pointed, and also toward the Sea it endeth in a point, wherefore wee named it The pointed Cape, on the North side of which there is a plaine Iland. And because we would haue notice of the said entrance, to see if there were any good hauens, we strooke saile for that night. The next day being the 17 of the moneth we had stormie weather from Northeast, wherefore we tooke our way toward the Southwest, vntill Thursday morning, and we went about 37 leagues, till wee came athwart a Bay full of round Ilands like doue houses, and therefore wee named them The doue houses. And from the Bay of S. Iulian, from the which to a Cape that lieth South and by West, which wee called Cape Roial, there are 7. leagues, and toward the West southwest side of the saide Cape, there is another that beneath is all craggie, and aboue round. On the North side of which about halfe a league there lieth a low Iland: that Cape we named The Cape of milke. Betweene these two Capes there are certaine low Ilands, aboue which there are also certaine others that shew that there be some riuers. About two leagues from Cape royall wee sounded and found 20 fadome water, and there is the greatest fishing of Cods that possible may be: for staying for our company, in lesse then an houre we tooke aboue an hundreth of them.

Of certaine Ilands that lie betweene Cape Royall, and The Cape of milke.

The next day being the 18 of the moneth, the winde with such rage turned against vs, that we were constrained to go backe towards Cape Royal, thinking there to finde some harborough, and with our boates went to discouer betweene the Cape Royal, and the Cape of Milke, and found that aboue the low Ilands there is a great and very deepe gulfe, within which are certaine Ilands. The said gulfe on the Southside is shut vp. The foresaid low grounds are on one of the sides of the entrance, and Cape Royal is on the other. The saide low grounds doe stretch themselues more then halfe a league within the Sea. It is a plaine countrey, but an ill soile: and in the middest of the entrance thereof, there is an Iland. The saide gulfe in latitude is fourtie eight degrees and an halfe, and in longitude ——.3 That night we found no harborough, and therefore we lanched out into the Sea, leauing the Cape toward the West.

Of the Iland called S. Iohn.

From the said day vntill the 24 of the moneth being S. Iohns day we had both stormie weather and winde against vs, with such darknesse and mistes, that vntill S. Iohns day, we could haue no sight of any land, and then we had sight of a Cape of land, that from Cape Royal lieth Southwest about 35 leagues, but that day was so foggie and mistie, that we could not come neere land, and because it was S. Iohns day, we named it Cape S. Iohn.

Of certaine Ilands called the Ilands of Margaulx, and of the kinds of beas and birds that there are found. Of the Iland of Brion, and Cape Dolphin.

The next day being the 25. of the moneth, the weather was also stormie, darke, and windy, but yet we sailed a part of the day toward West North west, and in the euening wee out our selues athwart vntill the second quarter: when as we departed, then did we by our compasse know that we were Northwest and by West about seuen leagues and an halfe from the Cape of S. Iohn, and as wee were about to hoise saile, the winde turned into the Northwest, wherefore we went Southeast, about 15. leagues, and came to three Ilands, two of which are as steepe and vpright as any wall, so that it was not possible to climbe them: and betweene them there is a little rocke. These Ilands were as full of birds, as any field or medow is of grasse, which there do make their nestes: and in the greatest of them, there was a great and infinite number of those that wee call Margaulx, that are white, and bigger then any geese, which were seuered in one part. In the other were onely Godetz, but toward the shoare there were of those Godetz, and great Apponatz, like to those of that Iland that we aboue haue mentioned: we went downe to the lowest part of the least Iland, where we killed aboue a thousand of those Godetz, and Apponatz. The Islands of Margaulx. We put into our boates so many of them as we pleased, for in lesse then one houre we might haue filled thirtie such boats of them: we named them The Ilands of Margaulx. About fiue leagues from the said Ilands on the West, there is another Iland that is about two leagues in length, and so much in breadth: there did we stay all night to take in water and wood. That Iland is enuironed round about with sand, and hath a very good road about it three or foure fadome deepe. Those Ilands haue the best soile that euer we saw, for that one of their fields is more worth then all the New land. We found it all full of goodly trees, medowes, fields full of wild corne and peason bloomed, as thicke, as ranke, and as faire as any can be seene in Britaine, so that they seemed to haue bene plowed and sowed. There was also a great store of gooseberies, strawberies, damaske roses, parseley, with other very sweete and pleasant hearbes. Morses or Sea oxen. About the said Iland are very great beastes as great as oxen, which haue two great teeth in their mouths like vnto Elephants teeth, and liue also in the Sea. We saw one of them sleeping vpon the banke of the water: wee thinking to take it, went to it with our boates, but so soone as he heard vs, he cast himselfe into the Sea. We also saw beares and wolues: we named it Brions Iland. About it toward Southeast, and Northwest, there are great lakes. As farre as I could gather and comprehend, I thinke that there be some passage betweene New found land, and Brions land. If so it were, it would be a great shortening, aswel of the time as of the way, if any perfection could be found in it. About foure leagues from that Iland toward West–South-west is the firme land, which seemeth to be as an Iland compassed about with litle Ilands of sands. There is a goodly Cape which we named Cape Dolphin, for there is the beginning of good grounds. On the 27. of Iune we compassed the said lands about that lie West Southwest: and a farre off they seeme to be little hilles of sand, for they are but low landes: wee could neither goe to them, nor land on them, because the winde was against vs. That day we went 15. leagues.

Of the Iland called Alezai, and of the cape of S. Peter.

The next day we went along the said land about 10. leagues, till we came to a Cape of redde land, that is all craggie, within the which there is a bracke looking toward the North. It is a very low countrey. There is also betweene the Sea and a certaine poole, a plaine field: and from that Cape of land and the poole vnto another Cape, there are about 14 leagues. The land is fashioned as it were halfe a circle, all compassed about with sand like a ditch, ouer which as farre as ones eye can stretch, there is nothing but marrish grounds and standing pooles. And before you come to the first Cape very neere the maine land there are two little Ilands. About fiue leagues from the second Cape toward the Southwest, there is another Iland very high and pointed, which we named Alezai. The first Cape we named S. Peters Cape, because vpon that day we came thither.

Of the Cape called Cape Orleans: of the Riuer of boates: of Wilde mens Cape: and of the qualitie and temperature of the countrey.

From Brions Iland to this place there is good anckorage of sand, and hauing sounded toward Southwest euen to the shoare about fiue leagues, wee found twentie and fiue fadome water, and within one league twelue fadome, and very neere the shoare six fadome, rather more then lesse, and also good anckorage. But because wee would bee the better acquainted with this stonie and rockie ground, wee strooke our sailes lowe and athwart. The next day being the last of the moneth saue one, the winde blewe South and by East. Wee sailed Westward vntill Tuesday morning at Sunne rising, being the last of the moneth, without any sight or knowledge of any lande except in the euening toward Sunne set, that wee discouered a lande which seemed to be two Ilands, that were beyond vs West southwest, about nine or tenne leagues. All the next day till the next morning at sunne rising wee sailed Westward about fourtie leagues, and by the way we perceiued that the land we had seene like Ilands, was firme land, lying South southeast, and North northwest, to a very good Cape of land called Cape Orleans. An exceeding goodly land. Al the said land is low and plaine, and the fairest that may possibly be seene, full of goodly medowes and trees. True it is that we could finde no harborough there, because it is all full of shelues and sands. We with our boats went on shore in many places, and among the rest wee entred into a goodly riuer, but very shallow, which we named The riuer of boats, because that there wee saw boates full of wild men that were crossing the riuer. We had no other notice of the said wild men: for the wind came from the sea, and so beat vs against the shore, that wee were constrained to retire our selues with our boates toward our ships. Till the next day morning at Sunne rising, being the first of Iuly we sailed Northeast, in which time there rose great mistes and stormes, and therefore wee strucke our sailes till two of the clocke in the afternoone, that the weather became cleare, and there we had sight of Cape Orleans, and of another about seuen leagues from vs, lying North and by East, and that we called Wilde mens Cape. On the Northside of this Cape about halfe a league, there is a very dangerous shelfe, and banke of stones. Whilst wee were at this Cape, we sawe a man running after our boates that were going along the coast, who made signes vnto vs that we should returne toward the said Cape againe. We seeing such signes, began to turne toward him, but he seeing vs come, began to flee: so soone as we were come on shoare, we set a knife before him and a woollen girdle on a little staffe, and then came to our ships again. That day we trended the said land about 9. or 10. leagues, hoping to finde some good harborough, but it was not possible: for as I haue said already, it is a very low land, and enuironed round about with great shelues. Neuerthelesse we went that Varietie of goodly trees. day on shore in foure places to see the goodly and sweete smelling trees that were there: we found them to be Cedars, ewetrees, Pines, white elmes, ashes, willowes, with many other sorts of trees to vs vnknowen, but without any fruit. The grounds where no wood is, are very faire, and all full of peason, white and red gooseberies, strawberies, blackeberies, and wilde corne, euen like vnto Rie, which seemed to have bene sowen and plowed. This countrey is of better temperature then any other that can be seene, and very hote. There are many thrushes, stockdoues, and other birds: to be short, there wanteth nothing but good harboroughs.

Of the Bay called S. Lunario, and other notable Bayes and Capes of land, and of the qualitie, and goodnesse of those grounds.

The next day being the second of Iuly we discouered and had sight of land on the Northerne side toward vs, that did joyne vnto the land abouesaid, al compassed about, and we knew that it had about —— 4 in depth, and as much athwart, and we named it S. Lunarios Bay, and with our boats we went to the Cape toward the North, and found the shore so shallow, that for the space of a league from land there was but a fadome water. On the Northeast side from the said Cape about 7. or 8. leagues there is another Cape of land, in the middst whereof there is a Bay fashioned trianglewise, very deepe, and as farre off, as we could ken from it the same lieth Northeast. The said Bay is compassed about with sands and shelues about 10. leagues from land, and there is but two fadome water: from the said Cape to the bank of the other, there is about 15. leagues. We being a crosse the said Capes, discouered another land and Cape, and as farre as we could ken, it lay North and by East. All that night the weather was very ill, and great winds, so that wee were constrained to beare a smal saile vntil the next morning, being the thirde of July when the winde came from the West: and we sailed Northward to haue a sight of the land that we had left on the Northeast side, aboue the low lands, among which high and low lands there is a gulfe or breach in some places about 55. fadome deepe, and 15. leagues in bredth. By reason of the great depth and bredth of the gulfe, and change of the lands, The passage de Chasteaux. we conceiued hope that we should finde a passage, like vnto the passage of The Castles. The said gulfe lieth East Northeast, and West southwest. The ground that lieth on the Southside of the said gulfe, is as good and easie to be manured, and full of as goodly fields and meadowes, as any that euer wee haue seene, as plaine and smooth as any die: and that which lyeth on the North is a countrey altogether hilly, full of woods, and very high and great trees of sundry sorts: Trees able to mast ships of 300. tunnes. among the rest there are as goodly Ceders, and Firre trees, as possibly can be seene, able to make mastes for ships of three hundred Tunne: neither did we see any place that was not full of the saide trees, except two onely that were full of goodly medowes, with two very faire lakes. The middest of the said Bay is 47. degrees and halfe in latitude.

Of the Cape D’Esperance, or the Cape of Hope, and of S. Martins Creeke, and how seven boats full of wilde men comming to our boat, would not retire themselues, but being terrified with our Culuerins which we shot at them, and our lances, they fled with great hast.

The Cape of the said South land was called The Cape of Hope, through the hope that there we had to finde some passage. The fourth of Iuly we went along the coast of the said land on the Northerly side to find some harborough, where wee entred into a creeke altogether open toward the South, where there is no succour against the wind: we thought good to name it S. Martines Creeke. There we stayed from the fourth of Iuly vntil the twelfth: while we were there, on Munday being the sixth of the moneth, Seruice being done, wee with one of our boates went to discouer a Cape and point of land that on the Westerne side was about seuen or eight leagues from vs, to see which way it did bend, and being within halfe a league of it, wee sawe two companies of boates of wilde men going from one land to the other: Fortie or 50 boates of sauages. their boates were in number about fourtie or fiftie. One part of the which came to the said point, and a great number of men went on shore making a great noise, beckening vnto vs that wee should come on land, shewing vs certaine skinnes vpon pieces of wood, but because we had but one onely boat, wee would not goe to them, but went to the other side lying in the See: they seeing vs flee, prepared two of their boats to follow vs, with which came also fiue more of them that were comming from the Sea side, all which approched neere vnto our boate, dancing, and making many signes of ioy and mirth, as it were desiring our friendship, saying in their tongue Napeu tondamen assurtah, with many other words that we vnderstood not. But because (as we haue said) we had but one boat, wee would not stand to their courtesie, but made signes vnto them that they should turne back, which they would not do, but with great furie came toward vs: and suddenly with their boates compassed vs about: and because they would not away from vs by any signes that we could make, we shot off two pieces among them, which did so terrifie them, that they put themselues to flight toward the sayde point, making a great noise: and hauing staid a while, they began anew, euen as at the first to come to vs againe, and being come neere our boat wee strucke at them with two lances, which thing was so great a terrour vnto them, that with great haste they beganne to flee, and would no more follow vs.

How the said wilde men comming to our ships, and our men going toward them, both parties went on land, and how the saide wilde men with great ioy began to trafique with our men.

The next day part of the saide wilde men with nine of their boates came to the point and entrance of the Creeke, where we with our ships were at road. We being aduertised of their comming, went to the point where they were with our boates: but so soone as they saw vs, they began to flee, making signes that they came to trafique with us, shewing vs, such skinnes as they cloth themselues withall, which are of small value. We likewise made signes vnto them, that we wished them no euill: and in signe thereof two of our men ventured to go on land to them, and carry them kniues with other Iron wares, and a red hat to giue vnto their Captaine. Which when they saw, they also came on land, and brought some of their skinnes, and so began to deale with vs, seeming to be very glad to haue our iron ware and other things, stil dancing with many other ceremonies, as with their hands to cast Sea water on their heads. They gave vs whatsoeuer they had, not keeping any thing, so that they were constrained to go back againe naked, and made signes that the next day they would come againe, and bring more skinnes with them.

How that we hauing sent two of our men on land with wares, there came about 300. wilde men with great gladnesse. Of the qualitie of the countrey, what it bringeth forth, and of the Bay called Baie du Chaleur, or The Bay of heat.

Vpon Thursday being the eight of the moneth, because the winde was not good to go out with our ships, we set our boates in a readinesse to goe to discouer the said Bay, and that day wee went 25. leagues within it. The next day the wind and weather being faire, we sailed vntil noone, in which time we had notice of a great part of the said Bay, and how that ouer the low lands, there were other lands with high mountaines: but seeing that there was no passage at all, wee began to turne back againe, taking our way along the coast: and sayling, we saw certaine wilde men that stood vpon the shoare of a lake, that is among the low grounds, who were making fires and smokes: wee went thither, and found that there was a channel of the sea that did enter into the lake, and setting our boats at one of the banks of the chanell, the wilde men with one of their boates came vnto vs, and brought vp pieces of Seales ready sodden, puttiug them vpon pieces of wood: then retiring themselues, they would make signes vnto vs, that they did giue them vs. We sent two men vnto them with hatchets, kniues, beads, and other such like ware, whereat they were very glad, and by and by in clusters they came to the shore where wee were, with their boates, bringing with them skinnes and other such things as they had, to haue of our wares. Three hundred gentle Sauages. They were more than 300. men, women, and children: Some of the women, which came not ouer, wee might see stand vp to the knees in water, singing and dancing: the other that had passed the riuer where we were, came very friendly to vs, rubbing our armes with their owne handes, then would they lift them vp toward heauen, shewing many signes of gladnesse: and in such wise were wee assured one of another, that we very familiarly began to trafique for whatsoeuer they had, til they had nothing but their naked bodies; for they gaue vs all whatsoeuer they had, and that was but of small value. We perceiued that this people might very easily be conuerted to our Religion. They goe from place to place. They liue onely with fishing. They haue an ordinarie time to fish for their prouision. The countrey is hotter than the countrey of Spaine, and the fairest that can possibly be found, altogether smooth, and leuel. There is no place be it neuer so little, but it hath some trees (yea albeit it be sandie) or else is full of wilde corne, that hath an eare like vnto Rie: the corne is like oates, and smal peason as thicke as if they had bene sowen and plowed, white and red gooseberies, strawberies, blackberies, white and red Roses, with many other floures of very sweet and pleasant smell. There be also many goodly medowes full of grasse, and lakes wherein great plentie of salmons be. Bay du Chaleur, or the Bay of heat. They call a hatchet in their tongue Cochi, and a knife Bacon: we named it The bay of heat.

Of another nation of wilde men: of their manners, liuing, and clothing.

Being certified that there was no passage through the said Bay, we hoised saile, and went from S. Martines Creeke vpon Sunday being the 12. of July, to goe and discouer further beyond the said Bay, and went along the sea coast Eastward about eighteene leagues, till we came to the Cape of Prato, where we found the tide very great, but shallow ground, and the Sea stormie, so that we were constrained to draw toward shore, between the said Cape and an Iland lying Eastward, about a league from the said Cape, where we cast anker for that night. The next morning we hoised saile to trend the said coast about, which lyeth North Northeast. But there rose such a stormie and raging winde against vs, that we were constrained to come to the place againe, from whence we were come: there did we stay all that day til the next that we hoised vp saile, and came to the middest of a riuer fiue or sixe leagues from the Cape of Prato Northward, and being ouerthwart the said Riuer, there arose againe a contrary winde, with great fogges and stormes. So that we were constrained vpon Tuesday being the fourteenth of the moneth to enter into the riuer, and there did we stay till the sixteenth of the moneth looking for faire weather to come out of it: on which day being Thursday, the winde became so raging that one of our ships lost an anker, and we were constrained to goe vp higher into the riuer seuen or eight leagues, into a good harborough and ground that we with our boates found out, and through the euill weather, tempest, and darkenesse that was, wee stayed in the saide harborough till the fiue and twentieth of the moneth, not being able to put out: in the meane time wee sawe a great multitude of wilde men that were fishing for mackerels, whereof there is great store. Their boates were about 40, and the persons what with men, women, and children two hundred, which after they had hanted our company a while, they came very familiarly with their boats to the sides of our ships. We gaue them kniues, combes, beads of glasse, and other trifles of small value, for which they made many signes of gladnesse, lifting their hands vp to heauen dancing and singing in their boates. These men may very well and truely be called Wilde, because there is no poorer people in the world. For I thinke all that they had together, besides their boates and nets was not worth fiue souce.5 They goe altogether naked sawing their priuities, which are couered with a little skinne, and certaine olde skinnes that they cast vpon them. Neither in nature nor in language, doe they any whit agree with them which we found first: their heads be altogether shauen, except one bush of haire which they suffer to grow vpon the top of their crowne as long as a horse taile, and then with certaine leather strings binde it in a knot vpon their heads. They haue no other dwelling but their boates, which they turne vpside downe, and vnder them they lay themselues all along vpon the bare ground. They eate their flesh almost raw, saue onely that they heat it a little vpon imbers of coales, so doe they their fish. Vpon Magdalens day we with our boates went to the bancke of the riuer, and freely went on shore among them, whereat they made many signs, and all their men in two or three companies began to sing and dance, seeming to be very glad of our comming. They had caused all the young women to flee into the wood, two or three excepted, that stayed with them, to ech of which we gaue a combe, and a little bell made of Tinne, for which they were very glad, thanking our Captaine, rubbing his armes and breasts with their hands. When the men saw vs giue something vnto those that had stayed, it caused al the rest to come out of the wood, to the end that that they should haue as much as the others: These women are about twenty, who altogether in a knot fell vpon our Captaine, touching and rubbing him with their hands, according to their manner of cherishing and making much of one, who gaue to each of them a little Tinne bell: then suddenly they began to dance, and sing many songs. There we found great store of mackrels, that they had taken vpon the shore, with certaine nets that they made to fish, of a kinde of Hempe that groweth in that place where ordinarily they abide, for they neuer come to the sea, but onely in fishing time. Maize. As farre as I vnderstand, there groweth likewise a kind of Millet as big as Peason, like vnto that which groweth in Bresil, which they eate in stead of bread. They had great store of it. They call it in their tongue Kapaige. They haue also Prunes (that is to say Damsins) which they dry for winter as we doe, they call them Honesta. They haue also Figs, Nuts, Apples, and other fruits, and Beans, that they call Sahu, their nuts Cahehya. If we shewed them any thing that they haue not, nor know not what it is, shaking their heads, they will say Nohda, which is as much to say, they haue it not, nor they know it not. Of those things they haue, they would with signes shew vs how to dresse them, and how they grow. They eate nothing that hath any taste of salt. They are very great theeues, for they will filch and steale whatsoeuer they can lay hold of, and all is fish that commeth to net.

How our men set vp a great Crosse vpon the poynt of the sayd Porte, and the Captaine of those wild men, after a long Oration, was by our Captain appeased, and contented that two of his Children should goe with him.

This hauen seemeth to be Gaspay. Vpon the 25 of the moneth, wee caused a faire high Crosse to be made of the height of thirty foote, which was made in the presence of many of them, vpon the point of the entrance of the sayd hauen, in the middest whereof we hanged vp a Shield with three Floure de Luces in it, and in the top was carued in the wood with Anticke letters this posie, Viue le Roy de France. Then before them all we set it vpon the sayd point. They with great heed beheld both the making and setting of it vp. So soone as it was vp, we altogether kneeled downe before them, with our hands toward Heauen, yeelding God thankes: and we made signes vnto them, shewing them the Heauens, and that all our saluation, dependeth onely on him which in them dwelleth: whereat they shewed a great admiration, looking first one at another, and then vpon the Crosse. And after wee were returned to our ships, their Captaine clad with an old Beares skin, with three of his sonnes, and a brother of his with him, came vnto vs in one of their boates, but they came not so neere vs as they were wont to doe: there he made a long Oration vnto vs, shewing vs the crosse we had set vp, and making a crosse with two fingers, then did he shew vs all the Countrey about vs, as if he would say that all was his, and that wee should not set vp any crosse without his leaue. His talke being ended, we shewed him an Axe, faining that we would giue it him for his skin, to which he listned, for by little and little hee came neere our ships. Two sauages taken. One of our fellowes that was in our boate, tooke hold on theirs, and suddenly leapt into it, with two or three more, who enforced them to enter into our ships, whereat they were greatly astonished. But our Captain did straightwaies assure them, that they should haue no harme, nor any iniurie offred them at all, and entertained them very friendly, making them eate and drinke. Then did we shew them with signes, that the crosse was but onely set vp to be as a light and leader which wayes to enter into the port, and that wee would shortly come againe, and bring good store of iron wares and other things, but that we would take two of his children with vs, and afterward bring them to the sayd port againe: and so wee clothed two of them in shirts, and coloured coates, with red cappes, and put about euery ones necke a copper chaine, whereat they were greatly contented: then gaue they their old clothes to their fellowes that went backe againe, and we gaue to each one of those three that went backe, a hatchet, and some kniues, which made them very glad. After these were gone, and had told the newes vnto their fellowes, in the after noone there came to our ships sixe boates of them, with fiue or sixe men in euery one, to take their farewels of those two we had detained to take with vs, and brought them some fish, vttering many words which we did not vnderstand, making signes that they would not remoue the crosse we had set vp.

How after we were departed from the sayd porte, following our voyage along the sayd coast, we went to discover the land lying Southeast, and Northwest.

The next day, being the 25 of the moneth, we had faire weather, and went from the said port: and being out of the riuer, we sailed Eastnortheast, for after the entrance into the said riuer, the land is enuironed about, and maketh a bay in maner of halfe a circle, where being in our ships, we might see all the coast sayling behind, which we came to seeke, the land lying Southeast and Northwest, the course of which was distant from the riuer about twentie leagues.

Of the Cape S. Aluise, and Cape Memorancie, and certaine other lands, and how one of our Boates touched a Rocke and suddenly went ouer it.

On Munday being the 27 of the moneth, about sunne-set we went along the said land, as we haue said, lying Southeast and Northwest, till Wednesday that we saw another Cape where the land beginneth to bend toward the East: we went along about 15 leagues, then doeth the land begin to turne Northward. About three leagues from the sayd Cape we sounded, and found 24 fadome water. The said lands are plaine, and the fairest and most without woods that we haue seene, with goodly greene fields and medowes: we named the sayd Cape S. Aluise Cape, because that was his day: it is 49 degrees and an halfe in latitude, and in longitude ——.6 On Wednesday morning we were on the East side of the Cape, and being almost night we went Northwestward for to approch neere to the sayd land, which trendeth North and South. From S. Aluise Cape to another called Cape Memorancie, about fifteene leagues, the land beginneth to bend Northwest. Fifty degrees of latitude. About three leagues from the sayd Cape we would needes sound, but wee could finde no ground at 150 fadome, yet went we along the said land about tenne leagues, to the latitude of 50 degrees. The Saturday following, being the first of August, by Sunne rising, wee had certaine other landes, lying North and Northeast, that were very high and craggie, and seemed to be mountaines: betweene which were other low lands with woods and riuers: wee went about the sayd lands, as well on the one side as on the other, still bending Northwest, to see if it were either a gulfe, or a passage, vntill the fift of the moneth. The distance from one land to the other is about fifteene leagues. The middle betweene them both is 50 degrees and a terce in latitude. We had much adoe to go fiue miles farther, the winds were so great and the tide against vs. And at fiue miles end, we might plainely see and perceiue land on both sides, which there beginneth to spread it selfe, but because we rather fell, then got way against the wind, we went toward land, purposing to goe to another Cape of land, lying Southward, which was the farthermost out into the sea that we could see, about fiue leagues from vs, but so soone as we came thither, we found it to be naught else but Rockes, stones, and craggie cliffes, such as we had not found any where since we had sailed Southward from S. Iohns Cape: and then was the tide with vs, which caried vs against the wind Westward, so that as we were sayling along the sayd coast, one of our boats touched a Rocke, and suddenly went ouer, but we were constrained to leape out for to direct it on according to the tide.

How after we had agreed and consulted what was best to be done, we purposed to returne: and of S. Peters Streight, and of Cape Tiennot.

After we had sailed along the sayd coast, for the space of two houres, behold, the tide began to turne against vs, with so swift and raging a course, that it was not possible for vs with 13 oares to row or get one stones cast farther, so that we were constrained to leaue our boates with some of our men to guard them, and 10 or 12 men went ashore to the sayd Cape, where we found that the land beginneth to bend Southwest, which hauing seene, we came to our boats againe, and so to our ships, which were stil ready vnder saile, hoping to go forward: but for all that, they were fallen more then foure leagues to leeward from the place where we had left them, where so soone as we came, wee assembled together all our Captaines, Masters, and Mariners, to haue their aduice and opinion what was best to be done: and after that euery one had said, considering that the Easterly winds began to beare away, and blow, and that the flood was so great, that we did but fall, and that there was nothing to be gotten, and that stormes and tempests began to reigne in Newfound land, and that we were so farre from home, not knowing the perils and dangers that were behind, for either we must agree to returne home againe, or els to stay there all the yeere. Moreouer, we did consider, that if the Northerne winds did take vs, it were not possible for vs to depart thence. All which opinions being heard and considered, we altogether determined to addresse our selues homeward. The Streit of S. Peter. Nowe because vpon Saint Peters day wee entred into the sayd Streite, wee named it Saint Peters Streite. Wee sounded it in many places, in some wee found 150 fadome water, in some 100, and neere the shoare sixtie, and cleere ground. From that day till Wednesday following, we had a good and prosperous gale of winde, so that we trended the said North shore East, Southeast, West Northwest: for such is the situation of it, except one Cape of low lands that bendeth more toward the Southeast, about twenty fiue leagues from the Streight. In this place we saw certaine smokes, that the people of the countrey made vpon the sayd cape: but because the wind blewe vs toward the coast, we went not to them, which when they saw, they came with two boates and twelue men vnto vs, and as freely came vnto our ships, as if they had bene French men, and gaue vs to vnderstand, that they came from the great gulfe,7 and that Tiennot was their Captaine, who then was vpon that Cape, making signes vnto vs, that they were going home to their Countreys whence we were come with our ships, and that they were laden with Fish. We named the sayd Cape, Cape Tiennot. From the said Cape all the land trendeth Eastsoutheast, and Westnorthwest. All these lands lie low, very pleasant, enuironed with sand, where the sea is entermingled with marishes and shallowes, the space of twentie leagues: then doth the land begin to trend from West to Eastnortheast altogether enuironed with Islands two or three leagues from land, in which as farre as we could see, are many dangerous shelues more then foure or fiue leagues from land.

How that vpon the ninth of August wee entred within White Sands, and vpon the fift of September we came to the Port of S. Malo.

From the sayd Wednesday vntill Saturday following, we had a great wind from the Southwest, which caused vs to run Eastnortheast, on which day we came to the Easterly partes of Newfoundland, between the Granges and the Double Cape. There began great stormie windes comming from the East with great rage: wherefore we coasted the Cape Northnorthwest, to search the Northerne part, which is (as we haue sayd) all enuironed with Islands, and being neere the said Islands and land, the wind turned into the South, which brought vs within the sayd gulfe, so that the next day being the 9 of August, we by the grace of God entred within the white Sands. And this is so much as we haue discouered. After that, vpon the 15 of August, being the feast of the Assumption of our Lady, after that we had heard seruice, we altogether departed from the porte of White Sands, and with a happy and prosperous weather we came into the middle of the sea, that is between Newfoundland and Britanie, in which place we were tost and turmoyled three dayes long with great stormes and windy tempests comming from the East, which with the ayde and assistance of God we suffred: then had we faire weather, and vpon the fift of September, in the sayd yere, we came to the Port of S. Malo whence we departed.

The language that is spoken in the Land newly discouered, called New France.
God ——
the Sunne Isnez
the Heauen camet
the Day ——
the Night aiagla
Water ame
Sand estogaz
a sayle aganie
the Head agonaze
the Throate conguedo
the Nose hehonguesto
the Teeth hesangue
the Nayles agetascu
the Feete ochedasco
the Legs anoudasco
a dead man amocdaza
a Skinne aionasca
that Man yca
a Hatchet asogne
a Cod fish gadagoursere
good to be eaten guesande
Flesh ————
Almonds anougaza
Figs asconda
Gold henyosco
the priuie members assegnega
an Arrow cacta
a greene Tree haueda
an earthen dish vndaco
a Bow ————
Brasse aignetaze
the Brow ansce
a Feather yco
the Moone casmogan
the Earth conda
the Wind canut
the Raine onnoscon
Bread cacacomy
the Sea amet
a Ship casaomy
a Man vndo
the Haires hoc hosco
the Eyes ygata
the Mouth heche
the Eares hontasco
the Armes agescu
a Woman enrasesco
a sicke Man alouedeche
Shooes atta
a skinne to couer a
mans priuy members
red cloth cahoneta
a Knife agoheda
a Mackrell agedoneta
Nuttes caheya
Apples honesta
Beanes sahe
a Sword achesco

1 Blank in original.

2 Blank in original.

3 Blank in original.

4 Blank in original.

5 Sous.

6 Blank in original.

7 Gulf of Mexico.

A shorte and briefe narration of the Nauigation made by the commandement of the King of France, to the Islands of Canada, Hochelaga, Saguenay, and diuers others which now are called New France, with the particular customes, and maners of the inhabitants therein.

Chap. 1.

In the yeere of our Lord 1535, vpon Whitsunday, being the 16. of May, by the commandement of our Captaine Iames Cartier, and with a common accord, in the Cathedrall Church of S. Malo we deuoutly each one confessed our selues, and receiued the Sacrament: and all entring into the Quier of the sayd Church, wee presented our selues before the Reuerend Father in Christ, the Lord Bishop of S. Malo, who blessed vs all, being in his Bishops roabes. The Wednesday following, being the 19. of May, there arose a good gale of wind, and therefore we hoysed sayle with three ships, that is to say, the great Hermina, being in burden about a hundreth, or a hundreth and twentie tunne, wherein the foresaid Captaine Iames Cartier was Generall, and master Thomas Frosmont chiefe Master, accompanied with master Claudius de Pont Briand, sonne to the Lorde of Montceuell, and Cup-bearer to the Dolphin of France, Charles of Pomeraies, Iohn Powlet, and other Gentlemen. In the second ship called the little Hermina, being of threescore tunne burden, were Captaines vnder the sayd Cartier, Mace Salobert, and Master William Marie. In the third ship called the Hermerillon, being of forty tunne in burden, were Captains M. William Britton, and M. Iames Maringare. So we sayled with a good and prosperous wind, vntill the 20 of the said moneth, at which time the weather turned into stormes and tempests, the which with contrary winds, and darkenesse, endured so long that our ships being without any rest, suffered as much as any ships that euer went on seas: so that the 25 of Iune, by reason of that foule and foggie weather, all our ships lost sight one of another againe till wee came to Newfoundland where wee had appointed to meete. After we had lost one another, wee in the Generals ship were with contrary winds tost to and fro on the sea, vntill the seuenth of Iuly, vpon which lyeth from the maine land 14 leagues. This Island is so full of birds, that all our ships might easily haue bene fraighted with them, and yet for the great number that there is, it would not seeme that any were taken away. We to victuall our selues filled two boats of them. The Isle of birds in 49 degrees 40 minutes. This Island hath the Pole eleuated 49 degrees, and 40 minutes. The Bay des Chasteaux or The Grant Bay. Vpon the eight of the sayd moneth we sailed further, and with a prosperous weather, came to the Port called The Port of white sands, that is in the Bay called The Bay of Castels, where we had purposed to meete and stay together the 15 of the said moneth. In this place therefore we looked for our fellowes, that is to say, the other two ships, till the 26 of the moneth, on which day both came together. So soone as our fellowes were come, we set our ships in a readines, taking in both water, wood, and other necessaries. And then on the 29 of the sayd moneth, early in the morning we hoised saile to passe on further, and sayling along the Northerne coast that runneth Northeast and Southwest, til two houres after Sun-set or thereabouts, then we crossed along two Islands, which doe stretch further foorth then the others, which we called S. Williams Islands, being distant about 20 leagues or more from the Port of Brest. All the coast from the Castels to that place lieth East and West, Northeast and Southwest, hauing betweene it sundry little Islands, altogether barren and full of stones, without either earth or trees, except certain valleys only. The next day being the 30 of Iuly, we sailed on Westward to find out other Islands which as yet we had not found 12 leagues and a halfe, among which there is a great Bay toward the North all full of Islands and great creekes, where many good harboroughs seeme to be: them we named S. Marthas Islands, from which about a league and a halfe further into the sea there is a dangerous shallow, wherein are fiue rockes, which lie from Saint Marthas Islands about seuen leagues as you passe into the sayd Islands, on the East and on the West side, to which we came the sayd day an houre after noone, and from that houre vntill midnight we sailed about fifteene leagues athwart a cape of the lower Islands, which we named S. Germans Islands. Southeastward, from which place about three leagues, there is a very dangerous shallow. Likewise betweene S. Germans cape and Saint Marthas, about two leagues from the sayd Islands, there lyeth a banke of sand, vpon which banke the water is but foure fadome deepe, and therefore seeing the danger of the coast, we strucke saile and went no further that night: The next day being the last of Iuly, we went all along the coast that runneth East and West, and somewhat Southeasterly which is all enuironed about with Islands and drie sands, and in trueth is very dangerous. The length from S. Germans Cape to the said Islands is about 17 leagues and a halfe, at the end of which there is a goodly plot of ground full of huge and high trees, albeit the rest of the coast be compassed about with sands without any signe or shew of harboroughs, till we came to Cape Thiennot, which trendeth Northwest about seuen leagues from the foresaid Islands, which Cape Thiennot we noted in our former voyage, and therefore we sailed on all that night West and Westnorthwest, till it was day, and then the wind turned against vs, wherefore we went to seeke a hauen wherein we might harbour our ships, and by good hap, found one fit for our purpose, about seuen leagues and a halfe beyond Cape Thiennot, and that we named S. Nicholas Hauen, it lieth amidst 4 Islands that stretch into the sea: Vpon the neerest wee for a token set vp a woodden crosse. But note by the way, that this crosse must be brought Northeast, and then bending toward it, leaue it on the left hand and you shall find sixe fadome water, and within the hauen foure. Also you are to take heede of two shelues that leane outward halfe a league. All this coast is full of shoulds and very dangerous, albeit in sight many good hauens seeme to be there, yet is there nought else but shelues and sands. We staied and rested our selues in the sayd hauen, vntill the seuenth of August being Sonday: on which day we hoysed sayle, and came toward land on the South side toward Cape Rabast, distant from the sayd hauen about twentie leagues Northnortheast, and Southsouthwest: but the next day there rose a stormie and a contrary winde, and because we could find no hauen there toward the South, thence we went coasting along toward the North, beyond the abouesayd hauen about ten leagues, where we found a goodly great gulfe, full of Islands, passages, and entrances toward what wind soeuer you please to bend: for the knowledge of this gulfe there is a great Island that is like to a Cape of lande, stretching somewhat further foorth than the others, and about two leagues within the land, there is an hill fashioned as it were an heape of corne. We named the sayd gulfe Saint Laurence his bay. A Cape of the Isle of Assumption. The twelfth of the sayd moneth wee went from the sayd Saint Laurence his Bay, or gulfe, sayling Westward, and discouered a Cape of land toward the South, that runneth West and by South, distant from the sayd Saint Laurence his Bay, about fiue and twenty leagues. And of the two wilde men which wee tooke in our former voyage, it was tolde vs, that this was part of the Southerne coaste, and that there was an Island, on the Southerly parte of which is the way to goe from Honguedo (where the yeere before we had taken them) to Canada, and that two dayes iourney from the sayd Cape, and Island began the Kingdome of Saguenay, on the North shore extending toward Canada, and about three leagues athwart the sayd Cape, there is a hundreth fadome water. A mighty skull of Whales. Moreouer I beleeue that there were neuer so many Whales seen as wee saw that day about the sayd Cape. The next day after being our Ladie day of August the fifteenth of the moneth, hauing passed the Straight, we had notice of certaine lands that wee left toward the South, which landes are full of very great and high hilles, and this Cape wee named The Island of the Assumption, and one Cape of the said high countreys lyeth Eastnortheast, and Westsouthwest, the distance betweene which is about fiue and twenty leagues. The Countreys lying North may plainely be perceiued to be higher then the Southerly, more then thirty leagues in length. We trended the sayd landes about toward the South: from the sayd day vntill Tewesday-noone following, the winde came West, and therefore wee bended toward the North, purposing to goe and see the land that we before had spied. Being arriued there, we found the sayd landes, as it were ioyned together, and low toward the Sea. And the Northerly mountaines that are vpon the sayd low lands stretch East, and West, and a quarter of the South. Our wild men told vs that there was the beginning of Saguenay, and that it was land inhabited, and that thence commeth the red Copper, of them named Caignetdaze. There is betweene the Southerly lands, and the Northerly about thirty leagues distance, and more then two hundreth fadome depth. The mouth of the riuer of Hochelaga about thirty leagues broad. The sayd men did moreouer certifie vnto vs, that there was the way and beginning of the great riuer of Hochelaga and ready way to Canada, which riuer the further it went the narrower it came, euen vnto Canada, and that then there was fresh water, which went so farre vpwards, that they had neuer heard of any man who had gone to the head of it, and that there is no other passage but with small boates. Our Captaine hearing their talke, and how they did affirme no other passage to be there, would not at that time proceede any further, till he had seene and noted the other lands, and coast toward the North, which he had omitted to see from S. Laurence his gulfe, because he would know, if between the lands toward the North any passage anight be discouered.

Chap. 2.

How our Captaine caused the ships to returne backe againe, only to know if in Saint Laurence gulfe there were any passage toward the North.

Vpon the 18 of August being Wednesday, our Captaine caused his shippes to wind backe, and bend toward the other shore, so that we trended the said Northerly cost, which runneth Northeast and Southwest, being fashioned like vnto halfe a bowe, and is a very high land, but yet not so high as that on the South parts. The Thursday following we came to seuen very high Islands, which we named The round Islands. These Islands are distant from the South shore about 40 leagues, and stretch out into the sea about 3 or 4 leagues. Against these there are goodly low grounds to be seene full of goodly trees, which we the Friday following, with our boats compassed about. Ouerthwart these lands there are diuers sandy shelues more then two leagues into the sea, very dangerous, which at a low water remaine almost dry. At the furthest bounds of these lowe lands, that containe about ten leagues, there is a riuer of fresh water, that with such swiftnesse runneth into the sea, that for the space of one league within it the water is as fresh as any fountaine water. We with our boates entred in the sayd riuer, at the entrance of which we found about one fadome and a halfe of water. There are in this riuer many fishes shaped like horses, which as our wild men told vs, all the day long lie in the water, and the night on land: of which we saw therin a great number. The Isle of Assumption or Natiscotec. The next day being the 21 of the moneth, by breake of day we hoysed saile, and sailed so long along the said coast, that we had sight of the rest of the sayd Northerne coast, which as yet we had not seene, and of the Island of the Assumption which wee went to discouer, departing from the sayd land: which thing so soone as we had done, and that we were certified no other passage to be there, we came to our ships againe, which we had left at the said Islands, where is a good harborough, the water being about nine or ten fadome. A hauen on the Southerne coast. In the same place by occasion of contrary winds and foggie mists, we were constrained to stay, not being either able to come out of it, or hoise saile, till the 24 of the moneth: On which day we departed and came to a hauen on the Southerly coast about 80 leagues from the said Islands. This hauen is ouer against three flat Islands that lie amidst the riuer, because on the midway betweene those Islands, and the sayd hauen toward the North, there is a very great riuer that runneth betweene the high and low landes, and more then three leagues into the sea it hath many shelues, and there is not altogether two fadome water, so that the place is very dangerous: and neere vnto the said shelues, there is either fifteene or 20 fadomes from shore to shore. All the Northerly coaste runneth Northeast and by North, and Southwest and by South. The said hauen wherin we stayed on the South side, is as it were but a sluce of the waters that rise by the flood, and but of smal accompt: we named them S. Iohns Islets, because we found them, and entred into them the day of the beheading of that Saint. And before you come to the said hauen, there is an Island lying Eastward about 5 leagues distant from the same: betweene which and the land there is no passage sauing only for smal boats. The hauen of S. Iohns Islets dryeth vp all the waters that rise by flowing, although they flow two fadome at the least. The best place to harborough ships therein is on the South part of a little Island that is ouer against the said hauen, whereby the bancke or shore of the Island riseth. This is the riuer of Tadascu, or of Saguenay. Vpon the first of September we departed out of the said hauen, purposing to go toward Canada; and about 15 leagues from it toward the West, and Westsouthwest, amidst the riuer, there are three Islands, ouer against the which there is a riuer which runneth swift, and is of a great depth, and it is that which leadeth, and runneth into the countrey and kingdome of Saguenay, as by the two wild men of Canada it was told vs. This riuer passeth and runneth along very high and steepe hils of bare stone, where very little earth is, and notwithstanding there is great quantity of sundry sorts of trees that grow in the said bare stones, euen as vpon good and fertile ground, in such sort that we haue seene some so great as wel would suffise to make a mast for a ship of 30 tunne burden, and as greene as possibly can be, growing in a stony rocke without any earth at all. At the entrance of the sayd riuer we met with 4 boats ful of wild men, which as far as we could perceiue, very fearfully came toward vs, so that some of them went backe againe, and the other came as neere vs as easily they might heare and vnderstand one of our wild men, who told them his name, and then tooke acquaintance of them, vpon whose word they came to vs. The next day being the 2 of September, we came out of the sayd riuer to go to Canada, and by reason of the seas flowing, the tide was very swift and dangerous, for that on the South part of it there lie two Islands, about which, more then three leagues compasse, lie many rocks and great stones, and but two fadome water: and the flowing amidst those Islands is very vnconstant and doubtful, so that if it had not bene for our boats, we had been in great danger to lose our Pinnesse: and coasting along the said drie sands, there is more then 30 fadom water.

About fiue leagues beyond the riuer of Saguenay Southwest, there is another Iland on the Northside, wherein are certaine high lands, and thereabouts we thought to haue cast anker, on purpose to stay the next tide, but we could sound no ground in a 120 fadome, within a flight shoot from shore, so that we were constrained to winde backe to the said Iland, where wee sounded againe and found 35 fadome. The next morning we hoysed saile and went thence, sayling further on, where we had notice of a certaine kind of fish neuer before of any man seene or knowen. They are about the bignesse of a porpose, yet nothing like them, of body very well proportioned, headed like Grayhounds, altogither as white as snow without any spot, within which riuer there is great quantitie of them: they doe liue altogither betweene the Sea and the fresh water. These people of the Countrey call them Adhothuys, they tolde vs that they be very sauory and good to be eaten. Moreouer they affirme none to be found elsewhere but in the mouth of that riuer. The sixth of the month, the weather being calme and faire, we went about 15 leagues more vpward into the riuer, and there lighted on an Iland that looketh Northward, and it maketh a little hauen or creeke wherein are many and innumerable great Tortoyzes, continually lying about that Iland. There are likewise great quantitie of the said Adhothuys taken by the inhabitours of the countrey, and there is as great a current in that place as is at Bordeux in France at euery tide. This Iland is in length about three leagues, and in bredth two, and is a goodly and fertile plot of ground, replenished with many goodly and great trees of many sorts. The Ile of Condres or Filberds. Among the rest there are many Filberd-trees, which we found hanging full of them, somewhat bigger and better in sauour then ours, but somewhat harder, and therefore we called it The Iland of Filberds. The seuenth of the moneth being our Ladies euen, after seruice we went from that Iland to goe vp higher into the riuer, and came to 14 Ilands seuen or eight leagues from the Iland of Filberds, where the countrey of Canada beginneth, one of which Ilands is ten leagues in length, and fiue in bredth, greatly inhabited of such men as onely liue by fishing of such sorts of fishes as the riuer affordeth, according to the season of them. This great Iland is called The Ile of Orleans. Maiz. After we had cast anker betwene the said great Iland, and the Northerly coast, we went on land and tooke our two wild men with vs, meeting with many of these countrey people, who would not at all approch vnto vs, but rather fled from vs, vntill our two men began to speake vnto them, telling them that they were Taignoagoy and Domagaia, who so soone as they had taken acquaintance of them, beganne greatly to reioyce, dancing and shewing many sorts of ceremonies: and many of the chiefest of them came to our boats and brought many Eeles and other sorts of fishes, with two or three burdens of great Millet wherewith they make their bread, and many great muske millions. The same day came also many other boates full of those countreymen and women, to see and take acquaintance of our two men, all which were as courteously receiued and friendly entertained of our Captaine, as possibly could be. And to haue them the better acquainted with him, and make them his friends, hee gaue them many small gifts, but of small value: neuerthelesse they were greatly contented with them. The next day following, the Lord of Canada (whose proper name was Donnacona, but by the name of Lord they call him Agouhanna) with twelue boats came to our ships, accompanied with many people, who causing ten of his boates to goe backe with the other two, approched vnto vs with sixteene men. Then beganne the said Agouhanna ouer against the smallest of our ships, according to their maner and fashion, to frame a long Oration, moouing all his bodie and members after a strange fashion, which thing is a ceremonie and signe of gladnesse and securitie among them, and then comming to the Generals ship, where Taignoagny and Domagaia were, he spake with them and they with him, where they began to tell and shew vnto him what they had seene in France, and what good entertainement they had had: hearing which things the said Lord seemed to be very glad thereof, and prayed our Captaine to reach him his arme, that he might kisse it, which thing he did: their Lord taking it, laid it about his necke, for so they vse to doe when they will make much of one. Then our Captaine entred into Agouhannas boat, causing bread and wine to be brought to make the said Lord and his companie to eate and drinke, which thing they did, and were greatly thereby contented and satisfied. Our Captaine for that time gaue them nothing, because he looked for a fitter opportunity. These things being done, ech one tooke leaue of others, and the said Lord went with his boats againe to his place of abode. Our Captaine then caused our boates to be set in order, that with the next tide he might goe vp higher into the riuer, to find some safe harborough for our ships: and we passed vp the riuer against the streame about tenne leagues, coasting the said Iland, at the end whereof, we found a goodly and pleasant sound, where is a little riuer and hauen, where by reason of the flood there is about three fadome water. Santa Croix. This place seemed to vs very fit and commodious to harbour our ships therein, and so we did very safely, we named it the holy Crosse, for on that day we came thither. Goodly hemp. Neere vnto it, there is a village, whereof Donnacona is Lord, and there he keepeth his abode: it is called Stadacona, as goodly a plot of ground as possibly may be seene, and therewithall very fruitfull, full of goodly trees euen as in France, as Okes, Elmes, Ashes, Walnut trees, Maple tres, Cydrons, Vines, and white Thornes, that bring foorth fruit as bigge as any damsons, and many other sortes of trees, vnder which groweth as faire tall hempe, as any in France, without any seede or any mans worke or labour at all. Hauing considered the place, and finding it fit for our purpose, our Captaine withdrew himselfe on purpose to returne to our ships: but behold, as we were comming out of the riuer we met comming against vs one of the Lords of the said village of Stadacona, accompanied with many others, as men, women, and children, who after the fashion of their country, in signe of mirth and ioy, began to make a long Oration, the women still singing and dancing vp to the knees in water. Our Captaine knowing their good will and kindnesse toward vs, caused the boat wherein they were, to come vnto him, and gaue them certaine trifles, as kniues, and beades of glasse, whereat they were maruellous glad, for being gone about leagues from them, for the pleasure they concerned of our comming we might heare them sing, and see them dance for all they were so farre.

Chap. 3.

How our Captaine went to see and note the bignesse of the Iland, and the nature of it, and then returned to the ships, causing them to be brought to the riuer of The holy Crosse.

After we were come with our boats vnto our ships againe, our Captaine caused our barks to be made readie to goe on land in the said Iland, to note the trees that in shew seemed so faire, and to consider the nature and qualitie of it: which things we did, and found it full of goodly trees likes to ours. The Ile of Bacchus, or the Ile of Orleans. Also we saw many goodly Vines, a thing not before of vs seene in those countries, and therefore we named it Bacchus Iland. It is in length about twelue leagues, in sight very pleasant, but full of woods, no part of it manured, vnlesse it be in certaine places, where a few cottages be for Fishers dwellings as before we haue said. The next day we departed with our ships to bring them to the place of the holy Crosse, and on the 14 of that moneth we came thither, and the Lord Donnacona, Taignoagny, and Domagaia, with 25 boats full of those people, came to meete vs, comming from the place whence we were come, and going toward Stadacona, where their abiding is, and all came to our ships, shewing sundry and diuers gestures of gladnesse and mirth, except those two that he had brought, to wit, Taignoagny, and Domagaia, who seemed to haue altered and changed their mind, and purpose, for by no meanes they would come vnto our ships, albeit sundry times they were earnestly desired to doe it, whereupon we began to mistrust somewhat. Our Captaine asked them if according to promise they would go with him to Hochelaga? They answered yea, for so they had purposed, and then ech one withdrew himselfe. The next day being the fifteenth of the moneth, our Captaine went on shore, to cause certaine poles and piles to be driuen into the water, and set vp, that the better and safelier we might harbour our ships there: and many of those countrey people came to meete vs there, among whom was Donnacona and our two men, with the rest of their company, who kept themselues aside vnder a point or nooke of land that is vpon the shore of a certaine riuer, and no one of them came vnto vs as the other did that were not on their side. Our Captaine vnderstanding that they were there, commanded part of our men to follow him, and he went to the saide point where he found the said Donnacona, Taignoagny, Domagaia, and diuers other: and after salutations giuen on ech side, Taignoagny setled himselfe formost to speake to our Captaine, saying that the Lord Donnacona did greatly grieue and sorrow that our Captaine and his men did weare warlike weapons, and they not. Our Captaine answered, that albeit it did greeue them yet would not he leaue them off, and that (as he knew) it was the maner of France. But for all these words our Captaine and Donnacona left not off to speake one to another, and friendly to entertaine one another. Then did we perceiue, that whatsoeuer Taignoagny spake, was onely long of himselfe and of his fellow, for that before they departed thence our Captaine and Donnacona entred into a maruellous stedfast league of friendship, whereupon all his people at once with a loude voyce, cast out three great cryes, (a horrible thing to heare) and each one hauing taken leaue of the other for that day, we went aboord againe. The day following we brought our two great shippes within the riuer and harborough, where the waters being at the highest, are three fadome deepe, and at the lowest, but halfe a fadome. We left our Pinnesse without the road to the end we might bring it to Hochelaga. So soone as we had safely placed our ships, behold we saw Donnacona, Taignoagny and Domagaia, with more then fiue hundred persons, men, women and children, and the said Lord with ten or twelue of the chiefest of the countrey came aboord of our ships, who were all courteously receiued, and friendly entertained both of our Captaine and of vs all: and diuers gifts of small value were giuen them. Then did Taignoagny tell our Captaine, that his Lord did greatly sorrow that he would go to Hochelaga, and that he would not by any meanes permit that any of them should goe with him, because the riuer was of no importance. Our Captaine answered him, that for all his saying, he would not leaue off his going thither, if by any meanes it were possible, for that that he was commanded by his king to goe as farre as possibly he could: and that if he (that is to say Taignoagny) would goe with him, as he had promised, he should be very well entertained, beside that, he should haue such a gift giuen him, as he should well content himselfe: for he should doe nothing else but goe with him to Hochelaga and come againe. To whom Taignoagny answered, that he would not by any meanes goe, and thereupon they sodainly returned to their houses. The next day being the 17 of September, Donnacona and his company returned euen as at the first, and brought with him many Eeles, with sundry sorts of other fishes, whereof they take great store in the said riuer, as more largely hereafter shall be shewed. And as soone as they were come to our ships, according to their wonted use they beganne to sing and dance. This done, Donnacona caused all his people to be set on the one side: then making a round circle vpon the sand he caused our Captaine with all his people to enter thereinto, then he began to make a long Oration, holding in one of his hands a maiden child of ten or twelue yeeres old, which he presented vnto our Captaine: then sodainly beganne all his people to make three great shreeks, or howles, in signe of ioy and league of friendship: presently vpon that he did present vnto him two other young male children one after another, but younger then the other, at the giuing of which euen as before they gaue out shreeks and howles very loud, with other cerimonies: for which presents, our Captaine, gaue the saide Lorde great and hearty thankes. Then Taignoagny told our Captaine, that one of the children was his owne brother, and that the maiden child was daughter vnto the said Lords owne sister, and the presents were only giuen him to the end he should not goe to Hochelaga at all: to whom our Captaine answered, that if they were only giuen him to that intent, if so he would, he should take them againe, for that by no meanes he would leaue his going off, for as much as he was so commanded of his King. But concerning this, Domagaia told our Captaine that their Lord had giuen him those children as a signe and token of goodwill and security, and that he was contented to goe with him to Hochelaga, vpon which talke great wordes arose betweene Taignoagny and Domagaia, by which we plainely perceiued that Taignoagny was but a crafty knaue, and that he intended but mischiefe and treason, as well by this deede as others that we by him had seene. After that our Captaine caused the said children to be put in our ships, and caused two Swords and two copper Basons, the one wrought, the other plaine, to be brought vnto him, and them he gaue to Donnacona, who was therewith greatly contented, yeelding most heartie thankes vnto our Captaine for them, and presently vpon that he commanded all his people to sing and dance, and desired our Captaine to cause a peece of artillerie to be shot off, because Taignoagny and Domagaia made great brags of it, and had told them maruellous things, and also, because they had neuer heard nor seene any before: to whom our Captaine answered, that he was content: and by and by he commanded his men to shoot off twelue cannons charged with bullets into the wood that was hard by those people and ships, at whose noyse they were greatly astonished and amazed, for they thought that heauen had fallen ypon them, and put themselues to flight, howling, crying, and shreeking, so that it seemed hell was broken loose. But before we went thence, Taignoagny caused other men to tell vs, that those men which we had left in our Pinnesse in the road, had slaine two men of their company, with a peece of ordinance that they had shot off, whereupon the rest had put themselues all to flight, as though they should all haue bene slaine: which afterward we found vntrue, because our men had not shot off any peece at all that day.

Chap. 4.

How Donnacona and Taignoagny with others, deuised a prettie sleight or pollicie: for they caused three of their men to be attired like Diuels, fayning themselues to be sent from their God Cudruaigny, onely to hinder our voyage to Hochelaga.

The next day being the eighteenth of September, these men still endeuoured themselues to seeke all meanes possible to hinder and let our going to Hochelaga, and deuised a prettie guile, as hereafter shalbe shewed. They went and dressed three men like Diuels, being wrapped in dogges skinnes white and blacke, their faces besmeered as blacke as any coales, with hornes on their heads more then a yard long, and caused them secretly to be put in one of their boates, but came not neere our ships as they were wont to doe, for they lay hidden within the wood for the space of two houres, looking for the tide, to the end the boat wherein the Diuels were, might approach and come neere vs, which when time was, came, and all the rest issued out of the wood comming to vs, but yet not so neere as they were wont to do. There began Taignoagny to salute our Captaine, who asked him if he would haue the boate to come for him; he answered, not for that time, but after a while he would come vnto our ships: then presently came that boat rushing out, wherein the three counterfeit Diuels were with such long hornes on their heads, and the middlemost came making a long Oration and passed along our ships with out turning or looking toward vs, but with the boat went toward the land. Then did Donnacona with all his people pursue them, and lay hold on the boat and Diuels, who so soone as the men were come to them, fell prostrate in the boate, euen as if they had beene dead: then were they taken vp and carried into the wood, being but a stones cast off, then euery one withdrew himselfe into the wood, not one staying behind with vs, where being, they began to make a long discourse, so loud that we might heare them in our ships, which lasted aboue halfe an houre, and being ended we began to espie Taignoagny and Domagaia comming towards vs, holding their hands vpward ioyned together, carying their hats vnder their vpper garment, shewing a great admiration, and Taignoagny looking vp to heauen, cryed three times Iesus, Iesus, Iesus, and Domagaia doing as his fellow had done before, cryed, Iesus Maria, Iames Cartier. Our Captaine hearing them, and seeing their gestures and ceremonies, asked of them what they ailed, and what was happened or chanced anew; they answered, that there were very ill tydings befallen, saying in French, Nenni est il bon, that is to say, it was not good: our Captaine asked them againe what it was, then answered they, that their God Cudruaigny had spoken in Hochleaga: and that he had sent those three men to shewe vnto them that there was so much yce and snow in that countrey, that whosoeuer went thither should die, which wordes when we heard, we laughed and mocked them saying, that their God Cudruaigny was but a foole and a noddie, for he knew not what he did or said; then bade we them shew his messengers from vs, that Christ would defend them all from colde, if they would beleeue in him. Then did they aske of our Captaine if he had spoken with Iesus: he answered no, but that his Priests had, and that he told them they should haue faire weather: which wordes when they had heard, they thanked our Captaine, and departed toward the wood to tell those newes vnto their felowes, who sodainly came all rushing out of the wood, seeming to be very glad for those words that our Captaine had spoken, and to shew that thereby they had had, and felt great ioy, so soone as they were before our ships, they altogether gaue out three great shreekes, and thereupon beganne to sing and dance, as they were wont to doe. But for a resolution of the matter Taignoagny and Domagaia tolde our Captaine, that their Lord Donnacona would by no meanes permit that any of them should goe with him to Hochelaga vnlesse he would leaue him some hostage to stay with him: our Captaine answered them, that if they would not goe with him with a good will, they should stay, and that for all them he would not leaue off his iourney thither.

Chap. 5.

How our Captaine with all his Gentlemen and fiftie Mariners departed with our Pinnesse, and the two boates from Canada to goe to Hochelaga: and also there is described, what was seene by the way vpon the said riuer.

Vines laden with grapes. The next day being the 19 of September we hoysed saile, and with our Pinnesse and two boates departed to goe vp the riuer with the flood, where on both shores of it we beganne to see as goodly a countrey as possibly can with eye be seene, all replenished with very goodly trees, and Vines laden as full of grapes as could be all along the riuer, which rather seemed to haue bin planted by mans hand than otherwise. Hochelay. True it is, that because they are not dressed and wrought as they should be, their bunches of grapes are not so great nor sweete as ours: also we sawe all along the riuer many houses inhabited of Fishers, which take all kindes of fishes, and they came with as great familiaritie and kindnesse vnto vs, as if we had beene their Countreymen, and brought vs great store of fish, with other such things as they had, which we exchanged with them for other wares, who lifting vp their hands toward heauen, gaue many signes of ioy: we stayed at a place called Hochelai, about fiue and twentie leagues from Canada, where the riuer waxeth very narrow, and runneth very swift, wherefore it is very dangerous, not onely for that, but also for certaine great stones that are therein. Many boates and barkes came vnto vs, in one of which came one of the chiefe Lords of the contrey, making a long discourse, who being come neere vs, did by evident signes and gestures shew vs, that the higher the riuer went, the more dangerous it was, and bade vs take heede of our selues. The said Lord presented and gaue vnto our Capuine two of his owne children, of which our Captaine tooke one being a wench 7 or 8 yeres old, the man child he gaue him againe, because it was too yong, for it was but two or three yeeres old. Our Captaine as friendly and as courteously as he could did entertaine and receiue the said Lord and his company, giuing them certaine small trifles, and so they departed toward the shore againe. Afterwards the sayd Lord and his wife came vnto Canada to visite his daughter, bringing vnto our Captaine certaine small presents. From the nineteenth vntill the eight and twentieth of September, we sailed vp along the saide riuer, neuer losing one houre of time, all which time we saw as goodly and pleasant a countrey as possibly can be wished for, full (as we haue said before) of all sorts of goodly trees, that is to say, Okes, Elmes, Walnut-trees, Cedars, Firres, Ashes, Boxe, Willowes, and great store of Vines, all as full of grapes as could be, so that if any of our fellowes went on shore, they came home laden with them: there are likewise many Cranes, Swannes, Geese, Duckes, Feasants, Partriges, Thrushes, Blackbirds, Turtles, Finches, Redbreasts, Nightingales, Sparrowes of diuerse kindes, with many other sorts of Birds, euen as in France, and great plentie and store. The lake of Angolesme. Vpon the 28 of September we came to a great wide lake in the middle of the riuer fiue or sixe leagues broad, and twelue long, all that day we went against the tide, hauing but two fadome water, still keeping the sayd scantling: being come to one of the heads of the lake, we could espie no passage or going out, nay, rather it seemed to haue bene closed and shut vp round about, and there was but a fadome and an halfe of water, little more or lesse. And therefore we were constrayned to cast anker, and to stay with our Pinnesse, and went with our two boates to seeke some going out, and in one place we found foure or fiue branches, which out of the riuer come into the lake, and they came from Hochelaga. But in the said branches, because of the great fiercenesse and swiftnesse wherewith they breake out, and the course of the water, they make certaine barres and shoulds, and at that time there was but a fadome water. Those Shouldes being passed, we found foure or fiue fadome, and as farre as we could perceiue by the flood, it was that time of the yeere that the waters are lowest, for at other times they flowe higher by three fadomes. All these foure or fiue branches do compasse about fiue or sixe Ilands very pleasant, which make the head of the lake: about fifteene leagues beyond, they doe all come into one. That day we landed in one of the saide Islands, and met with fiue men that were hunting of wilde beastes, who as freely and familiarly came to our boates without any feare, as if we had euer bene brought vp togither. Our boates being somewhat neere the shore, one of them tooke our Captaine in his armes, and caried him on shore, as lightly and as easily as if he had bene a child of fiue yeeres old: so strong and sturdie was this fellow. Wild rats as big as Conies. We found that they had a great heape of wild Rats that liue in the water, as bigge as a Conny, and very good to eate, which they gaue vnto our Captaine, who for a recompence gaue them kniues and glassen Beades. We asked them with signes if that was the way to Hochelaga, they answered yea, and that we had yet three dayes sayling thither.

Chap. 6.

How our Captaine caused our boates to be mended and dressed to goe to Hochelaga: and because the way was somewhat difficult and hard, we left our Pinnesse behinde: and how we came thither, and what entertainment we had of the people.

They leaue their Pinnesse behind. The next day our Captaine seeing that for that time it was not possible for our Pinnesse to goe on any further, he caused our boates to be made readie, and as much munition and victuals to be put in them, as they could well beare: he departed with them, accompanyed with many Gentlemen, that is to say, Cladius of Ponte Briand, Cup-bearer to the Lorde Dolphin of France, Charles of Pommeraye, Iohn Gouion, Iohn Powlet, with twentie and eight Mariners: and Mace Iallobert, and William Briton, who had the charge vnder the Captaine of the other two ships, to goe vp as farre as they could into that riuer: we sayled with good and prosperous weather vntill the second of October, on which day we came to the towne of Hochelaga, distant from the place where we had left our Pinnesse fiue and fortie leagues. In which place of Hochelaga, and Hochelaga distant from the lake of Angolesme 45 leagues. all the way we went, we met with many of those countriemen, who brought vs fish and such other victuals as they had, still dancing and greatly reioycing at our comming. Our Captaine to lure them in, and to keepe them our friends, to recompence them, gaue them kniues, beades, and such small trifles, wherewith they were greatly satisfied. So soone as we were come neere Hochelaga, there came to meete vs aboue a thousand persons, men, women and children, who afterward did as friendly and merily entertaine and receiue vs as any father would doe his child, which he had not of long time seene, the men dauncing on one side, the women on another, and likewise the children on another: after that they brought vs great store of fish, and of their bread made of Millet, casting them into our boates so thicke, that you would haue thought it to fall from heauen. Which when our Captaine sawe, he with many of his company went on shore: so soone as euer we were aland they came clustring about vs, making very much of vs, bringing their young children in their armes, onely to haue our Captaine and his company to touch them, making signes and shewes of great mirth and gladnesse, that lasted more than halfe an houre. Our Captaine seeing their louing kindnesse and entertainment of vs, caused all the women orderly to be set in aray, and gaue them Beades made of Tinne, and other such small trifles, and to some of the men he gaue kniues: then he returned to the boates to supper, and so passed that night, all which while all those people stood on the shore as neere our boates as they might, making great fires, and dauncing very merily, still crying Aguiaze, which in their tonge signifieth Mirth and Safetie.

Chap. 7.

How our Captaine with fiue gentlemen and twentie armed men all well in order, went to see the towne of Hochelaga, and the situation of it.

The third of October. Ovr Captaine the next day very rarely in the morning, hauing very gorgeously attired himselfe, caused all his company to be set in order to go to see the towne and habitation of those people, and a certaine mountaine that is somewhat neere the citie: with whom went also fiue Gentlemen and twentie Mariners, leauing the rest to keepe and looke to our boates: we tooke with vs three men of Hochelaga to bring vs to the place. All along as we went we found the way as well beaten and frequented as can be, the fairest and best countrey that possibly can be seene, full of as goodly great Okes as are in any wood in France, vnder which the ground was all couered ouer with faire Akornes. Hochelaga sixe miles from the riuer side. After we had gone about foure or fiue miles, we met by the way one of the chiefest Lords of the citie, accompanied with many moe, who so soone as he sawe vs beckned and made signes vpon vs, that we must rest vs in that place where they had made a great fire, and so we did. After that we had rested our selues there a while, the said Lord began to make a long discourse, euen as we haue saide aboue, they are accustomed to doe in signe of mirth and friendship, shewing our Captaine and all his company a ioyfull countenance, and good will, who gaue him two hatchets, a paire of kniues and a crosse which he made him to kisse, and then put it about his necke, for which he gaue our Captaine heartie thankes. This done, we went along, and about a mile and a halfe farther, we began to finde goodly and large fieldes, full of such corne as the countrie yeeldieth. This Millet is Maiz. It is euen as the Millet of Bresil, as great and somewhat bigger than small peason, wherewith they liue euen as we doe with ours. The description of Hochelaga. In the midst of those fields is the citie of Hochelaga, placed neere, and as it were ioyned to a great mountaine that is tilled round about, very fertill, on the top of which you may see very farre, we named it Mount Roiall. The citie of Hochelaga is round, compassed about with timber; with three course of Rampires, one within another framed like a sharpe Spire, but laide acrosse aboue. The middlemost of them is made and built, as a direct line, but perpendicular. The Rampires are framed and fashioned with peeces of timber, layd along on the ground, very well and cunningly ioyned togither after their fashion. This enclosure is in height about two rods. It hath but one gate or entrie thereat, which is shut with piles, stakes, and barres. Ouer it, and also in many places of the wall, there be places to runne along, and ladders to get vp, all full of stones, for the defence of it. There are in the towne about fiftie houses, about fiftie paces long, and twelue, or fifteene broad, built all of wood, couered ouer with the barke of the wood as broad as any boord, very finely and cunning ioyned togither. Within the said houses, there are many roomes, lodgings and chambers. In the middest of euery one there is a great Court, in the middle whereof they make their fire. They liue in common togither: then doe the husbands, wiues and children each one retire themselues to their chambers. They haue also on the top of their houses certaine garrets, wherein they keepe their corne to make their bread withall: they call it Carraconny, which they make as hereafter shall follow. They haue certaine peeces of wood, made hollow like those whereon we beat our hempe, and with certaine beetles of wood they beat their corne to powder; then they make paste of it, and of the paste, cakes or wreathes, then they lay them on a broad and hote stone, and then couer it with hote stones, and so they bake their bread in stead of Ouens. Maiz, pease, beanes, musk-millions, cucumbers, and other fruits. Plentie of fish and the preseruing thereof. They make also sundry sorts of pottage with the said corne and also of pease and of beanes, whereof they haue great store, as also with other fruits, as Muske–Millions, and very great Cowcumbers. They haue also in their houses certaine vessels as bigge as any But or Tun, wherein they preserue and keepe their fish, causing the same in sommer to be dried in the sunne, and liue therewith in winter, whereof they make great prouision, as we by experience haue seene. All their viands and meates are without any taste or sauour of salt at all. They sleepe vpon barkes of trees laide all along vpon the ground being ouer-spread with the skinnes of certaine wilde Beastes, wherewith they also cloth and couer themselues. The thing most precious that they haue in all the world they call Asurgny: it is as white as any snow: they take it in the said riuer of Cornibotz, in the maner folowing. When any one hath deserued death, or that they take any of their enemies in Warres, first they kill him, then with certaine kniues they giue great slashes and strokes vpon their buttocks, flankes, thighs, and shoulders: then they cast the same bodie so mangled downe to the bottome of the riuer, in a place where the said Esurgny is, and there leaue it ten or 12 houres, then they take it vp againe, and in the cuts find the said Esurgny or Cornibotz. Of them they make beads, and weare them about their necks, euen as we doe chaines of gold and siluer, accounting it the preciousest thing in the world. Esurgni good to stanch blood. They haue this vertue and propertie in them, they will stop or stanch bleeding at the nose, for we haue prooued it. These people are giuen to no other exercise, but onely to husbandrie and fishing for their sustenance: they haue no care of any other wealth or commoditie in this world, for they haue no knowledge of it, and that is, because they neuer trauell and go out of their countrey, as those of Canada and Saguenay doe, albeit the Canadians with eight or nine Villages more alongst the riuer be subiects vnto them.

Chap. 8.

How we came to the Towne of Hochelaga, and the entertainement which there we had, and of certaine gifts which our Captaine gaue them, with diuers other things.

So soone as we were come neere the Towne, a great number of the inhabitants thereof came to present themselues before vs after their fashion, making very much of vs: we were by our guides brought into the middest of the towne. They haue in the middlemost part of their houses a large square place, being from side to side a good stones cast, whither we were brought, and there with signes were commanded to stay: then suddenly all the women and maidens of the towne gathered themselues together, part of which had their armes full of young children, and as many as could came to rubbe our faces, our armes, and what part of the bodie soeuer they could touch, weeping for very ioy that they saw vs, shewing vs the best countenance that possibly they could, desiring vs with their signes, that it would please vs to touch their children. That done, the men caused the women to withdraw themselues backe, then they euery one sate downe on the ground round about vs, as if they would haue shewen and rehearsed some Comedie or other shew: then presently came the women againe, euery one bringing a foure square Matte in manner of Carpets, and spreading them abroad on the ground in that place, they caused vs to sit vpon them. That done, the the Lord and King of the countrey was brought vpon 9 or 10 mens shoulders, (whom in their tongue they call Agouhanna) sitting vpon a great Stagges skinne, and they laide him downe vpon the foresaid mats neere to the Captaine euery one beckning vnto vs that hee was their Lord and King. This Agouhanna was a man about fiftie yeeres old: he was no whit better apparelled then any of the rest, onely excepted, that he had a certaine thing made of the skinnes of Hedgehogs like a red wreath, and that was in stead of his Crowne. He was full of the palsie, and his members shronke togither. After he had with certaine signes saluted our Captaine and all his companie, and by manifest tokens bid all welcome, he shewed his legges and armes to our Captaine, and with signes desired him to touch them, and so he did, rubbing them with his owne hands: then did Agouhanna take the wreath or crowne he had about his head, and gaue it vnto our Captaine: that done they brought before him diuers diseased men, some blinde, some criple, some lame and impotent, and some so old that the haire of their eyelids came downe and couered their cheekes, and layd them all along before our Captaine, to the end they might of him be touched: for it seemed vnto them that God was descended and come downe from heauen to heale them. Our Captaine seeing the misery and deuotion of this poore people, recited the Gospel of Saint Iohn, that is to say, In the beginning was the word; touching euery one that were diseased, praying to God that it would please him to open the hearts of this poore people, and to make them know his holy word, and that they might receiue Baptisme and Christendome: that done, he tooke a Seruice-booke in his hand, and with a loud voyce read all the passion of Christ, word by word that all the standers by might heare him: all which while this poore people kept silence, and were maruellously attentiue, looking vp to heauen, and imitating vs in gestures. Then he caused the men all orderly to be set on one side, the women on another, and likewise the children on an other, and to the chiefest of them he gaue hatchets, to the other kniues, and to the women beads and such other small trifles. Then where the children were, he cast rings, counters, and brooches made of Tin, whereat they seemed to be very glad. That done, our Captaine commanded Trumpets and other musicall instruments to be sounded, which when they heard, they were very merie. Then we tooke our leaue and went to our boate: the women seeing that, put themselues before to stay vs, and brought vs out of their meates that they had made readie for vs, as fish, pottage beanes, and such other things, thinking to make vs eate, and dine in that place: but because the meates had no sauour at all of salt, we liked them not, but thanked them, and with signes gaue them to vnderstand that we had no neede to eate. When wee were out of the Towne, diuerse of the men and women followed vs, and brought vs to the toppe of the foresaid mountaine, which we named Mount Roiall, it is about a league from the Towne. A ridge of mountaines to the North of Hochelaga and another to the South.

When as we were on the toppe of it, we might discerne and plainly see thirtie leagues about. On the Northside of it there are many hilles to be seene running West and East, and as many more on the South, amongst and betweene the which the Countrey is as faire and as pleasant as possibly can be seene, being leuell, smooth, and very plaine, fit to be husbanded and tilled: and in the middest of those fieldes we saw the riuer further vp a great way then where we had left our boates, where was the greatest and the swiftest fall of water that any where hath beene seene, and as great, wide, and large as our sight might discerne, going Southwest along three faire and round mountaines that wee sawe, as we judged about fifteene leagues from vs. Those which brought vs thither tolde and shewed vs, that in the sayd riuer there were three such falles of water more, as that was where we had left our boates: but because we could not vnderstand their language, we could not knowe how farre they were from one another. The 3 faults or falls of water in 44 degrees of latitude.

The riuer of Saguenay commeth from the West, where there is gold and siluer. Moreouer they shewed vs with signes, that the said three fals being past, a man might sayle the space of three monethes more alongst that Riuer, and that along the hilles that are on the North side there is a great riuer, which (euen as the other) commeth from the West, we thought it to be the riuer that runneth through the Countrey of Saguenay: and without any signe or question mooued or asked of them, they tooke the chayne of our Captaines whistle, which was of siluer, and the dagger haft of one of our fellow Mariners, hanging on his side being of yellow copper guilt, and shewed vs that such stuffe came from the said Riuer, and that there be Agouionda, that is as much to say, as euill people, who goe all armed euen to their finger ends. Also they shewed vs the manner and making of their armour: they are made of cordes and wood, finely and cunningly wrought togither. They gaue vs also to vnderstande that those Agouionda doe continually warre one against another, but because we did not vnderstand them well, we could not perceiue how farre it was to that Countrey. Our Captaine shewed them redde Copper, which, in their language they call Caignetadze, and looking towarde that Countrey, with signes asked them if any came from thence, they shaking their heads answered no: but they shewed vs that it came from Saguenay, and that lyeth cleane contrary to the other. After we had heard and seene these things of them, we drewe to our boates accompanied with a great multitude of those people: some of them when as they sawe any of our fellowes weary, would take them vp on their shoulders, and carry them as on horsebacke. So soone as we came to our boates we hoysed saile to goe toward our Pinnesse, doubting of some mischance. Our departure grieued and displeased them very much, for they followed vs along the riuer as farre as they could: we went so fast that on Munday being the fourth of October wee came where our Pinnesse was. The Tuesday following being the fift of the moneth, we hoysed saile, and with our Pinnesse and boates departed from thence toward the Prouince of Canada, to the port of the Holy Crosse, where we had left our ships. The seuenth day we came against a riuer that commeth from the North, and entred into that riuer, at the entrance whereof are foure little Ilands full of faire and goodly trees: we named that riuer The riuer of Fouetz: But because one of those Ilandes stretcheth it selfe a great way into the riuer, our Captaine at the point of it caused a goodly great Crosse to be set vp, and commanded the boates to be made readie, that with the next tide he might goe vp the saide riuer, and consider the qualitie of it, which wee did, and that day went vp as farre as we could: but because we found it to be of no importance, and very shallow, we returned and sayled down the riuer.

Chap. 9.

How we came to the Port of the Holy Crosse, and in what state we found our ships: and how the Lord of the Countrey came to visite our Captaine, and our Captaine him: and of certaine particular customes of the people.

Vpon Monday being the 11 of October we came to the Port of the Holy Crosse, where our ships were, and found that the Masters and Mariners we had left there, had made and reared a trench before the ships, altogether closed with great peeces of timber set vpright and verywell fastened togither: then had they beset the said trench about with peeces of Artillerie and other necessarie things to shield and defend themselues from the power of all the countrey. So soone as the Lord of the countrey heard of our comming, the next day being the twelfth of October, he came to visite vs, accompanied with Taignoagny, Domagaia, and many others, fayning to be very glad of our comming, making much of our Captaine, who as friendly as he could, entertained them, albeit they had not deserued it. Donnacona their Lord desired our Captaine the next day to come and see Canada, which he promised to doe: for the next day being the 13 of the moneth, he with all his Gentlemen and fiftie Mariners very well appointed, went to visite Donnacona and his people, about a league from our ships. The place where they make their abode is called Stadaoona. When we were about a stones cast from their houses, many of the inhabitants came to meete vs, being all set in a ranke, and (as their custome is) the men all on one side, and the women on the other, still dancing and singing without any ceasing: and after we had saluted and receiued one another, our Captaine gaue them kniues and such other sleight things: then he caused all the women and children to passe along before him, giuing each one a ring of Tin, for which they gaue him hearty thankes: that done, our Captaine was by Donnacona and Taignoagny, brought to see their houses, which (the qualitie considered) were very well prouided, and stored with such victuals as the countrey yeeldeth, to passe away the winter withall. Toudamani dwelling Southward of Canada. Then they shewed vs the skins of fiue mens heads spread vpon boards as we do vse parchment: Donnacona told vs that they were skins of Toudamani, a people dwelling toward the South, who continually doe warre against them. Moreouer they told vs, that it was two yeeres past that those Toudamans came to assault them, yea euen into the said riuer, in an Iland that lyeth ouer against Saguenay, where they had bin the night before, as they were going a warfaring in Hognedo, with 200 persons, men, women, and children, who being all asleepe in a Fort that they had made, they were assaulted by the said Toudamans, who put fire round about the Fort, and as they would haue come out of it to saue themselues, they were all slaine, only fiue excepted, who escaped. For which losse they yet sorrowed, shewing with signes, that one day they would be reuenged: that done, we came to our ships againe.

Chap. 10.

The maner how the people of that Countrey liue: and of certaine conditions: of their faith, maners, and customes.

This people beleeue no whit in God, but in one whom they call Cudruaigni: they say that often he speaketh with them and telleth them what weather shal follow, whether good or bad. Moreouer they say, that when he is angry with them he casteth dust into their eyes: they beleeue that when they die they go into the stars, and thence by litle and little descend downe into the Horizon, euen as the stars doe, and that then they goe into certaine greene fields full of goodly faire and precious trees, floures, and fruits. After that they had giuen vs these things to vnderstand, we shewed them their error, and told that their Cudruaigni did but deceiue them, for he is but a Diuell and an euill spirit: affirming vnto them, that there is but one onely God, who is in heauen, and who giueth vs all necessaries, being the Creatour of all himselfe, and that onely we must beleeue in him: moreouer, that it is necessarie for vs to be baptised, otherwise wee are damned into hell. They desire to be baptised. These and many other things concerning our faith and religion we shewed them, all which they did easily beleeue, calling their Cudruaigni, Agouiada, that is to say, nought, so that very earnestly they desired and prayed our Captaine that he would cause them to be baptised, and their Lorde, and Taignoagny, Domagaia, and all the people of the towne came vnto vs, hoping to be baptised: but because we did not throughly know their minde, and that there was no bodie could teach them our beliefe and religion, we excused our selues, desiring Taignoagny, and Domagaia, to tell the rest of their countreymen, that he would come againe another time, and bring Priests and chrisome with vs, for without them they could not be baptised: which they did easily beleeue, for Domagaia and Taignoagny had seene many children baptised in Britain whiles they were there. Which promise when they heard they seemed to be very glad. They liue in common togither: and of such commodities as their countrey yeeldeth they are indifferently well stored, the inhabitants of the countrey cloth themselues with the skinnes of certaine wilde beasts, but very miserably. In winter they weare hosen and shoes made of wilde beasts skins, and in Sommer they goe barefooted. They keepe and obserue the rites of matrimonie sauing that euery one weddeth 2 or 3 wiues, which (their husbands being dead) do neuer marrie againe, but for the death of their husbands weare a certaine blacke weede all the daies of their life, besmearing al their faces with cole dust and grease mingled togither as thicke as the backe of a knife, and by that they are knowen to be widdowes. They haue a filthy and detestable vse in marrying of their maidens, and that is this, they put them all (after they are of lawfull age to marry) in a common place, as harlots free for euery man that will haue to doe with them, vntill such time as they find a match. This I say, because I haue seene by experience many housen full of those Damosels, euen as our schooles are full of children in France to learne to reade. Moreouer, the misrule and riot that they keepe in those houses is very great, for very wantonly they sport and dally togither, shewing whatsoever God hath sent them. They are no men of great labour. They digge their grounds with certaine peeces of wood, as bigge as halfe a sword, on which ground groweth their corne, which they call Offici: it is as bigge as our small peason: there is great quantitie of it growing in Bresill. Tobacco described. They haue also great store of Muske-milions, Pompions, Gourds, Cucumbers, Peason and Beanes of euery colour, yet differing from ours. There groweth also a certaine kind of herbe, whereof in Sommer they make great prouision for all the yeere, making great account of it, and onely men vse of it, and first they cause it to be dried in the Sunne, then weare it about their neckes wrapped in a little beasts skinne made like a little bagge, with a hollow peece of stone or wood like a pipe: then when they please they make pouder of it, and then put it in one of the ends of the said Cornet or pipe, and laying a cole of fire vpon it, at the other ende sucke so long, that they fill their bodies full of smoke, till that it commeth out of their mouth and nostrils, euen as out of the Tonnell of a chimney. They say that this doth keepe them warme and in health: they neuer goe without some of it about them. We ourselues haue tryed the same smoke, and hauing put it in our mouthes, it seemed almost as hot as Pepper. The women of that countrey doe labour much more then the men, as well in fishing (whereto they are greatly giuen) as in tilling and husbanding their grounds, and other things: as well the men as women and children, are very much more able to resist cold then sauage beastes, for wee with our owne eyes haue seene some of them, when it was coldest (which cold was extreme raw and bitter) come to our ships starke naked going vpon snow and yce, which thing seemeth incredible to them that haue not seene it. When as the snow and yce lyeth on the ground, they take great store of wilde beasts, as Faunes, Stags, Beares, Marterns, Hares and Foxes, with diuers other sorts whose flesh they eate raw, hauing first dried it in the sunne or smoke, and so they doe their fish. As farre foorth as we could perceiue and vnderstand by these people, it were a very easie thing to bring them to some familiaritie and ciuility, and make them learne what one would. The Lord God for his mercies sake set thereunto his helping hand when he seeth cause. Amen.

Chap. 11.

Of the greatnesse and depth of the said riuer, and of the sorts of beasts, birdes, fishes, and other things that we haue seene, with the situation of the place.

The said riuer beginneth beyond the Iland of the Assumption, ouer against the high mountaines of Hognedo, and of the seuen Ilands. The distance ouer from one side to the other is about 35 or 40 leagues. In the middest it is aboue 200 fadome deepe. The surest way to sayle vpon it is on the South side. And toward the North, that is to say, from the said 7 Ilands, from side to side, there is seuen leagues distance, where are also two great riuers that come downe from the hils of Saguenay, and make diuers very dangerous shelues in the Sea. At the entrance of those two riuers we saw many and great store of Whales and Sea horses. Ouerthwart the said Islands there is another little riuer that runneth along those marrish grounds about 3 or 4 leagues, wherein there is great store of water foules. It is now found to be but 200 leagues. From the entrance of that riuer to Hochelaga there is about 300 leagues distance: the originall beginning of it is in the riuer that commeth from Saguenay, which riseth and springeth among high and steepe hils: it entreth into that riuer before it commeth to the Prouince of Canada on the North side. That riuer is very deepe, high, and streight, wherefore it is very dangerous for any vessell to goe vpon it. After that riuer followeth the Prouince of Canada, wherein are many people dwelling in open boroughes and villages. There are also in the circuit and territorie of Canada, along, and within the said riuer, many other Ilands, some great, and some small, among which there is one that containeth aboue ten leagues in length, full of goodly and high trees, and also many Vines. You may goe into it from both sides, but yet the surest passage is on the South side. On the shore or banke of that riuer Westward, there is a goodly, faire, and delectable bay or creeke, conuenient and fit for to harborough ships. Hard by there is in that riuer one place very narrow, deepe, and swift running, but it is not passing the third part of a league, ouer against the which there is a goodly high piece of land, with a towne therein: and the countrey about it is very well tilled and wrought, and as good as possibly can be seene. That is the place and abode of Donnacona, and of our two men we tooke in our first voyage, it is called Stadacona. But before we come to it, there are 4 other peopled townes, that is to say, Ayraste, Starnatan, Tailla, which standeth vpon a hill, Scitadin, and then Stadagona, vnder which towne toward the North the riuer and port of the holy crosse is, where we staied from the 15 of September, vntil the 16 of May 1536, and there our ships remained dry, as we haue said before. That place being past, we found the habitation of the people called Teguenondahi, standing vpon an high mountaine, and the valley of Hochelay, which standeth in a Champaigne countrey. All the said countrey on both sides of the riuer as farre as Hochelay and beyond, is as faire and plaine as euer was seene. Riuers falling from mountaines. There are certain mountaines farre distaines diuers riuers descend, which fall into the said riuer. All that countrey is full of sundry sorts of wood and many Vines, vnless it be about the places that are inhabited, where they haue pulled vp the trees to till and labour the ground, and to build their houses and lodgings. Beasts. There is great store of Stags, Deere, Beares, and other such sorts of beasts, as Connies, Hares, Marterns, Foxes, Otters, Beares, Weasels, Badgers, and Rats exceeding great and diuers other sortes of wilde beasts. They cloth themselues with the skinnies of those beasts, because they haue nothing else to make them apparell withall. Birds. There are also many sorts of birdes, as Cranes, Swannes, Bustards, wild Geese white and grey, Duckes, Thrushes, Blackbirdes, Turtles, wilde Pigeons, Lenites, Finches, Red-breasts, Stares, Nightingales, Sparrowes, and other Birdes, euen as in France. Fishes. Also, as we haue said before, the said riuer is the plentifullest of fish that euen hath of any man bene seene or heard of, because that from the mouth to the end of it, according to their seasons, you shall finde all sorts of fresh water fish and salt. There are also many Whales, Porposes, Seahorses, and Adhothuis, which is a kind of fish that we had neuer seene or heard of before. They are as great as Porposes, as white as any snow, their bodie and head fashioned as a grayhound, they are wont alwaies to abide between the fresh and salt water, which beginneth betweene the riuer of Saguenay and Canada.

Chap. 12.

Of certaine aduertisements and notes giuen vnto vs by those countreymen, after our returne from Hochelaga.

After our returne from Hochelaga, we dealt, traffickt, and with great familiaritie and loue were conuersant with those that dwelt neerest vnto our ships, except that sometimes we had strife and contention with certaine naughtie people, full sore against the will of the others. Wee vnderstood of Donnacona and of others, that the said riuer is called the riuer of Saguenay, and goeth to Sagnenay, being somewhat more then a league farther Westnorthwest, and that 8 or 9 dayes journeys beyond, it will beare but small boats. The right way to Saguenay. But the right and ready way to Saguenay is vp that way to Hochelaga, and then into another that commeth from Saguenay, and then entreth into the foresaid riuer, and that there is yet one moneths sayling thither. Store of gold and red copper. Moreouer, they told vs and gave vs to vnderstand, that there are people clad with cloth as we are, very honest, and many inhabited townes, and that they haue great store of Gold and red Copper: Two or three great lakes. Maredulcum aquarum. and that about the land beyond the said first riuer to Hochelaga and Saguenay, is an Iland enuironed round about with that and other riuers, and that beyond Saguenay the said riuer entereth into two or 3 great lakes, and that there is a Sea of fresh water found, and as they haue heard say of those of Sanguenay, there was neuer man heard of that found out the end thereof: for, as they told vs, they themselues were neuer there. Moreouer they told vs, that where we had left our Pinnesse when wee went to Hochelaga, there is a riuer that goeth Southwest, from whence there is a whole moneths sayling to goe to a certaine land, where there is neither yce nor snow seene, where the inhabitants doe continually warre one against another, where there is great store of Oranges, Almonds, Nuts, and Apples, with many other sorts of fruits, and that the men and women are clad with beasts skinnes euen as they: we asked them if there were any gold or red copper, they answered no. I take this place to be toward Florida, as farre as I could perceiue and vnderstand by their signes and tokens.

Chap. 13.

Of a strange and cruell disease that came to the people of Stadacona, wherewith because we did haunt their company, we were so infected, that there died 25 of our company.

In the moneth of December, wee vnderstood that the pestilence was come among the people of Stadacona, in such sort, that before we knew of it, according to their confession, there were dead aboue 50: whereupon we charged them neither to come neere our Fort, nor about our ships, or vs. And albeit we had driuen them from vs, the said vnknowen sicknes began to spread itselfe amongst vs after the strangest sort that euer was eyther heard of or seene, insomuch as some did lose all their strength, and could not stand on their feete, then did their legges swel, their sinnowes shrinke as blacke as any cole. Others also had all their skins spotted with spots of blood of a purple coulour: then did it ascend vp to their ankels, knees, thighes, shoulders, and necke: their mouth became stincking, their gummes so rotten, that all the flesh did fall off, even to the rootes of the teeth, which did also almost all fall out. With such infection did this sicknesse spread itselfe in our three ships, that about the middle of February, of a hundreth and tenne persons that we were, there were not ten whole, so that one could not help the other, a most horrible and pitifull case, considering the place we were in, forsomuch as the people of the countrey would dayly come before our fort, and saw but few of vs. There were alreadie eight dead, and more then fifty sicke, and as we thought, past all hope of recouery. Our Captaine seeing this our misery, and that the sicknesse was gone so farre, ordained and commanded, that euery one should deuoutly prepare himselfe to prayer, and in remembrance of Christ, caused his Image to be set vpon a tree, about a flight shot from the fort amidst the yce and snow, giuing all men to vnderstand, that on the Sunday following, seruice should be said there, and that whosoeuer could goe, sicke or whole, should goe thither in Procession, singing the seuen Psalmes of Dauid, with other Letanies, praying most heartily that it would please the said our Christ to haue compassion vpon vs. Seruice being done, and as well celebrated as we could, our Captaine there made a vow, that if it would please God to giue him leaue to returne into France, he would go on Pilgrimage to our Ladie of Rocquemado. That day Philip Rougemont, borne in Amboise, died, being 22 yeeres olde, and because the sicknesse was to vs vnknowen, our Captaine caused him to be ripped to see if by any meanes possible we might know what it was, and so seeke meanes to saue and preserue the rest of the company: he was found to have his heart white, but rotten, and more then a quart of red water about it: his liuer was indifferent faire, but his lungs blacke and mortified, his blood was altogither shrunke about the heart, so that when he was opened great quantitie of rotten blood issued out from about his heart: his milt toward the backe was somewhat perished, rough as it had bene rubbed against a stone. Moreouer, because one of his thighs was very blacke without, it was opened, but within it was whole and sound: that done, as well as we could he was buried. In such sort did the sicknesse continue and increase, that there were not aboue three sound men in the ships, and none was able to goe vnder hatches to draw drinke for himselfe, nor for his fellowes. Sometimes we were constrained to bury some of the dead vnder the snow, because we were not able to digge any graues for them the ground was so hard frozen, and we so weake. Besides this, we did greatly feare that the people of the countrey would perceiue our weaknesse and miserie, which to hide, our Captaine, whom it pleased God alwayes to keepe in health, would go out with two or three of the company, some sicke and some whole, whom when he saw out of the Fort, he would throw stones at them and chide them, faigning that so soone as he came againe, he would beate them, and then with signes shewe the people of the countrey that hee caused all his men to worke and labour in the ships, some in calking them, some in beating of chalke, some in one thing, and some in another, and that he would not haue them come foorth till their worke was done. And to make his tale seeme true and likely, he would make all his men whole and sound to make a great noyse with knocking stickes, stones, hammers, and other things togither, at which time we were so oppressed and grieued with that sicknesse, that we had lost all hope euer to see France againe, if God of his infinite goodnesse and mercie had not with his pitifull eye looked vpon vs, and reuealed a singular and excellent remedie against all diseases vnto vs, the best that euer was found vpon earth, as hereafter shall follow.

Chap. 14.

How long we stayed in the Port of the holy Crosse amidst the snow and yce, and how many died of the said disease, from the beginning of it to the midst of March.

From the midst of Nouember vntill the midst of March, we were kept in amidst the yce aboue two fadomes thicke, and snow aboue foure foot high and more, higher then the sides of our ships, which lasted till that time, in such sort, that all our drinkes were frozen in the Vessels, and the yce through all the ships was aboue a hand breadth thicke, as well aboue hatches as beneath, and so much of the riuer as was fresh, euen to Hochelaga, was frozen, in which space there died fiue and twentie of our best and chiefest men, and all the rest were so sicke, that wee thought they should neuer recouer againe, only three or foure excepted. Then it pleased God to cast his pitiful eye vpon vs, and sent us the knowledge of remedie of our healthes and recouerie, in such maner as in the next Chapter shall be shewed.

Chap. 15.

How by the grace of God we had notice of a certaine tree, whereby we all recouered our health: and the maner how to vse it.

Ovr Captaine considering our estate (and how that sicknesse was encreased and hot amongst vs) one day went foorth of the Forte, and walking vpon the yce, hee saw a troupe of those Countreymen comming from Stadacona, among which was Domagaia, who not passing ten or twelue dayes afore, had bene very sicke with that disease, and had his knees swolne as bigge as a childe of two yeres old, all his sinews shrunke together, his teeth spoyled, his gummes rotten, and stinking. Our Captaine seeing him whole and sound, was thereat maruellous glad, hoping to vnderstand and know of him how he had healed himselfe, to the end he might ease and help his men. So soone as they were come neere him, he asked Domagaia how he had done to heale himselfe: he answered, that he had taken the juice and sappe of the leaues of a certain Tree, and therewith had healed himselfe: For it is a singular remedy against that disease. Then our Captaine asked of him if any were to be had thereabout, desiring him to shew him, for to heale a seruant of his, who whilest he was in Canada with Donnacona, was striken with that disease: That he did because he would not shew the number of his sicke men. Domagaia straight sent two women to fetch some of it, which brought ten or twelue branches of it, and therewithall shewed the way how to vse it, and that is thus, to take the barke and leaues of the sayd tree, and boile them togither, then to drinke of the sayd decoction euery other day, and to put the dregs of it vpon his legs that is sicke: moreouer, they told vs, that the vertue of that tree was, to heale any other disease: the tree is in their language called Ameda or Hanneda, this is thought to be the Sassafras tree. A perfect remedy against the French Pocks. Our Captaine presently caused some of that drink to be made for his men to drink of it, but there was none durst tast of it, except one or two, who ventured the drinking of it, only to tast and proue it; the other seeing that did the like, and presently recovered their health, and were deliuered of that sickenes, and what other disease soeuer, in such sorte, that there were some had bene diseased and troubled with the French Pockes foure or fiue yeres, and with this drinke were cleane healed. After this medicine was found and proued to be true, there was such strife about it, who should be first to take it, that they were ready to kill one another, so that a tree as big as any Oake in France was spoiled and lopped bare, and occupied all in fiue or sixe daies, and it wrought so wel, that if all the phisicians of Mountpelier and Louaine had bene there with all the drugs of Alexandria, they would not haue done so much in one yere, as that tree did in sixe dayes, for it did so preuail, that as many as vsed of it, by the grace of God recouered their health.

Chap. 16.

How the Lord Donnacona accompanied with Taignoagny and diuers others, faining that they would goe to hunt Stags, and Deere, taried out two moneths, and at their returne brought a great multitude of people with them, that we were not wont to see before.

While that disease lasted in our ships the lord Donnacona, Taignoagny, with many others went from home, faining that they would goe to catch Stags and Deere, which are in their tongue called Aiounesta, and Asquenoudo, because the yce and snow was not so broken along the riuer that they could sayle: it was told vs of Domagaia and others, that they would stay out but a fortnight, and we beleeued it, but they stayed aboue two moneths, which made vs mistrust that they had bene gone to raise the countrey to come against vs, and do vs some displeasure, we seeing our selues so weake and faint. A long winter. Albeit we had vsed such diligence and policie in our Fort, that if all the power of the countrey had bene about it, they could haue done nothing but looke vpon vs: and whilest they were foorth, many of the people came dayly to our ships, and brought vs fresh meat, as Stags, Deere, fishes, with diuers other things, but held them at such an excessiue price, that rather then they would sell them any thing cheape, many times they would carie them backe againe, because that yere the Winter was very long, and they had some scarcity and neede of them.

Chap. 17.

How Donnacona came to Stadacona againe with a great number of people, and because he would not come to visit our Captaine, fained himselfe to be sore sicke, which he did only to haue the Captaine come see him.

On the one and twentieth day of April Domagaia came to the shore side, accompanied with diuers lusty and strong men, such as we were not wont to see, and tolde vs that their lord Donnacona would the next day come and see vs, and bring great store of Deeres flesh, and other things with him. The next day he came and brought a great number of men to Stadacona, to what end, and for what cause wee knew not, but (as the prouerb sayth) hee that takes heede and shields himselfe from all men, may hap to scape from some: for we had need to looke about vs, considering how in number we were diminished, and in strength greatly weakned, both by reason of our sicknesse and also of the number that were dead, so that we were constrained to leaue one of our ships in the Port of the Holy Crosse. Our Captaine was warned of their comming, and how they had brought a great number of men with them, for Domagaia came to tell it vs, and durst not passe the riuer that was betwixt Stadacona and vs, as he was wont to doe, whereupon we mistrusted some treason. Our Captaine seeing this sent one of his seruants to them, accompanied with Iohn Poulet being best beloued of those people, to see who were there, and what they did. The sayd Poulet and the other fained themselues onely to be come to visit Donnacona, and bring him certaine presents, because they had beene together a good while in the sayd Donnaconas Towne. So soone as he heard of their comming, he got himselfe to bed, faining to bee very sicke. That done, they went to Taignoagny his house to see him, and wheresoeuer they went, they saw so many people, that in a maner one could not stirre for another, and such men as they were neuer wont to see. Taignoagny would not permit our men to enter into any other houses, but still kept them company, and brought them halfe way to their ships, and tolde them that if it would please our captaine to shew him so much fauour as to take a Lord of the Countrey, whose name was Agonna, of whom hee had receiued some displeasure, and carie him with him into France, he should therefore for euer be bound vnto him, and would doe for him whatsoeuer hee would command him, and bade the seruant come againe the next day, and bring an answere. Our Captaine being aduertised of so many people that were there, not knowing to what end, purposed to play a prettie prancke, that is to say, to take their Lord Donnacona, Taignoagny, Domagaia, and some more of the chiefest of them prisoners, in so much as before hee had purposed, to bring them into France, to shew vnto our King what he had seene in those Westerne Rubies, Gold, and wollen cloth with other riches in Saguenay. parts, and maruels of the world, for that Donnacona had told vs, that he had bene in the Countrey of Saguenay, in which are infinite Rubies, Gold, and other riches, and that there are white men, who clothe themselues with woollen cloth euen as we doe in France. A people called Picquemians. Moreover he reported, that hee had bene in another countrey of a people called Piquemians, and other strange people. The sayd Lord was an olde man, and euen from his childehood had neuer left off nor ceased from trauailing into strange Countreys, as well by water and riuers, as by lande. The sayd Poulet and the other hauing tolde our Captaine their Embassage, and shewed him what Taignoagny his will was, the next day he sent his seruant againe to bid Taignoagny come and see him, and shewe what hee should, for he should be very well entertained, and also part of his will should be accomplished. Taignoagny sent him word, that the next day hee would come and bring the Lord Donnacona with him, and him that had so offended him, which hee did not, but stayed two dayes, in which time none came from Stadacona to our shippes, as they were wont to doe, but rather fled from vs, as if we would have slaine them, so that then wee plainely perceiued their knauery.

The towne of Sidatin. But because they vnderstood, that those of Sidatin did frequent our company, and that we had forsaken the bottome of a ship which we would leaue, to haue the olde nailes out of it, the third day following they came from Stadacona, and most of them without difficulty did passe from one side of the riuer to the other with small Skiffes: but Donnacona would not come ouer: Taignoagny and Domagaia stood talking together about an houre before they would come ouer, at last they came to speake with our Captaine. There Taignoagny prayed him that hee would cause the foresayd man to be taken and caried into France. Our Captaine refused to doe it, saying that his King had forbidden him to bring any man or woman into France, onely that he might bring two or three yong boyes to learne the language, but that he would willingly cary him to Newfoundland, and there leave him in an Island. Our Captaine spake this, onely to assure them, that they should bring Donnacona with them, whom they had left on the other side; which wordes, when Taignoagny heard, hee was very glad, thinking hee should neuer returne into France againe, and therefore promised to come the next day which was the day of the Holy Crosse, and to bring Donnacona and all the people with him.

Chap. 18.

How that vpon Holyrood day our Captaine caused a Crosse to be set vp in our Forte: and how the Lord Donnacona, Taignoagny, Domagaia, and others of their company came: and of the taking of the sayd Lord.

The third of May being Holyroode day, our Captaine for the solemnitie of the day, caused a goodly fayre crosse of 35 foote in height to bee set vp, vnder the crosset of which hee caused a shield to be hanged, wherein were the Armes of France, and ouer them was written in antique letters, Franciscus primus Dei gratia Francorum Rex regnat. And vpon that day about noone, there came a great number of the people of Stadacona, men, women and children, who told vs that their Lord Donnacona, Taignoagny, and Domagaia were comming, whereof we were very glad, hoping to retaine them. About two of the clocke in the afternoone they came, and being come neere our ships, our Captaine went to salute Donnacona, who also shewed him a merie countenance, albeit very fearefully his eyes were still bent toward the wood. Shortly after came Taignoagny, who bade Donnacona that he should not enter into our Forte, and therefore fire was brought forth by one of our men, and kindled where their Lord was. Our Captaine prayed him to come into our ships to eate and drinke as hee was wont to do, and also Taignoagny, who promised, that after a while he would come, and so they did, and entred into our ships: but first it was told our Captain by Domagaia that Taignoagny had spoken ill of him, and that he had bid Donnacona hee should not come aboord our ships. Donnacona, Taignoagny, and Domagaia taken. Our Captaine perceiuing that, came out of the Forte, and saw that onely by Taignoagny his warning the women ran away, and none but men stayed in great number, wherefore he straight commanded his men to lay hold on Donnacona, Taignoagny, and Domagaia, and two more of the chiefest whom he pointed vnto: then he commanded them to make the other to retire. Presently after, the said lord entred into the Fort with the Captaine, but by and by Taignoagny came to make him come out againe. Our Captaine seeing that there was no other remedy, began to call vnto them to take them, at whose crie and voice all his men came forth, and tooke the sayd Lord with the others, whom they had appointed to take. The Canadians seeing their Lord taken, began to run away, even as sheepe before the woolfe, some crossing over the riuer, some through the woods, each one seeking for his owne aduantage. That done, we retired our selues, and laid vp the prisoners vnder good guard and safety.

Chap. 19.

How the said Canadians the night following came before our ships to seeke their men, crying and howling all night like Woolues: of the talke and conclusion they agreed vpon the next day: and of the gifts which they gaue our Captaine.

The night following they came before our ships, (the riuer being betwixt vs) striking their breasts, and crying and howling like woolues, still calling Agouhanna, thinking to speake with him, which our Captaine for that time would not permit, neither all the next day till noone, whereupon they made signes vnto vs, that we had hanged or killed him. About noone, there came as great a number in a cluster, as euer we saw, who went to hide themselues in the Forest, except some, who with a loud voice would call and crie to Donnacona to speake vnto them. Our Captaine then commanded Donnacona to be brought vp on high to speake vnto them, and bade him be merrie, for after he had spoken, and shewed vnto the King of France what hee had seene in Saguenay and other countreys, after ten or twelve moneths, he should returne againe, and that the King of France would giue him great reward. Donnacona was very glad, and speaking to the others told it them, who in token of ioy, gaue out three great cryes, and then Donaconna and his people had great talke together, which for want of interpreters, cannot be described. Our Captaine bade Donnacona that hee should cause them to come to the other side of the riuer, to the end they might better talke together without any feare, and that he should assure them: which Donnacona did, and there came a boate full of the chiefest of them to the Four and twenty chains of Esurgny. ships, and there anew began to talke together, giuing great praise to our captaine, and gaue him a present of foure and twenty chaines of Esurgny, for that is the greatest and preciousest riches they haue in this world, for they esteeme more of that, then of any gold or siluer. After they had long talked together, and that their Lord sawe that there was no remedy to auoide his going into France, hee commanded his people the next day, to bring him some victuals to serue him by the way. Our Captaine gaue Donnacona, as a great present, two Frying pannes of copper, eight Hatchets, and other small trifles, as Kniues, and Beades, whereof hee seemed to be very glad, who sent them to his wiues and children. Likewise, he gaue to them that came to speake with Donnacona, they thanked him greatly for them, and then went to their lodgings.

Chap. 20.

How the next day, being the fift of May, the same people came againe to speake vnto their Lord, and how foure women came to the shore to bring him victuals.

Vpon the fift of May, very early in the morning, a great number of the sayd people came againe to speake vnto their Lord, and sent a boate, which in their tongue they call Casnoni, wherein were onely foure women, without any man, for feare their men should be retained.

These women brought great store of victuals, as great Millet, which is their come that they liue withall, flesh, fish, and other things, after their fashion.

These women being come to our shippes, our Captaine did very friendly entertaine them. Then Donnacona prayed our Captaine to tell these women that hee should come againe after ten or twelue moneths, and bring Donnacona to Canada with him: this hee sayd only to appease them, which our Captaine did: wherefore the women, as well by words as signes, seemed to be very glad, giuing our Captaine thanks, and told him, if he came againe, and brought Donnacona with him, they would giue him many things: in signe whereof, each one gaue our Captaine a chaine of Esurgny, and then passed to the other side of the riuer againe, where stood all the people of Stadacona, who taking all leaue of their Lord, went home againe. On Saturday following, The Isle of Orleans. Isle de Coudres. being the sixt of the moneth, we departed out of the sayd Port of Santa Croix, and came to the harborough a little beneath the Island of Orleans, about twelue leagues from the Port of the Holy Crosse, and vpon Sonday we came to the Island of Filberds, where we stayed vntil the sixteenth of that moneth, till the fiercenesse of the waters were past, which at that time ranne too swift a course, and were too dangerous to come downe along the riuer, and therefore we stayed till faire weather came. A knife of red coper brought from Saguenay. In the meane while many of Dannaconas subiects came from the riuer of Saguenay to him, but being by Domagaia aduertised, that their Lord was taken to bee carried into France they were all amazed: yet for all that they would not leaue to come to our ships, to speake to Dannacona, who told them that after twelue moneths he should come againe, and that he was very well vsed by the Captaine, Gentlemen, and Mariners. Which when they heard, they greatly thanked our Captaine and gaue their Lord three bundles of Beauers, and Sea Woolues skinnes, with a great knife of red copper that commeth from Saguenay, and other things. They gaue also to our Captaine a chaine of Esurgny, for which our Captaine gaue them ten or twelue Hatchets, and they gaue him hearty thankes, and were very well contented. The next day, being the sixteenth of May, we hoysed sayle, and came from the said Island of Filberds, to another about fifteene leagues from it, which is about fiue leagues in length, and there, to the end we might take some rest the night following, we stayed that day, in hope the next day we might passe and auoide the dangers of the riuer of Saguenay, which are great. The Isle of Hares. That euening we went a land and found great store of Hares, of which we tooke a great many, and therefore we called it the Island of Hares: in the night there arose a contrary winde, with such stormes and tempest that wee were constrained to returne to the Island of Filberds againe, from whence wee were come, because there was none other passage among the sayde Islandes, and there we stayed till the one and twentieth of that moneth, till faire weather and good winde came againe: and then wee sayled againe, and that so prosperously, that we passed to Honguedo, which passage vntill that time had not bene discouered: wee caused our ships to course athwart Cape Prat which is the beginning of the Port of Chaleur: and because the winde was good and conuenient, we sayled all day and all night without staying, and the next day we came to the middle of Brions Island, which we were not minded to doe, to the end we might shorten our way. These two lands lie Northwest, and Southeast, and are about fiftie leagues one from another. The said Island is in latitude 47 degrees and a halfe. Vpon Thursday being the twenty sixe of the moneth, and the feast of the Ascension of our Lord, we coasted ouer to a land and shallow of lowe sandes, which are about eight leagues Southwest from Brions Island, aboue which are large Champaignes, full of trees and also an enclosed sea, whereas we could neither see, nor perceiue any gappe or way to enter thereinto. On Friday following, being the 27 of the moneth, because the wind did change on the coast, we came to Brions Island againe, where we stayed till the beginning of Iune, and toward the Southeast of this Island, wee sawe a lande, seeming vnto vs an Island, we coasted it about two leagues and a halfe, and by the way we had notice of three other high Islands, lying toward the Sands: after wee had knowen these things we returned to the Cape of the sayd land, which doeth diuide it selfe into two or three very high Capes: the waters there are very deepe, and the flood of the sea runneth so swift, that it cannot possibly be swifter. That day we came to Cape Loreine, which is in forty seuen degrees and a halfe toward the South: on which cape there is a low land, and it seemeth that there is some entrance of a riuer, but there is no hauen of any worth. Aboue these lands we saw another cape toward the south, we named it Saint Paules Cape, it is at 47 degrees and a quarter.

The Sonday following, being the fourth of Iune, and Whitsonday, wee had notice of the coast lying Eastsoutheast, distant from the Newfoundland about two and twenty leagues; and because the wind was against vs, we went to a Hauen, which wee named S. Spiritus Porte, where we stayed till Tewesday that we departed thence, sayling along that coast vntill we came to Saint Peters Islands. Wee found along the sayd coast many very dangerous Islands and shelues, which lye all in the Eastsoutheast and Westnorthwest, about three and twenty leagues into the sea. Whilest we were in the sayd Saint Peters Islands we met with many ships of France and of Britaine, wee stayed there from Saint Barnabas day, being the eleuenth of the moneth, vntil the sixteenth that we departed thence and came to Cape Rase, and entred into a Port called Rognoso, where we took in fresh water, and wood to passe the sea: there wee left one of our boates. Then vpon Monday, being the nineteenth of Iune, we went from that Port, and with such good and prosperous weather we sailed along the sea, in such sorte, that vpon the sixt of Iuly 1536 we came to the Porte of S. Malo, by the grace of God, to whom we pray, here ending our Nauigation, that of his infinite mercy he will grant vs his grace and fauour, and in the end bring vs to the place of euerlasting felicitie. Amen.

Here followeth the language of the countrey, and kingdomes of Hochelaga and Canada, of vs called New France: But first the names of their numbers.

  1 Secada
  8 Addigue
  10 Assem

Here follow the names the chiefest partes of men, and other words necessary to be knowen.

the Head aggonzi
the Browe hegueniascon
the Eyes higata
the Eares abontascon
the Mouth esahe
the Teeth esgongay
the Tongue osnache
the Throat agonhon
the Beard hebelim
the Face hegonascon
the Haires aganiscon
the Armes aiayascon
the Flanckes aissonne
the Stomacke aggruascon
the Bellie eschehenda
the Thighes hetnegradascon
the Knees agochinegodascon
the Legges agouguenehondo
the Feete onchidascon
the Hands aignoascon
the Fingers agenoga
the Nailes agedascon
a Mans member ainoascon
a womans member castaigne
an Eele esgueny
a Snaile vndeguezi
a Tortois heuleuxima
Woods conda
leaues of Trees hoga
God cudragny
giue me some drink quazahoaquea
giue me to breakfast quase hoa quascaboa
giue me my supper quaza hoa quatfriam
let vs goe to bed casigno agnydahoa
a Man aguehum
a woman agruaste
a Boy addegesta
a Wench agniaquesta
a Child exiasta
a Gowne cahata
a Doublet caioza
Hosen hemondoha
Shooes atha
a Shirt amgoua
a Cappe castrua
Corne osizi
Bread carraconny
Water ame
Flesh quahottascon
Reisins queion
Damsons honnesta
Figges absconda
Grapes ozoba
Nuttes quahoya
a Hen sahomgahoa
a Lamprey zisto
a Salmon ondacon
a Whale ainne honne
a Goose sadeguenda
a Streete adde
Cucumber seede casconda
to Morrowe achide
the Heauen quenhia
the Earth damga
the Sunne ysmay
the Moone assomaha
the Starres stagnehoham
the Winde cohoha
good morrow aignag
let vs go to play casigno caudy
come and speak with me assigniquaddadia
looke vpon me quagathoma
hold your peace aista
let vs go with the boat casigno casnouy
giue me a knife buazahca agoheda
a Hatchet adogne
a Bow ahenca
a Darte quaetan
let vs goe a hunting Casigno donnascat
a Stagge aionnesta
a Sheepe asquenondo
a Hare Sourhanda
a Dogge agaya
a Towne canada
the Sea agogasy
the waues of
the sea coda
an Island cohena
an Hill agacha
the yce honnesca
Snow camsa
Colde athau
Hotte odazani
Fier azista
Smoke quea
a House canoca
Beanes sahe
Cinnamom adhotathny
my Father addathy
my Mother adanahoe
my Brother addagrim
my Sister adhoasseue

They of Canada say, that it is a moneths sayling to goe a lande where Cinnamom and Cloues are gathered.

Here endeth the Relation of Iames Cartiers discouery and Nauigation to the Newfoundlands, by him named New France.

The third voyage of discouery made by Captaine Iaques Cartier, 1540. vnto the Countreys of Canada, Hochelaga, and Saguenay.

King Francis the first hauing heard the report of Captaine Cartier his Pilot generall in his two former Voyages of discouery, as well by writing as by word of mouth, touching that which hee had found and seene in the Westerne partes discouered by him in the parts of Canada and Hochelaga, and hauing also seene and talked with the people, which the sayd Cartier had brought out of those Countreys, whereof one was king of Canada, whose name was Donnacona, and others: which after that they had bene a long time in France and Britaine, were baptized at their owne desire and request, and died in the sayd countrey of Britaine. Ten Sauages brought into France. Great riches and very good soile in Saguenay, which is beyond the saults. And albeit his Maiestie was aduertized by the sayd Cartier of the death and decease of all the people which were brought ouer by him (which were tenne in number) sauing one little girle about tenne yeeres old, yet he resolued to send the sayd Cartier his Pilot thither againe, with Iohn Francis de la Roche, Knight, Lord of Roberual,1 whome hee appointed his Lieutenant and Gouernour in the Countreys of Canada and Hochelaga, and the sayd Cartier Captaine Generall and leader of the shippes, that they might discover more then was done before in the former voyages, and attaine (if it were possible) vnto the knowledge of the Countrey of Saguenay, whereof the people brought by Cartier, as is declared, made mention vnto the King, that there were great riches, and very good countreys. And the King caused a certaine summe of money to be deliuered to furnish out the sayd voyage with fiue shippes: which thing was performed by the sayd Monsieur Roberual and Cartier. After that they had agreed together to rigge the sayd fiue ships at Saint Malo in Britaine, where the two former voyages had beene prepared and set forth. And the said Monsieur Roberual sent Cartier thither for the same purpose. And after that Cartier had caused the said fiue ships to be built and furnished and set in good order. Monsieur Roberual came downe to S. Malo and found the ships fallen downe to the roade, with their yards acrosse full ready to depart and set saile, staying for nothing else but the comming of the Generall, and the payment of the furniture. And because Monsieur Roberual the kings lieutenant had not as yet his artillery, powder and munitions, and other things necessary come downe, which he had prouided for the voyage, in the Countreys of Champaigne and Normandie: and because the said things were very necessary, and that hee was loth to depart without them, he determined to depart from S. Malo to Roan, and to prepare a ship or two at Honfleur, whither he thought his things were come. And that the said Cartier shoulde depart with the fiue shippes which he had furnished, and should goe before. The kings letters to Cartier. Considering also that the said Cartier had receiued letters from the king, whereby hee did expresly charge him to depart and set sayle immediatly vpon the sight and receit thereof, on payne of incurring his displeasure, and to lay all the fault on him. And after the conclusion of these things, and the said Monsieur Roberual had taken muster and view of the gentlemen, souldiers, and mariners which were retained and chosen for the performance of the sayd voyage, hee gaue vnto Captain Cartier full authoritie to depart and goe before, and to gouerne all things as if he had bene there in person: and himselfe departed to Honfleur to make his farther preparation. After these things thus dispatched, the winde comming faire, the foresayd fiue ships set sayle together well furnished and victualled for two yeere, the 23. of May, 1540. The great mischiefe of leesing the season. And we sailed so long with contrary winds and continuall torments, which fell out by reason of our late departure, that wee were on the sea with our sayd fiue ships full three moneths before wee could arriue at the Port and Hauen of Canada, without euer hauing in all that time 30 houres of good wind to serue vs to keepe our right course: Carpont Hauen. so that our fiue shippes through those stormes lost company one of another, all saue that two kept together, to wit that wherein the Captaine was, and the other wherein went the Viscount of Beaupre, vntill at length at the end of one moneth wee met all together at the Hauen of Carpont in Newfoundland. Transporting of diuers sorts of cattell for breed. But the length of time which we were in passing betweene Britayne and Newfoundland was the cause that we stood in great neede of water, because of the cattell, aswell Goates, Hogges, as other beastes which we caried for breede in the Countrey, which wee were constrained to water with Sider and other drinke. Now therefore because we were the space of three moneths in sayling on the sea, and staying in Newfoundland, wayting for Monsieur Roberual, and taking in of fresh water and other things necessary, wee arriued not before the Hauen of Saincte Croix in Canada, (where in the former voyage we had remayned eight moneths) vntill the 23. day of August. The new king of Canada. In which place the people of the Countrey came to our shippes, making shew of ioy for our arriuall, and namely he came thither which had the rule and gouernment of the Countrey of Canada, named Agona, which was appointed king there by Donacona, when in the former voyage we carried him into France. And hee came to the Captaines ship with 6. or 7. boates, and with many women and children. And after the sayd Agona had inquired of the Captaine where Donacona and the rest were, the Captaine answered him, That Donacona was dead in France, and that his body rested in the earth, and that the rest stayed there as great Lords, and were maried, and would not returne backe into their Countrey: the said Agona made no shewe of anger at all these speeches: and I thinke he tooke it so well because he remained Lord and Gouernour of the countrey by the death of the said Donacona. Great dissimulation of a Sauage. After which conference the said Agona tooke a piece of tanned leather of a yellow skin edged about with Esnoguy (which is their riches and the thing which they esteeme most precious, as wee esteeme gold) which was vpon his head in stead of a crowne, and he put the same on the head of our Captaine, and tooke from his wrists two bracelets of Esnoguy, and put them vpon the Captaines armes, colling him about the necke, and shewing vnto him great signes of ioy: which was all dissimulation, as afterward it wel appeared. The captaine tooke the said crowne of leather and put it againe vpon his head, and gaue him and his wiues certaine smal presents, signifying vnto him that he had brought certaine new things, which afterward he would bestow vpon him: for which the sayd Agona thanked the Captaine. And after that he had made him and his company eat and drinke, they departed and returned to the shore with their boates. A good roade 4. leagues aboue Saincte Croix. After which things the sayd Captaine went with two of his boates vp the riuer, beyond Canada and the Port of Saincte Croix, to view a Hauen and a small riuer, which is about 4. leagues higher: which he found better and more commodious to ride in and lay his ships, then the former. And therefore he returned and caused all his ships to be brought before the sayd riuer, and at a lowe water he caused his Ordinance to bee planted to place his ships in more safetie, which he meant to keep and stay in the Countrey, which were three: which hee did the day following and the rest remayned in the roade in the middest of the riuer (In which place the victuals and other furniture were discharged, which they had brought) from the 26. of August vntill the second of September, what time they departed to returne for S. Malo, in which ships he sent backe Mace Iolloberte his brother in lawe, and Steuen Noel his Nephew, skilfull and excellent pilots, with letters vnto the king, and to aduertise him what had bene done and found: and how Monsieur Roberual was not yet come, and that hee feared that by occasion of contrary winds and tempests he was driven backe againe into France.

The description of the aforesayd Riuer and Hauen.

The sayd Riuer is small, not past 50. pases broad, and shippes drawing three fathoms water may enter in at a full sea: and at a low water there is nothing but a chanell of a foote deepe or thereabout. Trees aboue 3. fathoms about. Hanneda the most excellent tree of the world. On both sides of the said Riuer there are very good and faire grounds, full of as faire and mightie trees as any be in the world, and diuers sorts, which are aboue tenne fathoms higher then the rest, and there is one kind of tree aboue three fathoms about, which they in the Countrey call Hanneda, which hath the most excellent vertue of all the trees in the world, whereof I will make mention hereafter. Moreouer there are great store of Okes the most excellent that euer I saw in my life, which were so laden with Mast that they cracked againe: besides this there are fairer Arables, Cedars, Beeches, and other trees, then grow in France: and hard vnto this wood Abundance of Vines of grapes. on the South side the ground is all couered with Vines, which we found laden with grapes as blacke as Mulberies, but they be not so kind as those of France because the Vines bee not tilled, and because they grow of their owne accord. Fruit like Medlers. Moreouer there are many white Thornes, which beare leaues as bigge as oken leaues, and fruit like vnto Medlers. To bee short, it is as good a Countrey to plow and mannure as a man should find or desire. Seed sprong out of the ground within 8 days. We sowed seedes here of our Countrey, as Cabages, Naueaus,2 Lettises and others, which grew and sprung vp out of the ground in eight dayes. The mouth of the riuer is toward the South, and it windeth Northward like vnto a snake: and at the mouth of it toward the East there is a high and steepe cliffe, where we made a way in manner of a payre of staires, and aloft we made a Fort to keepe the nether Fort and the ships, and all things that might passe by the great as by this small riuer. A great Plaine of very good arable ground. Moreouer a man may behold a great extension of ground apt for tillage, straite and handsome, and somewhat enclining toward the South, as easie to be brought to tillage as I would desire, and very well replenished with faire Okes and other trees of great beauty, no thicker then the Forrests of France. Here we set twenty men to worke, which in one day had laboured about an acre and an halfe of the said ground, and sowed it part with Naueaus or small Turneps, which at the ende of eight dayes, as I said before, sprang out of the earth. And vpon that high cliffe wee found a faire fountaine very neere the sayd Fort: Diamants of Canada. adioyning whereunto we found good store of stones, which we esteemed to be Diamants. On the other side of the said mountaine and at the foote thereof, which is towards the great Riuer is all along a goodly Myne of the best yron in the world, and it reacheth euen hard vnto our Fort, and the sand which we tread on is perfect refined Myne, ready to be put into the fornace. And on the waters side we found certaine leaues of fine gold as thicke as a mans nayle. And Westward of the said Riuer there are, as hath bene sayd, many faire trees: and toward the water a goodly Medow full of as faire and goodly grasse as euer I sawe in any Medowe in France: and betweene the said Medow and the Wood are great store of Vines: Excellent and strong hempe. and beyond the said Vines the land groweth full of Hempe which groweth of it selfe, which is as good as possibly may be seene, and as strong. And at the ende of the sayd Medow within an hundred pases there is a rising ground, which is of a kind of slate stone blacke and thicke, wherein are veines of mynerall matter, which shewe like gold and siluer: and throughout all that stone there are great graines of the sayd Myne. And in some places we haue found stones like Diamants, the most faire, pollished and excellently cut that it is possible for a man to see, when the Sunne shineth vpon them, they glister as it were sparkles of fire.

How after the departure of the two shippes which were sent backe into Britaine, and that the Fort was begun to be builded, the Captaine prepared two boates to go vp the great Riuer to discouer the passage of the three Saults or falles of the Riuer.

The rich countrey of Saquenay situated beyond the Saults which are in 44. deg. The said Captaine hauing dispatched two ships to returne to carry newes, according as hee had in charge from the king, and that the Fort was begun to be builded, for preseruation of their victuals and other things, determined with the Vicount of Beaupre, and other Gentlemen, Masters, and Pilots chosen for counsayle, to make a voyage with two boates furnished with men and victuals to goe as farre as Hochelaga, of purpose to view and vnderstand the fashion of the Saults of water, which are to be passed to goe to Saguenay, that hee might be the readier in the spring to passe farther, and in the Winter time to make all things needefull in a readinesse for their businesse. They depart from Charlesburg Royal the 7. of Septem. The foresaid boates being made ready, the Captaine and Martine de Painpont, with other Gentlemen and the remnant of the Mariners departed from the sayd place of Charlesburg Royal the seuenth day of September in the yeere aforesayd 1540. And the Vicount of Beaupre stayed behind for the garding and gouernement of all things in the Fort. And as they went vp the riuer, the Captaine went to see the Lord of Hochelay, which dwelleth betweene Canada and Hochelaga: which in the former voyage had giuen vnto the said Captaine a little girle, and had oftentimes enformed him of the treasons which Taignoagny and Domagaya (whom the Captaine in his former voyage had caried into France) would haue wrought against him. They delight in red cloth. In regard of which his curtesie the said Captaine would not passe by without visiting of him, and to let him vnderstand that the Captaine thought himselfe beholding vnto him, hee gaue vnto him two yong boyes, and left them with him to learne their language, and bestowed vpon him a cloake of Paris red, which cloake was set with yealow and white buttons of Tinne, and small belles. And withall hee gaue him two Basons of Laton, and certaine hachet and kniues: whereat the sayde Lord seemed highly to reioyce, and thanked the Captaine. The 11 of September. This done, the Captaine and his company departed from that place: And wee sailed with so prosperous a wind, that we arriued the eleuenth day of the moneth at the first Sault of water, which is two leagues distant from the Towne of Tutonaguy. And after wee were arriued there, wee determined to goe and passe as farre vp as it was possible with one of the boates, and that the other should stay there till it returned: and wee double manned her to rowe vp against the course or streame of the sayde Sault. Bad ground and a great current. And after wee had passed some part of the way from our other boate, wee found badde ground and great rockes, and so great a current, that wee could not possibly passe any further with our Boate. And the Captaine resolued to goe by land to see the nature and fashion of the Sault. And after that we were come on shore, wee founde hard by the water side a way and beaten path going toward the sayde Saultes, by which wee tooke our way. And on the sayd way, and soone after we found an habitation of people which made vs great cheere, and entertained vs very friendly. Another village of good people which dwell ouer against the second Sault. And after that he had signified vnto them, that wee were going toward the Saults, and that wee desired to goe to Saguenay, foure yong men went along with vs to shewe vs the way, and they brought vs so farre that wee came to another village or habitation of good people, which dwell ouer against the second Sault, which came and brought vs of their victuals, as Pottage and Fish, and offered vs of the same. After that the Captaine had enquired of them as well by signes as wordes, how many more Saults we had to passe to goe to Saguenay, and what distance and way it was thither, this people shewed vs and gaue vs to vnderstand, that wee were at the second Sault, and that there was but one more to passe, that the Riuer was not nauigable to goe to Saguenay, and that the sayd Sault was but a third part farther then we had trauailed, shewing vs the same with certaine little stickes, which they layd vpon the ground in a certaine distance, and afterward layde other small branches betweene both, representing the Saults. And by the sayde marke, if their saying be true, it can be but sixe leagues by land to passe the sayd Saults.

400 persons about their boates. After that we had bene aduertised by the sayde people, of the things abouementioned, both because the day was farre spent, and we had neither drunke nor eaten the same day, we concluded to returne vnto our boats, and we came thither, where we found great store of people to the number of 400 persons or thereabout, which seemed to giue vs very good entertainment and to reioyce of our comming: And therefore our Captaine gaue eche of them certaine small trifles, as combs, brooches of tynne and copper, and other smal toyes, and vnto the chiefe men euery one his litle hatchet and hooke, whereat they made certaine cries and ceremonies of ioy. Like those of New Albion. But a man must not trust them for all their faire ceremonies and signes of ioy, for if they had thought they had bene too strong for vs, then would they haue done their best to haue killed vs, as we vnderstood afterward. The sauages are great dissemblers. This being done, we returned with our boats, and passed by the dwelling of the Lord of Hochelay, with whom the Captaine had left the two youths as hee came vp the riuer, thinking to haue found him: But hee coulde find no body saue one of his sonnes, who tolde the Captaine that hee was gone to Maisouna, as our boyes also told vs, saying that it was two dayes since he departed. But in truth hee was gone to Canada to conclude with Angona what they should doe against vs. The Sauages conspire together against the French. And when we were arriued at our Fort, wee vnderstoode by our people, that the Sauages of the Countrey came not any more about our Fort as they were accustomed, to bring vs fish, and that they were in a wonderful doubt and feare of vs. Wherefore our Captaine, hauing bene aduertised by some A very great number of Sauages assembled together. of our men which had bene at Stadacona to visite them, that there were a wonderfull number of the Countrey people assembled together, caused all things in our fortresse to bee set in good order: &c. The rest is wanting.

1 Near Boulogne, between that town and Calais.

2 Turnips. (French, Navets).

A letter written to M. Iohn Growte student in Paris, by Iaques Noel of S. Malo, the nephew of Iaques Cartier, touching the foresaid discouery.

Master Growte, your brother in law Giles Walter shewed me this morning a Mappe printed at Paris, dedicated to one M. Hakluyt an Englishman: wherein all the West Indies, the kingdome of New Mexico, and the countreys of Canada, Hochelaga, and Saguenay are contained. I hold that the Riuer of Canada which is described in that Mappe is not marked as it is in my booke, which is agreeable to the booke of Iaques Cartier: and that the sayd Chart doth not marke or set downe The great Lake, which is aboue the Saults, according as the Sauages haue aduertised vs, which dwell at the sayd Saults. In the foresayd Chart which you sent me hither, the Great Lake is placed too much toward the North.1 The Saults are in 44. deg. and easie to passe. The Saults or falles of the Riuer stand in 44. degrees of latitude: it is not so hard a matter to passe them, as it is thought: The water falleth not downe from any high place, it is nothing else but that in the middest of the Riuer there is bad ground. But 5. leagues iourney to passe the 3 Saults. It were best to build boates aboue the Saults: and it is easie to march or trauell by land to the end of the three Saults: it is not aboue fiue leagues iourney. I haue bene vpon the toppe of a mountaine, which is at the foot of the Saults, where I haue seene the said Riuer beyond the sayd Saultes, which shewed vnto vs to be broader then it was where we passed it. Ten dayes iourney from the Saults to this great Lake. The people of the Countrey aduertised vs, that there are ten dayes iourney from the Saults vnto this Great Lake. We know not how many leagues they make to a dayes iourney. At this present I cannot write vnto you more at large, because the messenger can stay no longer. Here therefore for the present I will ende, saluting you with my hearty commendations, praying God to giue you your hearts desire. From S. Malo in haste this 19 day of Iune. 1587.

Your louing Friend, Iaqves Noel.

Cosin, I pray you doe me so much pleasure as to send me a booke of the discouery of New Mexico, and one of those new Mappes of the West Indies dedicated to M. Hakluyt the English Gentleman, which you sent to your brother in law Giles Walter. I will not faile to informe my selfe, if there be any meane to find out those descriptions which Captain Cartier made after his two last voyages into Canada.

1 This may refer either to Lake St. Peter or Lake Ontario; I should think the latter.

Vnderneath the aforesaid vnperfite relation that which followeth is written on another letter sent to M. Iohn Growte student in Paris from Iaques Noel of S. Malo, the grand nephew of Iaques Cartier.

I can write nothing else vnto you of any thing that I can recouer of the writings of Captaine Iaques Cartier my uncle disceased, although I haue made search in all places that I could possibly in this Towne: sauing of a certaine booke made in maner of a sea Chart, which was drawne by the hand of my said vncle, which is in the possession of master Cremeur: which booke is passing well marked and drawne for all the Riuer of Canada, whereof I am well assured, because I myself haue knowledge thereof as farre as to the Saults, where I haue bene: The height of which Saults is in 44. degrees. I found in the sayd Chart beyond the place where the Riuer is diuided in twaine in the midst of both the branches of the said riuer somewhat neerest that arme which runneth toward the Northwest, these words following written in the hand of Iaques Cartier.

By the people of Canada and Hochelaga it was said, That here is the land of Saguenay, which is rich and wealthy in precious stones.

And about an hundred leagues vnder the same I found written these two lines following in the saide Carde enclining toward the Southwest. Here in this Countrey are Cinamon and Cloues, which they call in their language Canodeta.

Touching the effect of my booke whereof I spake vnto you, it is made after the maner of a sea Chart, which I haue deliuered to my two sonnes Michael and Iohn, which at this present are in Canada. If at their returne, which will be God willing about Magdalene tyde, they haue learned any new thing worthy the writing, I will not faile to aduertise you thereof.

Your louing Friend, Iaqves Noel.

Here followeth the course from Belle Isle, Carpont, and the Grand Bay in Newfoundland vp the Riuer of Canada for the space of 230. leagues, obserued by Iohn Alphonse of Xanctoigne chiefe Pilote to Monsieur Roberual, 1542.

Belles Isles are in 51 degrees and 2/3. Belles Isles and Carpont are Northnorthwest and Southsoutheast, and they are ten leagues distant. Carpont is in 52 degrees. Carpont and Bell Isle from the Grand Bay are Northeast and Southwest, and the distance from Bell Isle to the Grand Bay is 7 leagues. The midst of the Grand Bay is in 52 degrees and an halfe, and on the Northside thereof there is a rocke: halfe a league from the Isle, ouer against Carpont toward the East there is a small flat Island, and on the side toward the Northeast there is a flat rocke. And when thou commest out of the harborough of Carpont thou must leaue this rocke on the starreboord side, and also on the larboord side there are two or three small Isles: and when thou commest out on the Northeast side, ranging along the shore toward the West about two pikes length in the midway there is a shold which lyeth on thy starboord side: and saile thou by the North coast, and leaue two partes of the Grand Bay toward the South; because there is a rocke which runneth 2 or 3 leagues into the sea. And when thou art come athwart the hauen of Butes, ran along the North shore about one league or an halfe of, for the coast is without all danger; The Isle of Blanc Sablon or white sand. Bell Isle in the mouth of the Grand Bay, and the Isles of Blanc Sablon, which are within the Grand Bay, neere vnto the North shore lie Northeast, West and Southwest, and the distance is 30 leagues. The Grand Bay at the entrance is but 7 leagues broad from land to land vntill it come ouer against the Bay des Chasteaux: and from thence forward it hath not past 5 leagues in breadth. And against Blanc Sablon it is 8 leagues broad from land to land. And the land on the South shore is all low land along the sea coast. The North shore is reasonable high land, Blanc Sablon is in 51 degrees 2/3. The Isles of Blanc Sablon and the Isles de la Damoiselle are Northeast, Westsouthwest, and take a little of the Westsouthwest, and they are distant 36 leagues: these Isles are in 50 deg. 3/4. And there is a good hauen: and you may enter by an high Cape which lieth along toward the Northeast and within the distance of a pike and an halfe, because of a rocke which lieth on your larrebord side, and you may ancre in 10 fathome water ouer against a little nooke: and from the great headland vnto the place where thou doest ancre there is not aboue the length of 2 Cables. And if thou wouldest go out by the West side, thou must saile neere the Isle by the starrebord, and giue roome vnto the Isle on the larbord at the comming forth: and when thou art not past a cables length out thou must saile hard by the Isles on the larbord side, by reason of a suncken flatte which lieth on the starrebord, and thou shalt saile so on to the Southsouthwest, vntill thou come in sight of a rocke which shineth, which is about halfe a league in the sea distant from the Isles, and thou shalt leaue it on the larrebord: (and from the Isles of Damoiselle vnto Newfoundland the sea is not in bredth aboue 36. leagues, because that Newfoundland euen vnto Cape Briton runneth not but Northnortheast and Southsouthwest.) Between the Isles de la Damoiselle and the Isles of Blanck Sablon there be many Isles and good harbours: and on this coast, there are faulcons and haukes, and certaine foules which seeme to be feasants. The Isles de la Damoiselle and Cape Tienot are Northeast and Westsouthwest and take a little of the Northeast and southwest, and they are distant 18. leagues. Cape Tienot is in 50. deg and 1/4. And there the sea is broadest. And it may be to the end of Newfoundland, which is at the entrance of Cape Briton 70 leagues, which is the greatest bredth of the sea. And there are 6 or 7 Isles between the Isles de la Damoiselle and Cape Tienot. Cape Tienot hath in the sea 5 or 6 leagues distant from it a suncken Iland dangerous for ships. The Isle Ascention, Assumption or Naliscotec. The Cape Tienot and the midst of the Isle of Ascension are Northeast and southsouthwest, and they are 22. leagues distant, the midst of the Isle of Ascension is in 49. deg and 1/2. The said Isle lieth Northwest and Southeast, the Northwest end is in 50. degrees of latitude and the Southeast end is in 48. degrees and a halfe and it is about 25. leagues long and 4. or 5. leagues broad: and from the Northwest end of the Isle vnto the firme land of the North side the Sea is not aboue seven leagues broad, but vnto the firme land on the South side are about 15. leagues. Cape Tienot and the end of the Isle of Ascention toward the Southeast are Northeast and Southwest, and are distant 30. leagues. The said Cape of Tienot and the Northwest end of the Isle of Ascension are East and West, and take a little of the Northeast and Southwest, and they are distant 34. leagues.

The commendation of the Isle of Ascension. The Isle of Ascension is a goodly Isle, and a goodly champion land without any hilles, standing all vpon white rocks and Alablaster, all couered with trees vnto the Sea shore, and there are al sorts of trees as there be in France: and there be wild beasts, as beares, Luserns, Porkespicks.1 And from the Southeast end of the Isle of Ascension vnto the entrance of Cape Briton is but 50. leagues. The Northwest end of the Isle and the Cape des Monts nostre Dame,2 which is on the maine land towards the South, are Northeast and Westsouthwest, and the distance betweene them is 15. leagues. The Cape is in 49. degrees, which is a very high land. The Cape and end of the Isle of Ascension toward the Southeast are East and West and there is 15. leagues distance betweene them. The Bay of Molues or Gaspay3 is in 48. degrees, and the coast lyeth North and South, and taketh a quarter of the Northeast and Southwest vnto the Bay of Heate4 and there are 3. Isles, one great one and two smal: from the Bay of Heate vntill you passe the Monts nostre Dame al the land is high and good ground al couered with trees. Ognedoc is a good Bay and lyeth Northnorthwest and Southsoutheast, and it is a good Harbour: and you must saile along the shore on the Northside by reason of the low point at the entrance therof: and when you are passed the poynt bring your selfe to an ancre in 15. or 20. fathoms of water toward the South shore, and here within this Hauen are two riuers, one which goeth Greater store and better fish then in Newfoundland. toward the Northwest, and the other to the South west.

The mouth of the riuer of Canada twenty fiue leagues broad. And on this coast there is great fishing for Coddes and other fish, where there is more store then is in Newfoundland, and better fish. And here is great store of riuer foule, as Malards, wild Geese, and others: And here are all sorts of trees, Rose trees, Raspesses, Filbrid5 trees, Apple trees, Peare trees, and it is better here in Sommer then in France. The Isle of Ascension and the 7. Isles which lie on the North shore lie Southeast and Westnorthwest, and are distant 24. leagues. The Cape of Ognedoc and the 7. Isles are Northnorthwest and Southsoutheast; and are distant 35. leagues.

The riuer is here but 10 leagues broad. The Cape of Monts nostre Dame and the 7. Isles are North and South, and the cut ouer from the one to the other is 25. leagues: and this is the breadth of this Sea, and from thence vpward it beginneth to waxe narrower and narrower. The 7. Isles are in 50. degrees and 1/2. The 7. Isles and the poynt of Ongear lie Northeast and Southwest and the distance betweene them is 15. leagues, and betweene them are certaine small Islands: and the point of Ongear and the mountaines Nostre Dame, which are on the South side of the entrance of the riuer, are North and South: The riuer 8 leagues broad. and the cut ouer from the one to the other is ten leagues: and this is here the abredth of the Sea. The poynt of Ongear and the riuer of Caen lie East and West, and they are distant 12. leagues. And all the coast from the Isle of Ascension hither is very good ground, wherin growe all sorts of trees that are in France and some fruits. The poynt of Ongear is in 49. degrees and 1/4. And the riuer of Caen and the Isle of Raquelle lye Northeast and Southwest, and they are distant 12. leagues. The Isle of Raquelle is in 48. degrees and 1/2. In this riuer of Caen there is great store of fish.

And here the Sea is not past 8. leagues broad. The Isle of Raquelle is a very low Isle, which is neere vnto the South shore, hard by a high Cape which is called the Cape of Marble. There is no danger there at all. And betweene Raquelle and the Cape of Marble ships may passe. And there is not from the Isle to the South shore aboue one league, and from the Isle vnto the North shore about foure leagues. The Isle of Raquelle and the entrance of Saguenay are Northeast Westsouthwest, and are distant 14. leagues, and there are betweene them two small Islandes neere the North shore. The entrance of Saguenay is in 48. degrees and 1/2, and the entrance hath not past a quarter of a league in breadth, and it is dangerous toward the Southwest: and two or three leagues within the entrance it beginneth to waxe wider and wider: and it seemeth to bee as it were an arme of the Sea: And I thinke that the same runneth into the Sea of Cathay,6 for it sendeth foorth there a great current, and there doth runne in that place a terrible rase or tyde. The riuer not past 4 leagues ouer. And here the riuer from the North shore to the South shore is not past foure leagues in breadth, and it is a dangerous passage betweene both the lands, because there lie bankes of rockes in the riuer. The Isle of Raquelle and the Isle of Hares lye Northeast and Southwest, and take 1/2 of the East and the West, and they are distant 18. leagues. The entrance of Saguenay and the Isle of Liepueres or Hares lie Northnortheast and Southsouthwest, and are distant 5. leagues. The entrance of Saguenay and the Isle of Raquelle are Northnorthwest, and Southsouthwest, and are distant three leagues. The Isle of Hares is in 48 and 1/16 of a degree. From the Mountaines of Nostre Dame vnto Canada7 and vnto Hochelaga, all the land on the South coast is faire, a lowe land and goodly champaigne, all couered with trees vnto the brink of the riuer. And the land on the North side is higher, and in some places there are high mountaines. And from the Isle of Hares vnto the Isle of Orleans the riuer is not past 4 or 5 leagues broad. Betweene the Isle of Hares and the highland on the North side the sea is not past a league and a halfe broad, and it is very deepe, for it is aboue 100. fathoms deepe in the middest. To the East of the Isle of Hares there are 2 or 3 small Isles and rockes. And from hence to the Isle des Coudres or of Filbeards, all is nothing but Isles and rockes on the South shore: and towards the North the sea is fayre and deepe. The Isle of Hares and the Isle of Filbeards lie northeast, West and Southwest, and they are distant 12 leagues. And you must alwayes run along the high land on the north shore; for on the other shore there is nothing but rocks. And you must passe by the side of the Isle of Filbeards, and the riuer there is not past a quarter of a league broad, and you must sayle in the middest of the Chanel: and in the middest runneth the best passage either at an hie or a low water, because the sea runneth there strongly, and there are great dangers of rocks, and you had neede of good ancre and cable. The isle of Filbeards is a small isle, about one league long, and halfe a league broad, but they are all banks of sand. The isle of Filberds stands in 47. deg and 3/4. The isle of Filberds and the isle of Orleans lie northeast and southwest, and they are distant 10 leagues, and thou must passe by the high land on the north-side about a quarter of a league, because that in the midst of the riuer there is nothing but sholds and rocks. The beginning of the fresh water. And when thou shall bee ouer against a round Cape, thou must take ouer to the South shore southwest, and a quarter toward the south; and thou shalt sayle in 5. 6 and 7 fathoms: and there the riuer of Canada beginneth to bee fresh, and the salt water endeth. The riuer but a quarter of a league broad. And when thou shall be athwart the point of the isle of Orleans, where the riuer beginneth to be fresh, thou shalt sayle in the midst of the riuer, and thou shalt leaue the isle on the starreboord, which is on the right hand: and here the riuer is not past a quarter of a league broad, and hath 20 and 30 fathoms water. And towards the South shore there is a ledge of Isles all couered with trees, and they end ouer against the point of the Isle of Orleans. And the poynt of the Isle of Orleans toward the Northeast is in 47 degrees and one terce of a degree. And the Isle of Orleans is a fayre Isle, all couered with trees even vnto the riuers side: and it is about 5 leagues long, and a league and an halfe broade. And on the North shore there is another Riuer, which falleth into the mayne Riuer at the ende of the Island: and Shippes may very well passe there. From the middest of the Isle vnto Canada the Riuer runneth West; and from the place of Canada vnto France–Roy the riuer turneth West Southwest: and from the West ende of the Isle to Canada is but one league; and vnto France–Roy 4 leagues. And when thou art come to the end of the Isle thou shalt see a great Riuer which falleth fifteene or twenty fathoms downe from a rocke, and maketh a terrible noyse. The Fort of France-roy stands in 47 degrees, and one sixt part of a degree.

The extension of all these lands, vpon iust occasion is called New France. For it is as good and as temperate as France, and in the same latitude. Why the countrey is colder in the Winter then France. And the reason wherefore it is colder in the Winter is, because the fresh Riuer is naturally more colde then the Sea; and it is also broad and deepe: and in some places it is halfe a league and aboue in breadth. A second reason. And also because the land is not tylled nor full of people, and is all full of Woods, which is the cause of colde, because there is not store of fire nor cattel. And the sunne hath his Meridian as high as the Meridian at Rochel: and it is noone here when the Sunne is at South Southwest at Rochel. The variation of the compasse. And here the north starre by the compasse standeth North northeast. And when at Rochel it is noone, it is but halfe an houre past nine at France–Roy. From the sayde place vnto the Ocean sea and the coast of New France, is not aboue 50 leagues distance. And from the entrance of Norumbega8 vnto Florida are 300 leagues: and from this place of France–Roy to Hochelaga, are about 80 leagues: and vnto the Isle of Rasus 30 leagues. And I doubt not but Norumbega entereth into the riuer of Canada, and vnto the Sea of Saguenay. And from the Fort of France–Roy vntill a man come foorth of the Grand Bay is not aboue 230 leagues. And the course is Northeast and West Southwest not aboue 5 degrees and 1/3 difference: and reckon 16 leagues and an halfe to a degree. By the nature of the climate the lands toward Hocheslaga are still better and better, and more fruitfull. And this land is fitte for Figges and Peares. Gold and siluer like to be found in Canada. And I thinke that gold and siluer will be found here, according as the people of the countrey say. These landes lye ouer against Tartarie, and I doubt not but that they stretch toward Asia, according to the roundnesse of the world. And therefore it were good to haue a small Shippe of 70 tunnes to discouer the coast of New France on the backe side of A Bay in 42 degrees giuing some hope of a passage. Florida: for I haue bene at a Bay as farre as 42 degrees betweene Norambega and Florida, and I haue not searched the ende thereof, and I knowe not whether it passe through.9 And in all these Countreys there are okes, and bortz, ashes, elmes, arables, trees of life, pines, prussetrees, ceders, great wall nut trees, and wilde nuts, hasel-trees, wilde peare trees, wilde grapes, and there haue bene found redde plummes. And very faire corne groweth there and peason grow of their owne accord, gooseberries and strawberries. And there are goodly Forrests, wherein men may hunt. And there are great store of stagges, deere, porkepicks, and the Sauages say there bee Vnicornes. Fowle there are in abundance, as bustards, wilde geese, cranes, turtle doues, rauens, crowes, and many other birds. All things which are sowen there, are not past two or three dayes in coming vp out of the ground. I haue tolde in one eare of corne an hundred and twenty graines, like the corne of France. And ye neede not to sowe your Wheate vntill March, and it will be ripe in the middest of August. The waters are better and perfecter then in France. And if the Countrey were tilled and replenished with people, it would be as hotte as Rochel. The cause of the often snowing in Canada. And the reason why it snoweth there oftener then in France is, because it raineth there but seldome: for the raine is conuerted into snowes.

All things aboue mentioned, are true.

Iohn Alphonse made this Voyage with Monsieur Roberual.

There is a pardon to be seene for the pardoning of Monsieur de Saine terre, Lieutenant of the sayd Monsieur de Roberual, giuen in Canada in the presence of the sayde Iohn Alphonse.

1 Hedgehogs.

2 Query, Mount Logan.

3 Cape Gaspe.

4 Chaleur Bay.

5 Filbert.

6 Saguenay River really rises in Lake St. John.

7 The word Canada in the native tongue meant, as we have seen above, a town, and is probably the modern Rimouski.

8 The name Norumbega had a different meaning at different periods. First, there was the fabulous city of Norumbega, situated on the Penobucot. Secondly, there was the country of Norumbega, embracing Nova Scotia and New England, and at one time reaching from Cape Breton to 30 deg. in Florida. Subsequently it receded to narrower limits and embraced only the region on both sides of the river above named. (Woods, Introduction to Western Planting, p. lii.)

9 The Bay of Fundy is probably here alluded to.

The Voyage of Iohn Francis de la Roche, knight, Lord of Roberual, to the Countries of Canada, Saguenai, and Hochelaga, with three tall Ships, and two hundred persons, both men, women, and children, begun in April, 1542. In which parts he remayned the same summer, and all the next winter.

Sir Iohn Francis de la Roche knight, lord of Roberual, appoynted by the king as his Lieutenant general in the countreis of Canada, Saguenay, and Hochelaga, furnished 3. tall Ships, chiefly at the kings cost: And hauing in his fleete 200. persons, aswel men as women, accompanied with diuers gentlemen of qualitie, as namely with Monsieur Saineterre his lieutenant, l’Espiney his Ensigne, captain Guinecourt, Monsieur Noire Fontaine, Dieu Lamont, Frote, la Brosse, Francis de Mìre, la Salle, and Roieze, and Iohn Alfonse of Xanctoigne an excellent pilot, set sayle from Rochel the 16. of April 1542. The same day about noone we came athwart of Chefe de boys, where we were enforced to stay the night following. On Monday the seuenteenth of the sayde Moneth wee departed from Chefe de boys. The winde serued vs notably for a time: but within fewe dayes it came quite contrary, which hindered our iourney for a long space: For wee were suddenly enforced to turne backe, and to seeke Harborough in Belle Isle, on the coast of Bretaigne, where wee stayed so long, and had such contrary weather by the way, that wee could not reach Newfound lande, vntill the seuenth of Iune. The eight of this Moneth wee entred into the Rode of Saint Iohn, where wee founde seuenteene Shippes of fishers. While wee made somewhat long abode heere, Iaques Cartier and his company returning from Canada, whither hee was sent with fiue sayles the yeere before, arriued in the very same Harbour. Who, after hee had done his duetie to our Generall, tolde him that hee had brought certaine Diamonts, and a quantitie of Golde ore, which was found in the Countrey. Which ore the Sunday next ensuing was tryed in a Furnace, and found to be good.

Furthermore, hee enformed the Generall that hee could not with his small company withstand the Sauages, which went about dayly to annoy him: and that this was the cause of his returne into France. Neuerthelesse, hee and his company commended the Countrey to bee very rich and fruitfull. Iaques Cartier stole away. But when our Generall being furnished with sufficient forces, commanded him to goe backe againe with him, hee and his company, mooued as it seemeth with ambition, because they would haue all the glory of the discouerie of those partes themselues, stole priuily away the next night from vs, and without taking their leaues departed home for Bretaigne.

Wee spent the greatest part of Iune in this Harbour of Saint Iohn, partly in furnishing our selues with fresh water, whereof wee stoode in very great neede by the way, and partly in composing and taking vp of a quarell betweene some of our Countreymen and certaine Portugals. At length, about the last of the aforesayde Moneth, wee departed hence, and entred into the Grand Baye, and passed by the Isle of Ascension: and finally arriued foure leagues Westward of the Isle of Orleans. In this place wee found a conuenient Harbour for our shipping, where wee cast anchor, went a shoare with our people, and chose out a conuenient place to fortifie ourselues in, fitte to command the mayne Riuer, and of strong situation against all inuasion of enemies. Thus towarde the ende of Iuly, wee brought our victuals and other munitions and prouisions on shore, and began to trauaile in fortyfying of our selues.

Of the Fort of France Roy, and that which was done there.

Hauing described the beginning, the middest, and the ende of the Voyage made by Monsieur Roberual in the Countreyes of Canada, Hochelaga, Saguenay, and other Countreyes in the West partes: He sayled so farre, (as it is declared in other bookes) that hee arriued in the sayde Countrey, accompanyed with two hundred persons, souldiers, mariners, and common people, with all furniture necessary for a fleete. The sayde Generall at his first arriuall built a fayre Fort, neere and somewhat Westward aboue Canada, which is very beautifull to beholde, and of great force, situated vpon an high mountaine, wherein there were two courtes of buyldings, a great Towre and another of fortie or fiftie foote long: wherein there were diuers Chambers, an Hall, a Kitchine, houses of office, Sellers high and lowe, and neere vnto it were an Ouen and Milles, and a stooue to warme men in, and a Well before the house. And the buylding was situated vpon the great Riuer of Canada, commonly called France prime, by Monsieur Roberual. There was also at the foote of the mountaine another lodging, part whereof was a great Towne of two stories high, two courtes of good buylding, where at the first all our victuals, and whatsoeuer was brought with vs was sent to be kept: and neere vnto that Towre there is another small riuer. In these two places aboue and beneath, all the meaner sort was lodged.

August 1542. September 14. And in the moneth of August, and in the beginning of September euery man was occupied in such woorke as eche one was able to doe. But the fourteenth of September, our aforesayde Generall sent backe into France two Shippes which had brought his furniture, and he appointed for Admirall Monsieur de Saine-terre, and the other captaine was Monsieur Guinecourt, to carie newes vnto the King, and to come backe againe vnto him the yeere next ensuing, furnished with victuals and other things, as it should please the King: and also to bring newes out of France how the King accepted certaine Diamants which were sent him, and were found in this countrey.

The proportion of their victuals. After these two Shippes were departed, consideration was had how they should doe, and how they might passe out the Winter in this place. First they tooke a view of the victuals, and it was found that they fell out short: and they were scantled so, that in eche messe they had but two loaues weighing a pound a piece, and halfe a pound of biefe. They ate Bacon at Dinner with halfe a pound of butter: and Biefe at supper, and about two handfuls of Beanes without Butter.

On the Wednesday, Friday, and Saturday they did eate dry Cod, and sometimes they did eate it greene at dinner with butter, and they ate of Porposes and beanes at supper.

About that time the Sauages brought vs great store of Aloses, which is a fish somewhat redde like a Salmon, to get kniues and other small trifles for them.

In the ende many of our people fell sicke of a certaine disease in their legges, reynes, and stomacke, so that they seemed to bee depriued of all their lymmes, and there dyed thereof about fiftie.

The length of the Winter. Note that the yce began to breake up in April.

Monsieur Roberual vsed very good iustice, and punished euery man according to his offence. One whose name was Michael Gaillon, was hanged for his theft. Iohn of Nantes was layde in yrons, and kept prisoner for his offence, and others also were put in yrons, and diuers were whipped, as well men as women: by which meanes they liued in quiet.

The maners of the Sauages.

To declare vnto you the state of the Sauages, they are people of a goodly stature, and well made, they are very white, but they are all naked: and if they were apparelled as the French are, they would bee as white and as fayre: but they paynt themselues for feare of heat and sunne burning.

So haue they of Ceuola, and Quiuira, and Meta Incognita. In stead of apparell, they weare skinnes vpon them like mantles; and they haue a smal payre of breeches, wherewith they couer their priuities, as well men as women. They haue hosen and shooes of lether excellently made. And they haue no shirts: neither couer they their heads, but their hayre is trussed vp aboue the crowne of their heads, and playted or broyded. Touching their victuals, they eate good meate, but all vnsalted, but they drye it, and afterward they broyle it, as well fish as flesh. They haue no certaine dwelling place, and they goe from place to place, as they thinke they must best finde foode, as Aloses in one place, and other fish, Salmons, Sturgions, Mullets, Surmullets, Barz, Carpes, Eeles, Pinperneaux, and other fresh water fish, and store of Porposes. They feede also of Stagges, wilde Bores, Bugles, Porkespynes, and store of other wilde beastes. And there is as great store of Fowle as they can desire.

Touching their bread, they make very good: and it is of great myll: and they liue very well; for they take care for nothing else.

They drinke Seale oyle, but this is at their great feasts.

Their gouernment. They haue a King in euery Countrey, and are wonderfull obedient vnto him: and they doe him honour according vnto their maner and fashion. And when they trauayle from place to place, they cary all their goods with them in their boates.

The women nurse their children with the breast, and they sit continually, and are wrapped about the bellies with skinnes of furre.

The voyage of Monsieur Roberual from his Fort in Canada vnto Saguenay, the fifth of Iune, 1543.

Monsieur Roberual the kings Lieutenant generall in the Countries of Canada, Saguenay, and Hochelaga, departed toward the said prouince of Saguenay on the Tuesday the 5. day of Iune 1543. after supper: and he with all his furniture was imbarked to make the sayd voyage. But vpon a certaine occasion they lay in the Rode ouer against the place before mentioned: but on the Wednesday about sixe of the clocke in the morning they set sayle, and sayled against the streame: in which voyage their whole furniture was of eight barks, as well great as small, and to the number of threescore and ten persons, with the aforesayd Generall.

The Generall left behinde him in the aforesayde place and Fort thirtie persons to remayne there vntill his returne from Saguenay, which he appoynted to be the first of Iuly, or else they should returne into France. And hee left there behinde him but two Barkes to cary the sayde thirtie persons, and the furniture which was there, while hee stayed still in the Countrey.

And for effectuating hereof, he left as his Lieutenant a gentleman named Monsieur de Royeze, to whom he gaue commission, and charged all men to obey him, and to be at the commandement of the sayde Lieutenant.

The victuals which were left for their mayntenance vntill the sayd first day of Iuly, were receiued by the sayd Lieutenant Royeze.

On Thursday the 14. of Iune Monsieur de l’Espiney, la Brosse, Monsieur Frete, Monsieur Longeual, and others, returned from the Generall, from the voyage of Saguenay.

And note that eight men and one Barke were drowned and lost, among whom was Monsieur de Noire Fontaine, and one named la Vasseur of Constance.

On Tuesday the 19. of Iune aforesayd, there came from the Generall, Monsieur de Villeneufe, Talebot, and three others, which brought sixescore pounds weight of their corne, and letters to stay yet vntill Magdalentyde, which is the 22. day of Iuly.

The rest of this Voyage is wanting.

A Discourse of Western Planting, written by M. Richard Hakluyt, 1584.

A particuler discourse concerning the greate necessitie and manifolde comodyties that are like to growe to this Realme of Englande by the Westerne discoueries lately attempted, written in the yere 1584. by Richarde Hackluyt of Oxforde, at the requeste and direction of the righte worshipfull Mr. Walter Raghly, nowe Knight, before the comynge home of his twoo barkes, and is devided into XXI chapiters, the titles whereof followe in the nexte leafe.

For this web edition, the work has been extracted as a separate book, at

The first colony of Virginia

For this web edition, material relating to the first colony (The "Lost" colony of Roanoke) has been extracted as a separate book, at

The relation of John de Verrazano of the land by him discovered.

To the most Christian King of France, Francis the first.

The relation of Iohn de Verrazzano a Florentine, of the land by him discouered in the name of his Maiestie. Written at Diepe the eight of Iuly, 1524.

I wrote not to your Maiesty, most Christian king, since the time we suffered the tempest in the north partes, of the successe of the foure Shippes, which your Maiestie sent forth to discouer new lands by the Ocean, thinking your Maiestie had bene already duely enformed thereof. Now by these presents I will giue your Maiestie to vnderstand, how by the violence of the windes we were forced with two ships, the Norman and the Dolphin (in such euill case as they were) to land in Britaine. Where after wee had repayred them in all poynts as was needefull, and armed them very well, we tooke our course along by the coast of Spaine, which your Maiestie shall vnderstand by the profite that we receiued thereby. Afterwards with the Dolphin alone we determined to make discouerie of new Countries, to prosecute the nauigation we had already begun, which I purpose at this present to recount vnto your Maiestie to make manifest the whole proceeding of the matter.

The Isle of Madêra The 17 of Ianuary the yeere 1524. by the grace of God we departed from the dishabited rocke by the isle of Madêra, apperteining to the king of Portugal, with 50. men, with victuals, weapons, and other ship-munition very well prouided and furnished for 8 moneths: And sayling Westwards with a faire Easterly winde, in 25. dayes we ran 500. leagues, and the 20. of Februarie we were ouertaken with as sharpe and terrible a tempest as euer any saylers suffered: whereof with the diuine helpe and mercifull assistance of Almighty God, and the goodnesse of our shippe, accompanied with the good happe of her fortunate name, we were deliuered, and with a prosperous winde followed our course West and by North. They discouer land. And in other 25. dayes we made aboue 400. leagues more, where we discouered a new land, neuer before seene of any man either ancient or moderne, and at first sight it seemed somewhat low, but being within a quarter of a league of it, we perceiued by the great fires that we saw by the Sea coast, that it was inhabited: and saw that the land stretched to the Southwards. In seeking some conuenient Harborough wherein to anchor and to haue knowledge of the place, we sayled fiftie leagues in vaine, and seeing the land to runne still to the Southwards, we resolued to return back againe towards the North where wee found ourselues troubled with the like difficulty. At length being in despaire to finde any Port, wee cast anchor vpon the coast, and sent our Boate to shore, where we saw great store of people which came to the sea side: and seeing vs approch, they fled away, and sometime would stand still and looke backe, beholding vs with great admiration: but afterwards being animated and assured with signes that we made them, some of them came hard to the Sea side, seeming to reioyce very much at the sight of vs, and marueiling greatly at our apparel, shape and whitenesse, shewing vs by sundry signes where we might most commodiously come aland with our Boat, offering vs also of their victuals to eat. Now I wil briefly declare to your Maiestie their life and maners, as farre as we could haue notice thereof: These people goe altogether naked, except only that they couer their priuie parts with certaine skins of beastes like vnto Martens, which they fasten vnto a narrow girdle made of grasse very artificially wrought, hanged about with tayle of diuers other beastes, which round about their bodies hang dangling downe to their knees. Some of them weare garlands of byrdes feathers. The people are of colour russet, and not much unlike the Saracens: their hayre blacke, thicke and not very long, which they tye together in a knot behind and weare it like a litle taile. They are well featured in their limbes, of meane stature, and commonly somewhat bigger then we: broad breasted, strong armed, their legs and other parts of their bodies well fashioned, and they are disfigured in nothing, saving, that they have somewhat broade visages, and yet not all of them: for we saw many of them wel favoured, having blacke and greate eyes, with a cheerefull and steady looke, not strong of body, yet sharpe witted, nymble and exceeding great runners, as farre as we could learne by experience, and in those two last qualities they are like to the people of the East partes of the world, and especially to them of the uttermost parts of China. We could not learne of this people their maner of living, nor their particular customs, by reason of the short abode we made on the shore, our company being but small, and our ship ryding farre off in the Sea. And not farre from these we found another people, whose living wee thinke to be like unto theirs; (as hereafter I wil declare unto your Majestie) shewing at this present the situation and nature of the foresayd land. The shore is all covered with small sand, and so ascendeth upwards for the space of 15 foote, rising in forme of litle hils about 50 paces broad. And sayling forwards, we found certaine small Rivers and armes of the Sea, that fall downe by certaine creekes, washing the shoare on both sides as the coast lyeth. And beyond this we saw the open Countrey rising in height above the sandy shoare with many faire fields and plaines, full of mighty great woods, some very thicke, and some thinne, replenished with divers sorts of trees, as pleasant and delectable to behold, as is possible to imagine. And your Majesty may not thinke that these are like the woods of Hercynia or the wilde deserts of Tartary, and the Northerne coasts full of fruitlesse trees: But they are full of Palme trees, Bay trees, and high Cypresse trees, and many other sorts of trees unknowen in Europe, which yeeld most sweet savours farre from the shoare, the propertie whereof we could not learne for the cause aforesayd, and not for any difficulty to passe through the woods, seeing they are not so thicke but that a man may passe through them. Neither doe we thinke that they partaking of the East world round about them, are altogether voyd of drugs and spicery, and other riches of golde, seeing the colour of the land doth so much argue it. And the land is full of many beastes, as Stags, Deere and Hares, and likewise of Lakes and Pooles of fresh water, with great plentie of Fowles, conuenient for all kinde of pleasant game. This land is in latitude 34. degrees, with good and wholesome ayre, temperature, betweene hot and colde, no vehement windes doe blowe in those Regions, and those that doe commonly reigne in those coasts, are the Northwest and West windes in the summer season, (in the beginning whereof we were there) the skie cleere and faire with very little raine: and if at any time the ayre be cloudie and mistie with the Southerne winde, immediatly it is dissolued and waxeth cleere and fayre againe. The Sea is calme, not boysterous, the waues gentle: and although all the shore be somewhat sholde and without harborough, yet it is not dangerous to the saylers, being free from rocks and deepe, so that within 4. or 5. foote of the shore, there is 20. foote deepe of water without ebbe or flood, the depth still increasing in such vniforme proportion. There is very good ryding at Sea: for any ship being shaken in a tempest, can neuer perish there by breaking of her cables, which we haue prooued by experience. For in the beginning of March (as it is vsuall in all regions) being in the Sea oppressed with Northerne windes, and ryding there, wee found our anchor broken before the earth fayled or mooued at all. The coast trendeth to the East in 34. degrees of latitude. We departed from this place, stil running along the coast, which we found to trend toward the East,1 and we saw euery where very great fires, by reason of the multitude of the inhabitants. While we rode on that coast, partly because it had no harborough, and for that we wanted water, we sent our boate ashoare with 25. men: where by reason of great and continuall waues that beat against the shoare, being an open Coast, without succour, none of our men could possibly goe ashoare without loosing our boate. Courteous and gentle people. Wee saw there many people which came vnto the shoare, making diuers signes of friendship, and shewing that they were content we should come aland, and by trial we found them to be very courteous and gentle, as your Maiestie shal vnderstand by the successe. To the intent we might send them of our things, which the Indians commonly desire and esteeme, as sheetes of paper, glasses, bels, and such like trifles; we sent a young man one of our Mariners ashoare, who swimming towards them, and being within 3. or 4. yards of the shore, not trusting them, cast the things vpon the shoare: but seeking afterwards to returne, he was with such violence of the waues beaten vpon the shore, that he was so bruised that he lay there almost dead: which the Indians perceiuing, ranne to catch him, and drawing him out, they caried him a litle way off from the sea. The yong man perceiuing they caried him, being at the first dismaied, began then greatly to feare, and cried out piteously: likewise did the Indians which did accompany him, going about to cheere him and to giue him courage, and then setting him on the ground at the foote of a litle hil against the sunne, they began to behold him with great admiration, marueiling at the whitenesse of his flesh: And putting off his clothes, they made him warme at a great fire, not without our great feare which remayned in the boate, that they would haue rosted him at that fire, and haue eaten him. The young man hauing recouered his strength, and hauing stayed a while with them, shewed them by signes that he was desirous to returne to the ship: and they with great loue clapping him fast about with many imbracings, accompanying him vnto the sea, and to put him in more assurance, leauing him alone, went vnto a high ground and stood there, beholding him vntill he was entred into the boate. This yong man obserued, as we did also, that these are of colour inclining to Blacke as the other were, with their flesh very shining, of meane stature, handsome visage, and delicate limmes, and of very litle strength, but of prompt wit: farther we obserued not.

They run 50 leagues farther. Departing from hence, following the shore which trended somewhat toward the North, in 50. leagues space we came to another land which shewed much more faire and ful of woods, being very great, where we rode at anker: and that we might haue some knowledge thereof, wee sent 20. men aland, which entred into the countrey about 2 leagues, and they found that the people were fled to the woods for feare. They saw onely one olde woman with a young maide of 18. or 20. yeeres old, which seeing our company, hid themselues in the grasse for feare: the olde woman caried two Infants on her shoulders, and behind her necke a child of 8. yeeres old. The young woman was laden likewise with as many: but when our men came vnto them, the women cried out: the olde woman made signes that the men were fledde vnto the woods. Assoone as they saw vs to quiet them and to winne their fauour, our men gave them such victuals as they had with them, to eate, which the old woman receiued thankfully: but the yong woman disdained them all, and threw them disdainfully on the ground. They tooke a child from the olde woman to bring into France, and going about to take the yong woman which was very beautiful and of tall stature, they could not possibly, for the great outcries that she made, bring her to the sea: and especially hauing great woods to passe thorow, and being farre from the ship, we purposed to leaue her behind, bearing away the child onely. We found those folkes to be more white then those that we found before, being clad with certaine leaues that hang on boughs of trees, which they sewe together with threds of wilde hempe: their heads were trussed vp after the same maner as the former were: their ordinary food is of pulse, whereof they haue great store, differing in colour and taste from ours; of good and pleasant taste. Moreouer they liue by fishing and fowling, which they take with ginnes, and bowes made of hard wood, the arrowes of Canes, being headed with the bones of fish, and other beasts. The beasts in these parts are much wilder then in our Europe, by reason they are continually chased and hunted. They ran along the coast 200 leagues. They make hollow their Canoes with fire. We saw many of their boats made of one tree 20 foote long, and 4 foote broad, which are not made with yron or any other kind of metall (because that in all this countrey for the space of leagues which we ranne, we neuer saw one stone of any sort:) they helpe themselues with fire, burning so much of the tree as is sufficient for the hollowness of the boat; the like they doe in making the sterne and the forepart, vntil it be fit to saile vpon the sea. The land is in situation goodnes and fairenesse like the other: it hath woods like the other, thinne and full of diuers sorts of trees: but not sweete, because the countrey is more Northerly and colde.

Vines like those of Lombardie. We saw in this Countrey many Vines growing naturally, which growing vp, tooke holde of the trees as they doe in Lombardie, which if by husbandmen they were dressed in good order, without all doubt they would yeeld excellent wines: for hauing oftentimes seene the fruit thereof dryed, which was sweete and pleasant, and not differing from ours, wee thinke that they doe esteeme the same, because that in euery place where they growe, they take away the vnder branches growing round about, that the fruit thereof may ripen the better.

We found also roses, violets, lilies, and many sorts of herbes, and sweete and odoriferous flowers different from ours. We knewe not their dwellings, because they were farre vp in the land, and we iudge by many signes that we saw, that they are of wood and of trees framed together.

We doe beleeue also by many coniectures and signes, that many of them sleeping in the fields, haue no other couert then the open sky. Further knowledge haue we not of them: we thinke that all the rest whose countreys we passed, liue all after one maner. Hauing made our aboade three dayes in this countrey, and ryding on the coast for want of harboroughs, we concluded to depart from thence, trending along the shore betweene the North and the East, sayling onely in the daytime, and riding at anker by night. In the space of 100. leagues sayling we found a very pleasant place situated amongst certaine litle hils: A mighty riuer. from amidst the which hils there ran downe into the sea an exceeding great streme of water, which within the mouth was very deepe, and from the sea to the mouth of the same with the tide which we found to rise 8. foote, any great ship laden may passe vp.

But because we rode at rode at anker, in a place well fenced from the wind, we would not venture ourselues without knowledge of the place: and we passed vp with our boat onely into the sayd Riuer, and saw the countrey very well peopled. People clad with feathers of diuers colours. The people are almost like vnto the others, and are clad with the feathers of fowles of diuers colours: they came towards vs very cheerefully, making great showts of admiration; shewing vs where we might come to land most safely with our boat. We entered vp the sayd river into the land about halfe a league where it made a most pleasant lake about 3 leagues in compasse: on the which they rowed from the one side to the other to the number of 30. of their small boates, wherein were many people which passed from one shore to the other to come and see vs. The pleasantness and riches of the land. And behold vpon the sudden (as is woont to fall out in sayling) a contrary flaw of wind comming from the sea, we were inforced to returne to our ship, leauing this lande to our great discontentment, for the great commodity and pleasantnesse thereof, which we suppose is not without some riches, all the hils shewing minerall waters in them. The description of Claudia, Iland, tenne leagues from the mayne. Claudia was mother of king Francis. We weyed anker, and sayled toward the East, for so the coast trended, and so alwayes for 50. leagues being in the sight thereof, we discouered an Iland in forme of a triangle, distant from the maine land 10. leagues, about the bignesse of the Iland of the Rhodes: it was ful of hils couered with trees, well peopled, for we saw fires all along the coast: wee gaue it the name of your Maiesties mother, not staying there by reason of the weather being contrary.

And we came to another land being 15. leagues from the Iland, where we found a passing good hauen, wherein being entred, we found about 20. small boats of the people, which with diuers cries and wondrings came about our ship, comming no neerer then 50. paces towards vs: they stayed and beheld the artificialnesse of our ship, our shape and apparel: then they all made a loud showt together, declaring that they reioyced. When we had something animated them, vsing their gestures, they came so neere vs, that we cast them certaine bels and glasses, and many toyes, which when they had receiued, they looked on them with laughing, and came without feare aboard our ship. There were amongst these people 2. kings of so goodly stature and shape as is possible to declare: the eldest was about 40. yeeres of age, the second was a young man of 20. yeeres olde. Their apparell was on this maner: the elder had vpon his naked body a Harts skin wrought artificially with diuers branches like damaske: his head was bare with the hayre tyed vp behind with diuers knot: about his necke he had a large chaine, garnished with diuers stones of sundry colours: the yong man was almost apparelled after the same maner. This is the goodliest people, and of the fairest conditions that we haue found in this our voyage. They exceed vs in bignes: they are of the colour of brasse, some of them incline more to whitenesse: others are of yellow colour, of comely visage, with long and blacke haire, which they are very careful to trim and decke vp: they are blacke and quicke eyed, and of sweete and pleasant countenance, imitating much the old fashion. I write not to your Maiestie of the other parts of their body, hauing al such proportion as apperteineth to any handsome man. The women are of the like conformitie and beautie: very handsome and well fauoured, of pleasaunt countenance, and comely to behold: they are as wel manered and continent as any women, and of good education: they are all naked saue their priuy partes, which they couer with a Deeres skin branched or embrodered as the men vse: there are also of them which weare on their armes very rich skinnes of Luzernes: they adorne their heads with diuers ornaments made of their owne haire, which hang downe before on both sides their brestes: others vse other kinde of dressing themselues like vnto the women of Egypt and Syria, these are of the elder sort: and when they are maried, they weare diuers toyes, according to the vsage of the people of the East, as well men as women.

Among whom we saw many plates of wrought copper, which they esteeme more then golde, which for the colour they make no account of Azure and Red. The things that they esteeme most of all those which we gaue them, were bels, christall of Azure colour, and other toyes to hang at their eares or about their necke. They did not desire cloth of silke or of golde, much lesse of any other sort, neither cared they for things made of steele and yron, which wee often shewed them in our armour which they made no wonder at, and in beholding them they onely asked the arte of making them: the like they did at our glasses, which when they beheld, they suddenly laught and gaue them vs againe. They are very liberall, for they giue that which they haue: wee became great friends with these, and one day we entred into the Hauen with our ship, whereas before we rode a league off at Sea by reason of the contrary weather. They came in great companies of their small boats vnto the ship with their faces all bepainted with diuers colours, shewing vs that it was a signe of ioy, bringing vs of their victuals, they made signes vnto vs where we might safest ride in the Hauen for the safegard of our ship keeping still our company: and after we were come to an anker, wee bestowed 15 dayes in prouiding our selues many necessary things, whither euery day the people repaired to see our ship bringing their wiues with them, whereof they were very ielous: and they themselues entring abord the ship and staying there a good space, caused their wiues to stay in their boats, and for all the entreatie we could make, offring to giue them diuers things, we could neuer obtaine that they would suffer them to come abord our ship. And oftentimes one of the two kings comming with his queene, and many gentlemen for their pleasure to see vs, they all stayed on shore 200. paces from vs, sending a small boat to giue vs intelligence of their comming, saying they would come to see our ship: this they did in token of safety, and assone as they had answere from vs, they came immediatly, and hauing staied awhile to behold it, they wondered at hearing the cries and noyses of the mariners. The queene and her maids stayed in a very light boat, at an Iland a quarter of a league off, while the king abode a long space in our ship vttering diuers conceits with gestures, viewing with great admiration all the furniture of the ship, demanding the property of euery thing particularly. He tooke likewise great pleasure in beholding our apparell, and in tasting our meats, and so courteously taking his leaue departed. And sometimes our men staying 2 or 3 daies on a litle Iland neere the ship for diuers necessaries (as it is the vse of seamen) he returned with 7 or 8 of his gentlemen to see what we did, and asked vs oftentimes if we meant to make any long abode there, offring vs of their prouision: then the king drawing his bow and running vp and down with his gentlemen, made much sport to gratifie our men: Most pleasant and fruitful lands. we were oftentimes within the land 5 or 6 leagues, which we found as pleasant as is possible to declare, very apt for any kind of husbandry of corne, wine and oyle: for that there are plaines 25 or 30 leagues broad, open and without any impediment, of trees of such fruitfullnesse, that any seed being sowed therein, wil bring forth most excellent fruit. We entred afterwards into the woods, which we found so great and thicke, that any army were it neuer so great might haue hid it selfe therein, the trees whereof are okes, cipresse trees, and other sortes vnknowen in Europe. We found Pomi appii, damson trees, and nut trees, and many other sort of fruit differing from ours: there are beasts in great abundance, as harts, deere, luzerns, and other kinds which they take with their nets and bowes which are their chiefe weapons: the arrowes which they vse are made with great cunning, and in stead of yron, they head them with flint, with iasper stone and hard marble and other sharp stones which they vse in stead of yron to cut trees, and to make their boates of one whole piece of wood, making it hollow with great and wonderful art, wherein 10 or 12 men may sit commodiously: their oares are short and broad at the end, and they vse them in the sea without any danger, and by maine force of armes, with as great speedines as they list themselues. The fashion of their houses. We saw their houses made in circular or round forme, 10 or. 12 paces in compasse, made with halfe circles of timber separate one from another without any order of building, couered with mattes of straw wrought cunningly together, which saue them from wind and raine; and if they had the order of building and perfect skil of workmanship as we haue there were no doubt but that they would also make eftsoones great and stately buildings. The coast full of good havens. For all the sea coasts are ful of cleare and glistering stones, and alablaster, and therefore it is full of good hauens and harboroughs for ships. They mooue the foresaid houses from one place to another according to the commodity of the place and season wherin they wil make their abode, and only taking of the mattes, they haue other houses builded incontinent. The father and the whole family dwell together in one house in great number: in some of them we saw 25 or 30 persons. They feed as the other doe aforesaid of pulse which grow in that Countrey with better order of husbandry then in the others. They obserue in their sowing the course of the Moone and the rising of certaine starres, and diuers other customes spoken of by antiquity. Moreouer they liue by hunting and fishing. Their curing with Tobacco and perfumes. They liue long, and are seldome sicke, and if they chance to fall sicke at any time, they heale themselues with fire without any phisitian, and they say that they die for very age. They are very pitifull and charitable towards their neighbours, they make great lamentations in their aduersity: and in their miserie, the kinred reckon vp all their felicitie. At their departure out of life, they vse mourning mixt with singing, which continueth for a long space. This is as much as we could learne of them. The description of a notable hauen in 41. deg. and 2 tierces. This land is situated in the Paralele of Rome, in 41. degrees and 2. terces: but somewhat more cold by accidentall causes and not of nature, (as I wil declare vnto to your highnesse elsewhere) describing at this present the situation of the foresaid Countrey, which lieth East and West, I say that the mouth of the Hauen lieth open to the South halfe a league broad, and being entred within it betweene the East and the North, it stretcheth twelue leagues: where it waxeth broader and broader, and maketh a gulfe about 20. leagues in compasse, wherein are fiue small Islands very fruitfull and pleasant, full of hie and broade trees, among the which Islandes any great Nauie may ride safe without any feare of tempest or other danger. Afterwards turning towardes the South in the entring into the Hauen on both sides there are most pleasant hils, with many riuers of most cleare water falling into the Sea.

In the middest of this entrance there is a rocke of free stone growing by nature apt to build any Castle or Fortresse there, for the keeping of the hauen. The fift of May being furnished with all things necessarie, we departed from the said coast keeping along in the sight thereof, and wee sailed 150. leagues finding it alwayes after one maner; but the land somewhat higher with certaine mountaines, all which beare a shew of minerall matter, wee sought not to land there in any place, because the weather serued our turne for sailing: but wee suppose that it was like the former, the coast ranne Eastward for the space of fiftie leagues. And trending afterwards to the North, we found another land high full of thicke woods, the trees whereof were firres, cipresses and such like as are wont to grow in cold Countreys. Here the people begin to be more sauage. The people differ much from the other, and looke how much the former seemed to be courteous and gentle: so much were these full of rudenesse and ill maners, and so barbarous that by no signes that euer we could make, we could haue any kind of traffike with them. They cloth themselues with Beares skinnes and Luzernes and Seales and other beasts skinnes. Their food, as farre as we coulde perceiue, repairing often vnto their dwellings, we suppose to be by hunting and fishing, and of certaine fruits, which are a kind of roots which the earth yeeldeth of her own accord. They haue no graine, neither saw we any kind or signe of tillage, neither is the land, for the barennesse thereof, apt to beare fruit or seed. If at any time we desired by exchange to haue any of their commodities, they vsed to come to the sea shore vpon certaine craggy rocks and we standing in our boats, they let downe with a rope what it pleased them to giue vs, crying continually that we should not approch to the land, demanding immediatly the exchange, taking nothing but kniues, fishookes, and tooles to cut withall, neyther did they make any account of our courtesie. And when we had nothing left to exchange with them, when we departed from them, the people shewed all signes of discourtesie and disdaine, as were possible for any creature to inuent. We were in despight of them 2 or 3 leagues within the land, being in number 25 armed men of vs: And when we went on shore they shot at vs with their bowes making great outcries, and afterwards fled into the woods. We found not in this land Beades of copper. any thing notable, or of importance, sauing very great woods and certaine hilles, they may haue some minerall matter in them, because wee saw many of them haue beadstones of Copper hanging at their eares. 32 pleasant Islands. We departed from thence keeping our course Northeast along the coast, which we found more pleasant champion and without woods, with high mountaines within the land continuing directly along the coast for the space of fiftie leagues, we discouered 32 Islands lying al neere the land, being small and pleasant to the view, high and hauing many turnings and windings betweene them, making many faire harborougbs and chanels as they doe in the gulfe of Venice in Sclauonia, and Dalmatia, we had no knowledge or acquaintance with the people: we suppose they are of the same maners and nature as the others are. They ran almost to 50. degrees. Sayling Northeast for the space of 150. leagues we approched to the land that in times past was discouered by the Britons, which is in fiftie degrees. Hauing now spent all our prouision and victuals, and hauing discouered about 700 leagues and more of new Countreys, and being furnished with water and wood, we concluded to returne into France.

Touching the religion of this people, which wee haue found, for want of their language wee could not vnderstand neither by signes nor gesture that they had any religion or lawe at all, or that they did acknowledge any first cause or moouer, neither that they worship the heauen or stars the Sunne or Moone or other planets, and much lesse whither they be idolaters, neither could wee learne whither that they vsed any kind of sacrifices or other adorations, neither in their villages haue they any Temples or houses of prayer. We suppose that they haue no religion at all, and that they liue at their owne libertie. And that all this proceedeth of ignorance, for that they are very easie to be perswaded: and all that they see vs Christians doe in our diuine seruice, they did the same with the like imitation as they saw vs to doe it.

1 North–East.

The relation of Pedro Morales a Spaniard, which sir Francis Drake brought from Saint Augustines in Florida, where he had remayned sixe yeeres, touching the state of those parts, taken from his mouth by Master Richard Hakluyt 1586.

Three score leagues vp from the Northwest from Saint Helena are the mountaines of the golde and Chrystall Mines, named Apalatci.

The riuer of Wateri is thirtie leagues from S. Helena Northward, which is able to receiue any Fleete of ships of great burden.

Wateri and Caiowa are two kings, and two riuers to the North of Saint Helena.

The Spaniards haue killed three hundred of the subiects of Potanou.

The greatest number of Spaniards that haue bene in Florida this sixe yeeres, was three hundred, and now they were but two hundred in both the Forts.

There is a great City sixteene or twentie dayes iourney from Saint Helena Northwestward, which the Spaniards, call La grand Copal, which they thinke to bee very rich and exceeding great and haue bene within the sight of it, some of them.

They haue offered in generall to the King to take no wages at all of him, if he will giue them leaue to discouer this citie, and the rich mountaines, and the passage to a sea or mighty Lake which they heare to be within foure and twenty dayes trauel from Saint Helena, which is in 32. degrees of latitude: and is that riuer which the French called Port-royal.

He saith also that he hath seene a rich Diamond which was brought from the mountaines that lye vp in the countrey Westward from S. Helena. These hils seeme wholy to be the mountaines of Apalatci, whereof the Sauages aduertised Laudonniere; and it may bee they are the hils of Chaunis Temoatam, which Master Lane had aduertisement of.

The relation of Nicholas Burgoignon, aliâs Holy, whom sir Francis Drake brought from Saint Augustine also in Florida, where he had remayned sixe yeeres, in mine and Master Heriots hearing.

This Nicholas Burgoignon sayth, that betweene S. Augustine and S. Helen there is a Casique whose name is Casicôla, which is lord of ten thousand Indians, and another casique whose name is Dicasca, and another called Touppekyn toward the North, and a fourth named Potanou toward the South, and another called Moscita toward the South likewise. Besides these he acknowledgth Oristou, Ahoia, Ahoiaue, Isamacon, alledged by the Spaniard.

He further affirmeth, that there is a citie Northwestward from S. Helenes in the mountaines, which the Spaniards call La grand Copal, and is very great and rich, and that in these mountains there is great store of Christal, golde, and Rubies, and Diamonds: And that a Spaniard brought from thence a Diamond which was worth fiue thousand crownes, which Pedro Melendes the marques nephew to olde Pedro Melendes that slew Ribault, and is now gouerner of Florida, weareth. He saith also, that to make passage vnto these mountaines, it is needefull to haue store of Hatchets to giue vnto the Indians, and store of Pickaxes to breake the mountaines, which shine so bright in the day in some places, that they cannot behold them, and therefore they trauell vnto them by night. Also corslets of Cotton, which the Spanyards call Zecopitz, are necessary to bee had against the arrowes of the Sauages.1

He say farther, that a Tunne of the sassafras of Florida is solde in Spaine for sixtie ducates: and that they haue there great store of Turkie cocks, of Beanes, of Peason, and that there are great store of pearles.

The things, as he reporteth, that the Floridians make most account of, are red Cloth, or redde Cotton to make baudricks or gyrdles: copper, and hatchets to cut withall.

The Spaniards haue all demaunded leaue at their owne costs, to discouer these mountaines, which the King denyeth, for feare lest the English or French would enter into the same action once knowen.

All the Spaniards would passe vp by the riuer of Saint Helena vnto the mountaines of golde and Chrystall.

The Spaniards entring 50. leagues vp Saint Helena, found Indians wearing golde rings at their nostrels and eares. They found also Oxen, but lesse then ours.

Sixe leagues from Saint Helena toward the North, there is a poynt that runneth farre into the sea, which is the marke to the Seamen to finde Saint Helena and Waterin.

Waterin is a riuer fortie leagues distant Northward from Saint Helena, where any fleete of great ships may ride safely. I take this riuer to be that which we call Waren in Virginia, whither at Christmasse last 1585. the Spaniards sent a barke with fortie men to discouer where we were seated: in which barke was Nicholas Burgoignon the reporter of all these things.

The Spaniards of S. Augustine haue slaine three hundred or the subjects of Potanou. One Potassi is neighbour to Potanou. Oratina is he which the French history calleth Olala Outina.

Calauai is another casique which they knowe.

1 See an account of these cotton breastplates in Prescott’s Mexico.

Virginia richly valued, by the description of the maine land of Florida, her next neighbour: out of the foure yeeres continuall trauell and discouerie, for aboue one thousand miles east and west, of Don Ferdinando de Soto and sixe hundred able men in his companie.

This has been extracted as a separate book.

This web edition published by:

The University of Adelaide Library
University of Adelaide
South Australia 5005