the principal
Navigations, Voyages, Traffiques and Discoveries
of the
ENGLISH NATION

collected by
Richard Hakluyt
and edited by
Edmund Goldsmid, f.r.h.s.

VOLUME X
ASIA
PART III

This web edition published by eBooks@Adelaide.

Last updated Wednesday, December 17, 2014 at 14:15.

To the best of our knowledge, the text of this
work is in the “Public Domain” in Australia.
HOWEVER, copyright law varies in other countries, and the work may still be under copyright in the country from which you are accessing this website. It is your responsibility to check the applicable copyright laws in your country before downloading this work.

eBooks@Adelaide
The University of Adelaide Library
University of Adelaide
South Australia 5005

Table of Contents

  1. The manner of the entring of Soliman the great Turke, with his armie into Aleppo in Syria, marching towards Persia against the Great Sophie, the fourth day of Nouember, 1553, noted by Master Anthony Ienkinson, present at that time.
  2. A note of the presents that were giuen at the same time in Aleppo, to the grand Signior, and the names of the presenters.
  3. The safeconduct or priuiledge giuen by Sultan Solyman the great Turke, to master Anthony Ienkinson at Aleppo in Syria, in the yeere 1553.
  4. Letters concerning the voyage of M. John Newbery and M. Ralph Fitch, made by the way of the Leuant Sea to Syria, and ouerland to Balsara, and thence into the East Indies, and beyond, In the yeere 1583.
  5. The voyage of M. Ralph Fitch marchant of London by the way of Tripolls in Syria, to Ormus, and so to Goa in the East India, to Cambaia, and all the kingdome of Zelabdim Echebar the great Mogor, to the mighty riuer Ganges, and downe to Bengala, to Bacola, and Chonderi, to Pegu, to Imahay in the kingdome of Siam, and backe to Pegu, and from thence to Malacca, Zeilan, Cochin, and all the coast of the East India: begunne in the yeere of our Lord 1583, and ended 1591, wherin the strange rites, maners, and customes of those people, and the exceeding rich trade and commodities of those countries are faithfully set downe and diligently described, by the aforesaid M. Ralph Fitch.
  6. The report of Iohn Huighen van Linchoten concerning M. Newberies and M. Fitches imprisonment, and of their escape, which happened while he was in Goa.
  7. The voyage of M. Iohn Eldred to Trypolis in Syria by sea, and from thence by land and riuer to Babylon and Balsara. 1583.
  8. The second letters Patents graunted by the Queenes Maiestie to the Right worshipfull companie of the English Marchants for the Leuant, the seuenth of Ianuarie 1592.
  9. Voyage D’outremer et Retour de Jérusalem en France par la voie de terre, pendant le cours des années 1432 et 1433, par Bertrandon de la Brocquière, conseiller et premier écuyer tranchant de Philippe-le-bon, duc de Bourgogne; ouvrage extrait d’un Manuscript de la Bibliothèque Nationale, remis en Français Moderne, et publié par le citoyen Legrand d’Aussy.
  10. The description of a voyage made by certaine ships of Holland into the East Indies, with their aduentures and successe; together with the description of the countries, townes, and inhabitantes of the same: who set forth on the second of Aprill, 1595, and returned on the 14 of August, 1597. Translated out of Dutch into English, by W. P.
  11. A true report of the gainefull, prosperous, and speedy voiage to Iaua in the East Indies, performed by a fleete of 8. ships of Amsterdam: which set forth from Texell in Holland the first of Maie 1598. Stilo Nouo. Whereof foure returned againe the 19. of Iuly anno 1599. in lesse then 15. moneths; the other foure went forward from Iaua for the Moluccas.
  12. A briefe description of the voiage before handled, in manner of a Iournall.

The manner of the entring of Soliman the great Turke, with his armie into Aleppo in Syria, marching towards Persia against the Great Sophie, the fourth day of Nouember, 1553, noted by Master Anthony Ienkinson, present at that time.

There marched before the Grand Signior, otherwise called the great Turke, 6000 Esperes, otherwise called light horsemen very brave, clothed all in scarlet.

After, marched 10000 men, called Nortans, which be tributaries to the Great Turke, clothed all in yellow veluet, and hats of the same, of the Tartary fashion, two foote long, with a great role of the same colour about their foreheads, richly decked, with their bowes in their hands, of the Turkish fashion.

After them marched foure Captaines, men of armes, called in Turkish Saniaques, clothed all foure in crimson veluet, euery one hauing vnder his banner twelue thousand men of armes well armed with their morrions vpon their heads, marching in good order, with a short weapon by their sides, called in their language, Simiterro.

After came 16000 Ianizaries, called the slaues of the Grand Signior, all a foote, euery one hauing his harquebush, who be his gard, all clothed in violet silke, and apparelled vpon their heads with a strange forme, called Cuocullucia, fashioned in this sort: the entering in of the forehead is like a skull made of white veluet, and hath a traine hanging downe behind, in manner of a French hoode, of the same, colour, and vpon the forepart of the said skull, iust in the middes of his forehead there is standing bolt vpright like a trunke of a foote long of siluer, garnished most richly with Goldsmiths worke, and precious stones, and in the top of the said trunke a great bush of fethers, which waueth vp and downe most brauely when he marcheth.

After this, there cam 1000. pages of honour; all clothed in cloth of gold, the halfe of them carying harquebushes, and the other halfe, Turkish bowes, with the trusses of arrowes, marching in good order.

Then came three men of armes well armed, and vpon their harnesse coates of the Turkes fashion, of Libard skinnes, and murrions vpon their heads, their speares charged, and all the end of their staffe hard by the head of the speare, a horse taile died in a bloody colour, which is their ensigne: they be the chalengers for the Turkes owne person.

After them came seuen pages of honour in cloth of siluer, vpon seuen white horses, which horses were couered with cloth of siluer, all embrodered and garnished with precious stones, emerauds, diamonds, and rubies most richly.

After them also came sixe more pages of honour, clothed in cloth of gold, euery one hauing his bowe in his hand, and his fawchine of the Turkes fashion by his side.

Immediately after them came the great Turke himselfe with great pompe and magnificence, vsing in his countenance and gesture a wonderfull maiestie, hauing onely on each side of his person one page clothed with cloth of gold: he himselfe was mounted vpon a goodly white horse, adorned with a robe of cloth of gold, embrodered most richly with the most precious stones, and vpon his head a goodly white tucke, containing in length by estimation fifteene yards, which was of silke and linnen wouen together, resembling something Callicut cloth, but is much more fine and rich, and in the top of his crowne, a litle pinnach of white Ostrich feathers, and his horse most richly apparelled in all points correspondent to the same.

After him folowed sixe goodly yong ladies, mounted vpon fine white hackneis, clothed in cloth of siluer, which were of the fashion of mens garments, embrodered very richly with pearle and precious stones, and had vpon their heads caps of Goldsmiths worke, hauing great flackets of haire, hanging out on each side, died as red as blood, and the nailes of their fingers died of the same colour, euery of them hauing two eunuches on each side, and litle bowes in their hands, after an Antike fashion.

After marched the great Basha chiefe conductor of the whole army, clothed with a robe of Dollymant crimson, and vpon the same another short garment very rich, and about him fiftie Ianizaries afoote, of his owne gard, all clothed in crimson veluet, being armed as the Turks owne Ianizaries.

Then after ensued three other Bashas, with slaues about them, being afoote, to the number of three thousand men.

After came a companie of horsemen very braue, and in all points well armed, to the number of foure thousand.

All this aforesayd army, most pompous to behold, which was in number foure score and eight thousand men, encamped about the citie of Aleppo, and the Grand Signior himselfe was lodged within the towne, in a goodly castle, situated vpon a high mountaine: at the foote whereof runneth a goodly riuer, which is a branch of that famous riuer Euphrates.

The rest of his armie passed ouer the mountaines of Armenia called now the mountaines of Camarie, which are foure dayes iourney from Aleppo, appointed there to tary the comming of the Grand Signior, with the rest of his army, intending to march into Persia, to giue battel to the great Sophie. So the whole armie of the Grand Signior, containing as well those that went by the mountaines, as also those that came to Aleppo in company with him, with horsemen and footemen, and the conductors of the camels and victuals, were the number of 300000 men.

The camels which carried munition and vitailes for the said army, were in number 200000.

A note of the presents that were giuen at the same time in Aleppo, to the grand Signior, and the names of the presenters.

First the Basha of Aleppo, which is as a Viceroy, presented 100. garments of cloth of gold, and 25. horses.

The Basha of Damasco, presented 100. garments of cloth of gold, and twentie horses, with diuers sorts of comfits, in great quantitie.

The Basha of Aman presented 100. garments of cloth of gold, 20. horses, and a cup of gold, with two thousand duckets.

The Saniaque of Tripolis presented six camels, charged all with silkes, 20. horses, and a little clocke of gold, garnished with precious stones, esteemed worth two hundred duckets.

The Consul of the company of the Venetians in Tripolis, came to kisse the grand Signiors hand, and presented him a great basin of gold, and therein 4000. duckets Venetians.

The safeconduct or priuiledge giuen by Sultan Solyman the great Turke, to master Anthony Ienkinson at Aleppo in Syria, in the yeere 1553.

Sultan Solyman, &c. to all Viceroyes, Saniaques, Cadies, and other our Iusticers, Officers, and subiects of Tripolis in Syria, Constantinople, Alexandria in Ægypt, and of all other townes and cities vnder our dominion and iurisdiction: We will and command you, that when you shall see Anthony Ienkinson, bearer of these present letters, merchant of London in England, or his factor, or any other bearing the sayd letter for him, arriue in our ports and hauens, with his ship or ships, or other vessels whatsoeuer, that you suffer him to lade or vnlade his merchandise wheresoeuer it shall seeme good vnto him, traffiking for himselfe [‘himelfe’ in source text — KTH] in all our countreys and dominions, without hindering or any way disturbing of him, his ship, his people or merchandise, and without enforcing him to pay any other custome or toll whatsoeuer, in any sort, or to any persons whatsoeuer they be, saue onely our ordinarie duties contained in our custome houses, which when he hath paied, we will that he be franke and free, as well for himselfe as for his people, merchandise, ship or ships, and all other vessels whatsoeuer: and in so doing that he may traffike, bargaine, sell and buy, lade and vnlade, in all our foresayd Countreys, lands and dominions, in like sort, and with the like liberties and priuiledges, as the Frenchmen and Venetians vse, and enioy, and more if it be possible, without the hinderance or impeachment of any man. And furthermore, wee charge and commaund all Viceroyes, and Consuls of the French nation, and of the Venetians, and all other Consuls resident in our Countreys, in what port or prouince soeuer they be, not to constraine, or cause to constraine, by them, or the sayd Ministers and Officers whatsoeuer they be, the sayd Anthony Ienkinson, or his factor, or his seruants, or deputies, or his merchandise, to pay any kind of consullage, or other right whatsoeuer, or to intermeddle or hinder his affaires, and not to molest nor trouble him any manner of way, because our will and pleasure is, that he shall not pay in all our Countreys, any other then our ordinarie custome. And in case any man hinder and impeach him, aboue, and besides these our present letters, wee charge you most expressly to defend and assist him agaynst the sayd Consuls, and if they will not obey our present commandement, that you aduertise vs thereof, that we may take such order for the same, that others may take example thereby. Moreouer we commaund all our Captaines of our Gallies, and their Lieutenants, be they Foister or other Vessels, that when they shall finde the sayd Ienkinson, or his factor, his ship or ships, with his seruaunts and merchandise, that they hurt him not neither in body nor goods, but that rather they assist and defend him agaynst all such as seeke to doe him wrong, and that they ayde and helpe him with vitailes, according to his want, and that whosoeuer shall see these presents, obey the same, as they will auoyd the penaltie in doing the contrary. Made in Aleppo of Syria, the yeere 961. of our holy prophet Mahomet, and in the yeere of Iesus, 1553. signed with the scepter and signet of the grand Signior, with his owne proper hand.

Letters concerning the voyage of M. John Newbery and M. Ralph Fitch, made by the way of the Leuant Sea to Syria, and ouerland to Balsara, and thence into the East Indies, and beyond, In the yeere 1583.

A letter written from the Queenes Majestie, to Zelabdin Echebar, King of Cambaia, and sent by Iohn Newbery. In February Anno 1583.

Elizabeth by the grace of God &c. To the most inuincible, and most mightie prince, lord Zelabdim Echebar king of Cambaya. Inuincible Emperor, &c. The great affection which our Subjects haue, to visit the most distant places of the world, not without good will and intention to introduce the trade of marchandize of al nations whatsoeuer they can, by which meanes the mutual and friendly trafique of marchandize on both sides may come, is the cause that the bearer of this letter Iohn Newbery, ioyntly with those that be in his company, with a curteous and honest boldnesse, doe repaire to the borders and countreys of your Empire, we doubt not but that your imperiall Maiestie through your royal grace, will fauourably and friendly accept him. And that you would doe it the rather for our sake, to make vs greatly beholding to your Maiestie; wee should more earnestly, and with more wordes require it, if wee did think it needful. But by the singular report that is of your imperial Maiesties humanitie in these vttermost parts of the world, we are greatly eased of that burden, and therefore we vse the fewer and lesse words: onely we request that because they are our subiects, they may be honestly intreated and receiued. And that in respect of the hard iourney which they haue vndertaken to places so far distant, it would please your Maiestie with some libertie and securitie of voiage to gratifie it, with such priuileges as to you shall seeme good: which curtesie if your Imperiall maiestie shal to our subiects at our requests performe, wee according to our royall honour, wil recompence the same with as many deserts as we can. And herewith we bid your Imperial Maiestie to farewel.

A letter written by her Maiestie to the King of China, in Februarie 1583.

Elizabeth by the grace of God Queene of England, &c. Most Imperial and inuincible prince, our honest subiect Iohn Newbery the bringer hereof, who with our fauour hath taken in hand the voyage which now hee pursueth to the parts and countreys of your Empire, not trusting vpon any other ground then vpon the fauour of your Imperiall clemencie and humanitie, is moued to vndertake a thing of so much difficultie, being perswaded that hee hauing entered into so many perils, your Maiestie will not dislike the same, especially if it may appeare that it be not damageable vnto your royall Maiestie, and that to your people it will bring some profite: of both which things he not doubting, with more willing minde hath prepared himselfe for his destinated voyage vnto vs well liked of. For by this meanes we perceiue, that the profit which by the mutual trade on both sides, al the princes our neighbors in the West do receiue, your Imperial maiestie and those that be subiect vnder your dominion, to their great ioy and benefit shal haue the same, which consisteth in the transporting outward of such things whereof we haue plenty, and in bringing in such things as we stand in need of. It cannot otherwise be, but that seeing that we are borne and made to haue need one of another, and that wee are bound to aide one another, but that your imperial Maiestie wil wel like of it, and by your subiects with like indeuor wil be accepted. For the increase whereof, if your imperial Maiestie shall adde the securitie of passage, with other priuileges most necessary to vse the trade with your men, your maiestie shall doe that which belongeth to a most honorable and liberal prince, and deserue so much of vs, as by no continuance or length of time shalbe forgotten. Which request of ours we do most instantly desire to be taken in good part of your maiestie, and so great a benefit towards vs and our men, we shall endeuor by diligence to requite when time shal serue thereunto. The God Almighty long preserue your Imperial Maiestie.

A letter of M. Iohn Newbery, written from Alepo, to M. Richard Hakluyt of Oxford, the 28 of May, Anno 1583.

Right wellbeloued, and my assured good friend, I heartily commend me vnto you, hoping of your good health, &c. After we set saile from Grauesend, which was the 13. day of February last, wee remained vpon our coast vntill the 11. day of March, and that day we set saile from Falmouth, and neuer ankered till wee arriued in the road of Tripolie in Syria, which was the last day of Aprill last past, where wee stayed 14. dayes: and the twentie of this present we came hither to Alepo, and with Gods helpe, within fiue or sixe dayes goe from hence towards the Indies. Abilfada Ismael his Cosmographie. Since my comming to Tripolis I haue made very earnest inquirie both there and here, for the booke of Cosmographie of Abilfada Ismael, but by no meanes can heare of it. Some say that possibly it may be had in Persia, but notwithstanding I will not faile to make inquirie for it, both in Babylon, and in Balsara, and if I can finde it in any of these places, I wil send it to you from thence. The letter which you deliuered me for to copy out, that came from M. Thomas Steuens in Goa, as also the note you gaue mee of Francis Fernandas the Portugal, I brought thence with me among other writings vnawares, the which I haue sent you here inclosed. Here is great preparation for the warres in Persia, and from hence is gone the Bassa of a towne called Rahemet, and shortly after goeth the Bassa of Tripolis, and the Bassa of Damasco, but they haue not all with them aboue 6000. men from hence, and they goe to a towne called Asmerome, which is three dayes iourney from Trapezunde, where they shal meete with diuers captaines and souldiers that come from Constantinople and other places thereabout, which goe altogether into Persia. This yeere many men goe into the warres, and so hath there euery yeere since the beginning thereof, which is eight yeeres or thereabouts, but very fewe of them returne againe. Notwithstanding, they get of the Persians, and make castles and holds in their countrey. I pray you make my hearty commendations to master Peter Guillame, and master Philip Iones, and to M. Walter Warner, and to all the rest of our friends. Master Fitch hath him heartily commended vnto you: and so I commit you to the tuition of the Almightie, who blesse and keepe you, and send vs a ioyfull meeting. From Alepo, the 28. of May 1583.

Your louing friend to command in all that I may.

Iohn Newberie.

Another letter of the said M. Newberie, written to Master Leonard Poore of London from Alepo.

Right welbeloued, my very heartie commendations vnto you, and the rest of my friends remembred. March 11. My last I sent you was the 25. of February last, from Dele out of the Downes, after which time with contrary windes wee remained vpon our owne coast, vntill the 11. day of March, and then wee set saile from Falmouth, and the thirteenth day the winde came contrary with a very great storme, which continued eight dayes, and in this great storme wee had some of our goods wette, but God bee thanked no great hurt done. The last of April. After which time we sailed with a faire wind within the Streights, and so remained at Sea, and ankered at no place vntil our comming into the roade of Tripolis in Syria, which was the last day of April. This was a very good passage. God make vs thankfull for it. The fourteenth day of this present wee came from Tripolis, and the twentieth day arriued here in Alepo, and with the helpe of God tomorrowe or next day, wee beginne our voyage towards Babylon and Balsara, and so into India. Our friend Master Barret hath him commended to you, who hath sent you in the Emanuel a ball of Nutmegs for the small trifles you sent him, which I hope long since you haue receiued. Also hee hath by his letter certified you in what order hee solde those things, whereof I can say nothing, because I haue not seene the accompt thereof, neither haue demaunded it: for euer since our comming hither hee hath bene still busie about the dispatch of the shippe, and our voyage, and I likewise in buying of things here to cary to Balsara, and the Indies. Currall. Amber greese. Sope. Broken glasse. Wee haue bought in currall for 1200. and odde ducats, and amber for foure hundreth ducates, and some sope and broken glasse, with all other small trifles, all which things I hope will serue very wel for those places that wee shall goe vnto. All the rest of the accompt of the Barke Reinolds was sent home in the Emanuel, which was 3600. ducats, which is 200. pound more then it was rated. For master Staper rated it but 1100. li. and it is 1300. pound, so that our part is 200. pound, besides such profit as it shall please God to sende thereof: wherefore you shall doe very well to speake to M. Staper for the accompt. And if you would content your selfe to trauell for three or foure yeeres, I would wish you to come hither or goe to Cairo, if any goe thither. For wee doubt not if you had remained there but three or foure moneths, you would like so well of the place, that I thinke you would not desire to returne againe in three or foure yeeres. And, if it should be my chance to remaine in any place out of England, I would choose this before all other that I know. My reason is, the place is healthfull and pleasant, and the gaines very good, and no doubt the profit will bee hereafter better, things being vsed in good order: for there should come in euery ship the fourth part of her Cargason in money, which would helpe to put away our commodities at a very good price. Also to haue two very good ships to come together, would doe very well: for in so doing, the danger of the voyage might be accompted as little as from London to Antwerpe. Master Giles Porter and master Edmund Porter, went from Tripolis in a small barke to Iaffa, the same day that we came from thence, which was the 14 day of this present, so that no doubt but long since they are in Ierusalem: God send them and vs safe returne. At this instant I haue received the account of M. Barret, and the rest of the rings, with two and twentie duckats, two medines in readie money. So there is nothing remaining in his hands but a few bookes, and with Thomas Bostocke I left certaine small trifles, which I pray you demaund. And so once againe with my hearty commendations I commit you to the tuition of the almightie, who alwayes preserue vs. From Aleppo the 29 of May 1583.

Yours assured,

Iohn Newberie.

Another letter of Master Newberie to the aforesaide M. Poore, written from Babylon.

My last I sent you, was the 29 of May last past from Aleppo, by George Gill the purser of the Tiger, which the last day of the same moneth came from thence, and arriued at Feluge the 19 day of Iune, which Feluge is one dayes iourney from hence. Notwithstanding some of our company came not hither till the last day of the last moneth, which was for want of Camels to cary our goods: for at this time of the yeere, by reason of the great heate that is here, Camels are very scant to be gotten. And since our comming hither we haue found very small sales, but diuers say that in the winter our commodities will be very well sold, I pray God their words may prooue true. I thinke cloth, kersies and tinne, haue neuer bene here at so low prices as they are now. Notwithstanding, if I had here so much readie money as the commodities are woorth, I would not doubt to make a very good profite of this voiage hither, and to Balsara, and so by Gods helpe there will be reasonable profite made of the voiage. The best sort of spices at Babylon. Balsara. Ormus. But with halfe money and halfe commoditie may be bought here the best sort of spices, and other commodities that are brought from the Indies, and without money there is here at this instant small good to be done. With Gods helpe two days hence, I minde to goe from hence to Balsara, and from thence of force I must goe to Ormus for want of a man that speaketh the Indian tongue. At my being in Aleppo I hired two Nazaranies, and one of them hath bene twise in the Indies, and hath the language very well, but he is a very lewde fellow, and therefore I will not take him with me.

Here follow the prices of wares as they are worth here at this instant.

Cloues and Maces, the bateman, 5 duckats.

Cynamon 6 duckats, and few to be gotten.

Nutmegs, the bateman, 45 medins, and 40 medins maketh a duckat

Ginger, 40 medins.

Pepper, 75 medins.

Turbetta, the bateman, 50 medins.

Neel the churle, 70 duckats, and a churle is 27 rottils and a halfe of Aleppo.

Silke, much better then that which commeth from Persia, 11 duckats and a halfe the bateman, and euery bateman here maketh 7 pound and 5 ounces English waight. From Babylon the 20 day of Iuly, 1583.

Yours, Iohn Newberie.

Master Newberie his letter from Ormus, to M. Iohn Eldred and William Shals at Balsara.

Right welbeloued and my assured good friends, I heartily commend me vnto you, hoping of your good healths, &c. To certifie you of my voiage, after I departed from you, time wil not permit: but the 4 of this present we arriued here, and the 10 day I with the rest were committed to prison, and about the middle of the next moneth, the Captaine wil send vs all in his ship for Goa. The cause why we are taken, as they say, is, for that I brought letters from Don Antonio. But the trueth is, Michael Stropene was the onely cause, vpon letters that his brother wrote him from Aleppo. God knoweth how we shall be delt withall in Goa, and therefore if you can procure our masters to send the king of Spaine his letters for our releasement, you should doe vs great good: for they cannot with iustice put vs to death. It may be that they will cut our throtes, or keepe vs long in prison: Gods will be done. All those commodities that I brought hither, had beene very well sold, if this trouble had not chanced. You shall do well to send with all speed a messenger by land from Balsara to Aleppo, for to certifie of this mischance, although it cost thirtie or fortie crownes, for that we may be the sooner released, and I shalbe the better able to recouer this againe which is now like to be lost: I pray you make my heartie commendations, &c. from out of the prison in Ormuz, this 21 of September, 1583.

His second letter to the foresaid Master Iohn Eldred and William Shales.

The barke of the Iewes is arriued here two daies past, by whom I know you did write, but your letters are not like to come to my handes. This bringer hath shewed me here very great courtesie, wherefore I pray you shew him what fauor you may. About the middle of the next moneth I thinke we shall depart from hence, God be our guide. I thinke Andrew will goe by land to Aleppo, wherein I pray you further him what you may: but if he should not goe, then I pray you dispatch away a messenger with is much speede as possible you may. I can say no more, but do for me as you would I should do for you in the like cause, and so with my very hearty commendations, &c. From out of the prison in Ormuz, this 24 day of September, 1583.

Yours, Iohn Newberie.

His third Letter to Maister Leonard Poore, written from Goa.

Michael Stropine an Italian accused our men to be spies. My last I sent you was from Ormuz, whereby I certified you what had happened there vnto me, and the rest of my company, which was, that foure dayes after our arriuall there, we were all committed to prison, except one Italian which came with me from Aleppo, whom the Captaine never examined, onely demaunded what countryman he was, but I make account Michael Stropene, who accused vs, had informed the Captaine of him. The first day we arriued there, this Stropene accused vs that we were spies sent from Don Antonio, besides diuers other lies: nothwithstanding if we had beene of any other countrey then of England, we might freely haue traded with them. And although we be Englishmen, I know no reason to the contrary, but that we may trade hither and thither as well as other nations, for all nations doe, and may come freely to Ormuz, as Frenchmen, Flemmings, Almains, Hungarians, Italians, Greekes, Armenians, Nazaranies, Turkes and Moores, Iewes and Gentiles, Persians, Moscouites, and there is no nation that they seeke for to trouble, except ours: wherefore it were contrary to all iustice and reason that they should suffer all nations to trade with them, and to forbid vs. But now I haue as great liberty as any other nation, except it be to go out of the countrey, which thing as yet I desire not But I thinke hereafter, and before it be long, if I shall be desirious to go from hence, that they wil not deny me licence. Before we might be suffered to come out of prison, I was forced to put in suerties for 2000 pardaus, not to depart from hence without licence of the viceroy Otherwise except this, we haue as much libertie as any other nation, for I haue our goods againe, and haue taken an house in the chiefest streete in the towtte, called the Rue dreete, where we sell our goods.

Two causes of our mens imprisonment at Ormus. There were two causes which moued the captaine of Ormus to imprison vs, and afterwards to send vs hither. The first was, because Michael Stropene had accused vs of many matters, which were most false. And the second was for that M. Drake at his being at Maluco, caused two pieces of his ordinance to be shot at a gallion of the kings of Portugall, as they say. But of these things I did not know at Ormus: and in the ship that we were sent in came the chiefest justice in Ormus, who was called Aueador generall of that place, he had been there three yeeres, so that now his time was expired: which Aueador is a great friend to the captaine of Ormus, who, certaine dayes after our comming from thence, sent for mee into his chamber, and there beganne to demaund of me many things, to the which I answered: and amongst the rest, he said, that Master Drake was sent out of England with many ships, and came to Maluco, and there laded cloues, and finding a gallion there of the kings of Portugall, hee caused two pieces of his greatest ordinance to be shot at the same: and so perceiuing that this did greatly grieue them, I asked, if they would be reuenged of me for that which M. Drake had done: To the which he answered, No: although his meaning was to the contrary.

He said moreouer, that the cause why the captaine of Ormus did send me for Goa, was, for that the Viceroy would vnderstand of mee, what newes there was of Don Antonio, and whether he were in England, yes or no, and that it might be all for the best that I was sent hither, the which I trust in God wil so fall out, although contrary to his expectation: for had it not pleased God to put into the minds of the archbishop and other two Padres or Iesuits of S. Pauls college to stand our friends, we might haue rotted in prison. The archbishop is a very good man, who hath two yong men to his seruantes, the one of them was borne at Hamborough, and is called Bernard Borgers: The author of the book of the East Indies. and the other was borne at Enchuysen, whose name is Iohn Linscot, who did vs great pleasure; for by them the archbishop was many times put in minde of vs. [Footnote: He was really born at Haarlem about 1563, and left the Texel in 1579 to go to Seville. Thence he went to Lisbon, where he entered the service of Vicenzo Fonseca, archbishop of Goa, where he arrived in 1583. He returned to Europe in 1589, having visited most of Southern Asia. His principal work is his “Relation”, published first in Dutch at the Hague in 1591. Curiously enough, the place erroneously named as his birth place in the text, is where he died in 1611.] And the two good fathers of S. Paul, who trauelled very much for vs, the one of them is called Padre Marke, who was borne in Bruges in Flanders, and the other was borne in Wiltshire in England, and is called This is he whose letters to his father from Goa are before put downe, and he was sometimes of New colledge in Oxford. Padre Thomas Steuans.

Also I chaunced to finde here a young man, who was borne in Antwerpe, but the most part of his bringing vp hath beene in London, his name is Francis de Rea, and with him it was my hap to be acquainted in Aleppo, who also hath done me great pleasure here.

In the prison at Ormus we remained many dayes, also we lay a long time at sea comming hither, and forthwith at our arriual here were caried to prison, and the next day after were sent for before the Aueador, who is the chiefest justice, to be examined: and when we were examined, he presently sent vs backe againe to prison.

Iames Storie their painter. And after our being here in prison 13. dayes, Iames Storie went into the monastery of S. Paul, where he remaineth, and is made one of the company, which life he liketh very well.

They arriued at Goa the 20 of Nouember 1583. And vpon S. Thomas day (which was 22 dayes after our arriuall here) I came out of prison, and the next day after came out Ralph Fitch, and William Bets.

If these troubles had not chanced, I had beene in possibility to haue made as good a voyage as euer any man made with so much money. Many of our things I haue solde very well, both here and at Ormus in prison, notwithstanding the captaine willed me (if I would) to sell what I could before we imbarked: and so with officers I went diuers times out of the castle in the morning, and solde things, and at night returned againe to the prison, and all things that I solde they did write, and at our imbarking from thence, the captain gaue order that I should deliuer all my mony with the goods into the hands of the scriuano, or purser of the ship, which I did, and the scriuano made a remembrance, which he left there with the captaine, that my selfe and the rest with money and goods he should deliuer into the hands of the Aueador generall of India: but at our arriuall here, the Aueador would neither meddle with goods nor money, for that he could not proue any thing against vs: wherefore the goods remained in the ship 9 or 10 daies after our arriual, and then, for that the ship was to saile from thence, the scriuano sent the goods on shore, and here they remained a day and a night, and no body to receiue them. In the end they suffered this bringer to receiue them, who came with me from Ormus, and put them into an house which he had hired for me, where they remained foure or fiue daies. But afterward when they should deliuer the money, it was concluded by the justice, that both the money and goods should be deliuered into the positors hands, where they remained fourteene dayes after my comming out prison. At my being in Aleppo, I bought a fountaine of siluer and gilt, sixe kniues, sixe spoones, and one [‘oue’ in source text — KTH] forke trimmed with corall for fiue and twentie chekins, which the captaine of Ormus did take, and payed for the same twentie pardaos, which is one hundred larines, and was worth there or here one hundred chekins. Also he had fiue emrauds set in golde, which were woorth fiue hundred or sixe hundred crownes, and payed for the same an hundred pardaos. Also he had nineteene and a halfe pikes of cloth, which cost in London twenty shillings the pike, and was worth 9 or 10 crownes the pike, and he payed for the same twelue larines a pike. Also he had two pieces of greene Kersies, which were worth foure and twentie pardaos the piece, and payd for them sixteene pardaos a piece: besides diuers other trifles, that the officers and others had in the like order, and some for nothing at all. But the cause of all this was Michael Stropene, which came to Ormus not woorth a penie, and now hath thirtie or fortie thousand crownes, and he grieueth that any other stranger should trade thither but himselfe. But that shall not skill, for I trust in God to goe both thither and hither, and to buy and sell as freely as he or any other. Here is very great good to be done in diuers of our commodities, and in like manner there is great profite to be made with commodities of this countrey, to be carried to Aleppo.

It were long for me to write, and tedious for you to read of all things that haue passed since my parting from you. But of all the troubles that haue chanced since mine arrinal in Ormus, this bringer is able to certifie you. I mind to stay here: wherefore if you will write vnto me, you may send your letters to some friend at Lisbone, and from thence by the ships they may be conueyed hither. Let the direction of your letters be either in Portuguise or Spanish, whereby they may come the better to my hands. From Goa this 20 day of Januarie. 1584.

A Letter written from Goa by Master Ralph Fitch to Master Leonard Poore abouesaid.

Louing friend Master Poore, &c. Since my departure from Aleppo, I haue not written vnto you any letters, by reason that at Babylon I was sicke of the fluxe, and being sicke, I went from thence for Balsara, which was twelue dayes joumey downe the riuer Tygris, where we had extreame hot weather, which was good for my disease, ill fare, and worse, lodging, by reason our boat was pestered with people. In eight daies, that which I did eate was very small, so that if we had stayed two dayes longer vpon the water, I thinke I had died: but comming to Balsara, presently I mended, I thanke God. There we stayed 14 dayes, and then we imbarked our selues for Ormuz, where we arriued the fifth of September, and were put in prison the ninth of the same moneth, where we continued vntill the 11 of October, and then were shipt for this citie of Goa in the captaines ship, with an 114 horses, and about 200 men: Diu. Chaul. and passing by Diu and Chaul, where we went on land to water the 20 of Nouember, we arriued at Goa the 29 of the said moneth, where for our better intertainment we were presently put into a faire strong prison, where we continued vntill the 22 of December. It was the will of God that we found there 2 Padres, the one an Englishman, the other a Flemming. The Englishmans name is Padre Thomas Steuens, the others Padre Marco, of the order of S. Paul. These did sue for vs vnto the Viceroy and other officers, and stood vs in as much stead, as our liues and goods were woorth: for if they had not stucke to vs, if we had escaped with our liues, yet we had had long imprisonment.

After 14 dayes imprisonment they offered vs, if we could put in sureties for 2000 duckats, we should goe abroad in the towne: which when we could not doe, the said Padres found sureties for vs, that we should not depart the countrey without the licence of the Viceroy. The Italians our great enemies for the trade in the East. It doth spite the Italians to see vs abroad: and many maruell at our deliuery. The painter is in the cloister of S. Paul, and is of their order, and liketh there very well. While we were in prison, both at Ormuz and here, there was a great deale of our goods pilfered and lost, and we haue beene at great charges in gifts and otherwise, so that a great deale of our goods is consumed. There is much of our things which wil sell very well and some we shall get nothing for. I hope in God that at the returne of the Viceroy, which is gone to Chaul and to Diu, they say, to winne a castle of the Moores, whose returne, is thought will be about Easter, then we shall get our libertie, and our sureties discharged. Then I thinke it will be our best way, either one or both to returne, because our troubles haue bene so great, and so much of our goods spoyled and lost. But if it please God that I come into England, by Gods helpe, I will returne hither againe. It is a braue and pleasant countrey, and very fruitfull. The summer is almost all the yeere long, but the chiefest at Christmas.

The day and the night are all of one length, very litle difference, and marueilous great store of fruits. For all our great troubles, yet are we fat and well liking, for victuals are here plentie and good cheape. And here I will passe ouer to certifie you of strange things, vntill our meeting, for it would be too long to write thereof. And thus I commit you to God, who euer preserue you and vs all. From Goa in the East Indies the 25 of Ianuarie 1584.

Yours to command, Ralph Fitch.

The voyage of M. Ralph Fitch marchant of London by the way of Tripolls in Syria, to Ormus, and so to Goa in the East India, to Cambaia, and all the kingdome of Zelabdim Echebar the great Mogor, to the mighty riuer Ganges, and downe to Bengala, to Bacola, and Chonderi, to Pegu, to Imahay in the kingdome of Siam, and backe to Pegu, and from thence to Malacca, Zeilan, Cochin, and all the coast of the East India: begunne in the yeere of our Lord 1583, and ended 1591, wherin the strange rites, maners, and customes of those people, and the exceeding rich trade and commodities of those countries are faithfully set downe and diligently described, by the aforesaid M. Ralph Fitch.

In the yeere of our Lord 1583, I Ralph Fitch of London merchant being desirous to see the countreys of the East India, in the company of M. Iohn Newberie marchant (which had beene at Ormus once before) of William Leedes Ieweller, and Iames Story Painter, being chiefly set fourth by the right worshipful Sir Edward Osborne knight, and M. Richard Staper citizens and marchants of London, did ship my selfe in a ship of London called the Tyger, wherein we went for Tripolis in Syria: and from thence we tooke the way for Aleppo, which we went in seuen dayes with the Carouan. Being in Aleppo, and finding good company, we went from thence to Birra, which is two dayes and an halfe trauaile with Camels.

Birra is a little towne, but very plentifull of victuals: and neere to the wall of the towne runneth the riuer of Euphrates. Here we bought a boate and agreed with a master and bargemen, for to go to Babylon. The boats be but for one voiage: for the streame doth runne so fast downewardes that they cannot returne. They carie you to a towne which they call Felugia, and there you sell the boate for a litle money, for that which cost you fiftie at Birra you sell there for seuen or eight. From Birra to Felugia is sixteene dayes iourney, it is not good that one boate goe alone, for if it should chance to breake, you should haue much a doe to saue your goods from the Arabians, which be alwayes there abouts robbing: and in the night when your boates be made fast, it is necessarie that you keepe good watch. For the Arabians that bee theeues, will come swimming and steale your goods and flee away, against which a gunne is very good, for they doe feare it very much. In the riuer of Euphrates from Birra to Felugia there be certaine places where you pay custome, so many Medines for a some or Camels lading, and certaine raysons and sope, which is for the sonnes of Aborise, which is Lord of the Arabians and all that great desert, and hath some villages vpon the riuer. Felugia where you vnlade your goods which come from Birra is a little village: from whence you goe to Babylon in a day.

Babylon is a towne not very great but very populous, and of great traffike of strangers, for that it is the way to Persia, Turkia and Arabia: and from thence doe goe Carouans for these and other places. Here are great store of victuals, which come from Armenia downe the riuer of Tygris. They are brought vpon raftes made of goates skinnes blowne full of winde and bordes layde vpon them: and thereupon they lade their goods which are brought downe to Babylon, which being discharged they open their skinnes and carry them backe by Camels, to serue another time. Babylon in times past did belong to the kingdome of Persia, but nowe is subiecte to the Turke. Ouer against Babylon there is a very faire village from whence you passe to Babylon vpon a long bridge made of boats, and tyed to a great chaine of yron, which is made fast on either side of the riuer. When any boates are to passe vp or downe the riuer, they take away certaine boates vntill they be past.

The tower of Babel. The tower of Babel is built on this side the riuer Tygris, towardes Arabia from the towne about seuen or eight miles, which tower is ruinated on all sides, and with the fall thereof hath made as it were a litle mountaine, so that it hath no shape at all: it was made of brickes dried in the sonne, and certain canes and leaues of the palme tree layed betwixt the brickes. There is no entrance to be seene to goe into it. It doth stand vpon a great plaine betwixt the riuers of Euphrates and Tygris.

Boyling pitch continually issuing out of the earth. By the riuer Euphrates two dayes iourney from Babylon at a place called Ait, in a fielde neere vnto it, is a strange thing to see: a mouth that doth continually throwe fourth against the ayre boyling pitch with a filthy smoke: which pitch doth runne abroad into a great fielde which is alwayes full thereof. The Moores say that it is the mouth of hell. By reason of the great quantitie of it, the men of that countrey doe pitch their boates two or three inches thicke on the outside, so that no water doth enter into them. Their boates be called Danec. When there is great store of water in Tigris you may goe from Babylon to Basora in 8 or 9 dayes: if there be small store it will cost you the more dayes.

Basora in times past was vnder the Arabians, but now is subiecte to the Turke. But some of them the Turke cannot subdue, for that they holde certaine Ilandes in the riuer Euphrates which the Turke cannot winne of them. They be theeues all and haue no setled dwelling, but remoue from place to place with their Camels, goates, and horses, wiues and children and all. They haue large blew gownes, their wiues eares and noses are ringed very full of rings of copper and siluer, and they weare rings of copper about their legs.

Basora standeth neere the gulfe of Persia, and is a towne of great trade of spices, and drugges which come from Ormus. Also there is great store of wheate, ryce, and dates growing thereabout, wherewith they serue Babylon and all the countrey, Ormus, and all the partes of India. I went from Basora to Ormus downe the gulfe of Persia in a certaine shippe made of bourdes, and sowed together with cayro, which is threede made of the huske of Cocoes, and certaine canes or strawe leaues sowed vpon the seames of the bordes which is the cause that they leake very much. And so hauing Persia alwayes on the left hande, and the coast of Arabia on the right hande we passed many Ilandes, and among others the famous Ilande Baharim from whence come the best pearles which be round and Orient.

Ormus is an Island in circuit about fiue and twentie or thirtie miles, and is the driest Island in the world: for there is nothing growing in it but onely salte; for their water, wood, or victuals, and all things necessary came but of Persia, which is about twelue miles from thence. All the Illands thereabout be very fruitful, from whence all kinde of victuals are sent vnto Ormus. The Portugales haue a castle here which standeth neere vnto the sea, wherein there is a Captaine for the king of Portugale hauing vnder him a conuenient number of souldiers, whereof some part remaine in the castle, and some in the towne. In this towne are marchants of all Nations, and many Moores and Gentiles. Here is very great trade of all sortes of spices, drugs, silke, cloth of silke, fine tapestrie of Persia, great store of pearles which come from the Isle of Baharim, and are the best pearles of all others, and many horses of Persia, which serue all India; They haue a Moore to their king, which is chosen and gouerned by the Portugales. Their women are very strangely attyred, wearing on their noses, eares, neckes, armes and legges many rings, set with jewels, and lockes of siluer and golde in their eares, and a long barre of golde vpon the side of their noses. Their eares with the weight of theie [sic — KTH] iewels be worne so wide, that a man may thrust three of his fingers into them. Here very shortly after our arriuall wee were put in prison, and had part of our goods taken from vs by the Captaine of the castle, whose name was Don Mathias de Albuquerque; and from hence the eleuenth of October he shipped vs and sent vs for Goa vnto the Viceroy, which at that time was Don Francisco de Mascarenhas. The shippe wherein we were imbarked for Goa belonged to the Captaine, and carried one hundred twentie and foure horses in it. All marchandise carried to Goa in a shippe wherein are horses pay no custome in Goa. The horses pay custome, the goods pay nothing; but if you come in a ship which bringeth no horses, you are then, to pay eight in the hundred for your goods. The first citie of India that we arriued at vpon the fift of Nouember, after we had passed the coast of Zindi, is called Diu, which standeth in an Iland in the kingdome of Cambaia, and is the strongest towne that the Portugales haue in those partes. It is but litle, but well stored with marchandise; for here they lade many great shippes with diuerse commodities for the streits of Mecca, for Ormus, and other places, and these be shippes of the Moores and of Christains. But the Moores cannot passe, except they haue a passeport from the Portugales. Cambaietta is the chiefe citie of that prouince, which is great and very populous, and fairely builded for a towne of the Gentiles: but if there happen any famine, the people will sell their children for very little. The last king of Cambaia was Sultan Badu, which was killed at the seige of Diu, and shortly after his citie was taken by the great Mogor, which is the king of Agra and of Delli, which are fortie dayes iourney from the country of Cambaia. Here the women weare vpon their armes infinite numbers of rings made of Elephants teeth, wherein they take so much delight, that they had rather be without their meate then without their bracelets. Going from Diu we come to Daman the second towne of the Portugales in the countrey of Cambaia which is distant from Diu fortie leagues. Here is no trade but of corne and rice. They haue many villages vnder them which they quietly possesse in time of peace, but in time of warre the enemie is maister of them. From thence we passed by Basaim, and from Basaim to Tana, at both which places is small trade but only of corn and rice. The tenth of Nouember we arriued at Chaul which standeth in the firm land. There be two townes, the one belonging to the Portugales, and the other to the Moores. That of the Portugales is neerest to the sea, and commaundeth the bay, and is walled round about. A little aboue that is the towne of the Moores which is gouerned by a Moore king called Xa Maluco. Here is great traffike for all sortes of spices and drugges, silke, and cloth of silke, sandales, Elephants teeth, and much China worke, and much sugar which is made of the nutte called Gagara: the tree is called the palmer; which is the profitablest tree in the worlde: it doth alwayes beare fruit, and doth yeeld wine, oyle, sugar, vineger, cordes, coles, of the leaues are made thatch for the houses, sayles for shippes, mats to sit or lie on: of the branches they make their houses, and broomes to sweepe, of the tree wood for shippes. The wine doeth issue out of the toppe of the tree. They cut a branch of a bowe and binde it hard, and hange an earthen pot vpon it, which they emptie euery morning and euery euening, and still it and put in certaine dried raysins, and it becommeth very strong wine in short time. Hither many shippes come from all partes of India, Ormus, and many from Mecca: heere be manie Moores and Gentiles. They haue a very strange order among them, they worshippe a cowe, and esteeme much of the cowes doung to paint the walles of their houses. They will kill nothing not so much as a louse; for they holde it a sinne to kill any thing. They eate no flesh, but liue by rootes, and ryce, and milke. And when the husbande dieth his wife is burned with him, if shee be aliue: if shee will not, her head is shauen, and then is neuer any account made of her after. They say if they should be buried, it were a great sinne, for of their bodies there would come many wormes and other vermine, and when their bodies were consumed, those wormes would lacke sustenance; which were a sinne, therefore they will be burned. In Cambaia they will kill nothing, nor haue any thing killed: in the towne they haue hospitals to keepe lame dogs and cats, and for birds. They will giue meat to the Ants.

Goa is the most principal citie which the Portugals haue in India, wherein the Viceroy remaineth with his court. It standeth in an Iland, which may be 25. or 30. miles about. It is a fine citie, and for an Indian towne very faire. The Iland is very faire, full of orchards and gardens, and many palmer trees, and hath some villages. Here bee many marchants of all nations. And the Fleete which commeth euery yeere from Portugal, which be foure, fiue, or sixe great shippes, commeth first hither. And they come for the most part in September, and remaine there fortie or fiftie dayes; and then goe to Cochin, where they lade their Pepper for Portugall. Oftentimes they lade one in Goa, the rest goe to Cochin which is from Goa an hundred leagues southward. Goa standeth in the countrey of Hidalcan, who lieth in the countrey sixe or seuen dayes iourney. His chiefe citie is called Bisapor. This wa the 20 of Nouember. At our comming we were cast into prison, and examined before the Iustice and demanded for letters, and were charged to be spies, but they could prooue nothing by vs. We continued in prison vntill the two and twentie of December, and then we were set at libertie, putting in sureties for two thousand duckets not to depart the towne; which sureties father Steuens an English Iesuite which we found there, and another religious man a friend of his procured for vs. Our sureties name was Andreas Taborer, to whom we paid 2150. duckats, and still he demaunded more: whereupon we made sute to the Viceroy and Iustice to haue our money againe, considering that they had had it in their hands neere fiue moneths and could prooue nothing against vs. The Viceroy made vs a very sharpe answere, and sayd we should be better sifted before it were long, and that they had further matter against vs. Whereupon we presently determined rather to seeke our liberties, then to bee in danger for euer to be slaues in the countrey, for it was told vs we should haue the strapado. Wherupon presently, the fift day of April 1585. in the morning we ranne from thence. And being set ouer the riuer, we went two dayes on foote not without feare, not knowing the way nor hauing any guide, for we durst trust none. Bellergan a towne. One of the first townes which we came vnto, is called Bellergan, where there is a great market kept of Diamants, Rubies, Saphires, and many other soft stones. Bisapor. From Bellergan we went to Bisapor which is a very great towne where the king doeth keepe his court. Hee hath many Gentiles in his court and they be great idolaters. And they haue their idols standing in the Woods, which they call Pagodes. Some bee like a Cowe, some like a Monkie, some like Buffles, some like peacockes, and some like the deuill. Here be very many elephants which they goe to warre withall. Here they haue good store of gold and siluer: their houses are of stone very faire and high. Gulconda. From hence we went for Gulconda, the king whereof is called Cutup de lashach. Here and in the kingdome of Hidalcan, and in the countrey of the king of Decan, bee the Diamants found in the olde water. It is a very faire towne, pleasant, with faire houses of bricke and timber, it aboundeth with great store of fruites and fresh water. Here the men and the women do go with a cloth bound about their middles without any more apparell. We found it here very hote.

Masulipatan. The winter beginneth here about the last of May. In these partes is a porte or hauen called Masulipatan, which standeth eight dayes iourney from hence toward the gulfe of Bengala, whether come many shippes out of India, Pegu, and Sumatra, very richly laden with Pepper, spices, and other commodities. The countrie is very good and fruitfull. Seruidore. From thence I went to Seruidore which is a fine countrey, and the king is called, the king of Bread. The houses here bee all thatched and made of lome. Here be many Moores and Gentiles, but there is small religion among them. Bellapore. From thence I went to Bellapore, and so to Barrampore, which is in the country of Zelabdim Echebar. In this place their money is made of a kind of siluer round and thicke, to the value of twentie pence, which is very good siluer. It is marueilous great and a populous countrey. In their winter which is in Iune, Iuly, and August, there is no passing in the streetes but with horses, the waters be so high. The houses are made of lome and thatched. Here is great store of cotton cloth made, and painted clothes of cotton wooll: here groweth great store of corne and Rice. Strange mariages. We found mariages great store both in townes and villages in many places where wee passed, of boyes of eight or ten yeeres, and girles of fiue or six yeeres old. They both do ride vpon one horse very trimly decked, and are caried through the towne with great piping and playing, and so returne home and eate of a banket made of Rice and fruits, and there they daunce the most part of the night and so make an ende of the marriage. They lie not together vntill they be ten yeeres old. They say they marry their children so yoong, because it is an order that when the man dieth, the woman must be burned with him: so that if the father die, yet they may haue a father in lawe to helpe to bring vp the children which bee maried: and also that they will not leaue their sonnes without wiues, nor their daughters without husbands. Mandoway a very strong town. From thence we went to Mandoway, which is a very strong towne. It was besieged twelue yeeres by Zelabdim Echebar before he could winne it. It standeth vpon a very great high rocke as the most part of their castles doe, and was of a very great circuite. Vgini. From hence wee went to Vgini and Serringe, where we ouertooke the ambassadour of Zelabdim Echebar with a marueilous great company of men, elephants, and camels. Here is great trade of cotton and cloth made of cotton, and great store of drugs. From thence we went to Agra passing many riuers, which by reason of the raine were so swollen, that wee waded and swamme oftentimes for our liues. Agra a great citie. Agra is a very great citie and populous, built with stone, hauing faire and large streetes, with a faire riuer running by it, which falleth into the gulfe of Bengala. It hath a faire castle and a strong with a very faire ditch. The great Mogor. Here bee many Moores and Gentiles, the king is called Zelabdim Echebar: the people for the most part call him The great Mogor. From thence we went for Fatepore, which is the place where the king kept his court. The towne is greater then Agra, but the houses and streetes be not so faire. Here dwell many people both Moores and Gentiles. The king hath in Agra and Fatepore as they doe credibly report 1000. elephants, thirtie thousand horses, 1400. tame Deere, 800. concubines: such store of Ounces, Tigers, Buffles, Cocks and Haukes, that is very strange to see. He keepeth a great court, which they call Dericcan. Agra and Fatepore are two very great cities, either of them much greater then London and very populous. The like is reported of the cities of China. Betweene Agra and Fatepore are 12. miles, and all the way is a market of victuals and other things, as full as though a man were still in a towne, and so many people as if a man were in a market. They haue many fine cartes, and many of them carued and gilded with gold, with two wheeles which be drawen with two litle Buls about the bignesse of our great dogs in England, and they will runne with any horse, and carie two or three men in one of these cartes: they are couered with silke or very fine cloth, and be vsed here as our Coches be in England. Hither is great resort of marchants from Persia and out of India, and very much marchandise of silke and cloth, and of precious stones, both Rubies, Diamants, and Pearles. The king is apparelled in a white Cabie made like a shirt tied with strings on the one side, and a litle cloth on his head coloured oftentimes with red or yealow. None come into his house but his eunuchs which keepe his women. Here in Fatepore we staied all three vntill the 28. of September 1585. and then master Iohn Newberie tooke his iourney toward the citie of Lahor, determining from thence to goe for Persia and then for Aleppo or Constantinople, whether hee could get soonest passage vnto, and directed me to goe for Bengala and for Pegu, and did promise me, if it pleased God, to meete me in Bengala within two yeeres with a shippe out of England. Wil. Leades serued the king of Cambaia. I left William Leades the ieweller in seruice with the king Zelabdim Echebar in Fatepore, who did entertaine him very well, and gaue him an house and fiue slaues, an horse, and euery day sixe S. S. in money. I went from Agra to Satagam in Bengala, in the companie of one hundred and fourescore boates laden with Salt, Opium, Hinge, Lead, Carpets, and diuers other commodities, downe the riuer Iemena. The chiefe marchants are Moores and Gentiles. The superstitious ceremonies of the Bramanes. In these countries they haue many strange ceremonies. The Bramanes which are their priests, come to the water and haue a string about their necks made with great ceremonies, and lade vp water with both their hands, and turne the string first with both their hands within, and then one arme after the other out. Though it be neuer so cold, they will wash themselues in cold water or in, warme. These Gentiles will eate no flesh nor kill any thing. They liue with rice, butter, milke, and fruits. They pray in the water naked, and dresse their meat and eate it naked, and for their penance they lie flat vpon the earth, and rise vp and turne themselues about 30. or 40. times, and vse to heaue vp their hands to the sunne, and to kisse the earth, with their armes and legs stretched along out, and their right leg alwayes before the left. Euery time they lie downe, they make a score on the ground with their finger to know when their stint is finished. The Bramanes marke themselues in the foreheads, eares and throates with a kind of yellow geare which they grind, and euery morning they doe it. And they haue some old men which go in the streetes with a boxe of yellow poudre, and marke men on their heads and neckes as they meet them. And their wiues do come by 10. 20. and 30. together to the water side singing, and there do wash themselues, and then vse their ceremonies, and marke themselues in their foreheds and faces, and cary some with them, and so depart singing. Their daughters be marred, at, or before the age of 10 yeres. The men may haue 7. wiues. They be a kind of craftie people, worse then the Iewes. When they salute one another, they heaue vp their hands to their heads, and say Rame, Rame. Ganges. From Agra I came to Prage, where the riuer Iemena entreth into the mightie river Ganges, and Iemena looseth his name. Ganges commeth out of the Northwest, and runneth East into the gulfe of Bengala. In those parts there are many Tigers and many partriges and turtledoues, and much other foule. Here be many beggars in these countries which goe naked, and the people make great account of them: they call them Schesche. Here I sawe one which was a monster among the rest. He would haue nothing vpon him, his beard was very long, and with the haire of his head he couered his priuities. The nailes of some of his fingers were two inches long, for he would cut nothing from him, neither would he speake. He was accompanied with eight or tenne, and they spake for him. When any man spake to him, he would lay his hand vpon his brest and bowe himselfe, but would not speake. Hee would not speake to the king. We went from Prage downe Ganges, the which is here very broad. Here is great store of fish of sundry sorts, and of wild foule, as of swannes, geese, cranes, and many other things. The country is very fruitfull and populous. The men for the most part haue their faces shauen, and their heads very long, except some which bee all shauen saue the crowne: and some of them are as though a man should set a dish on their heads, and shaue them round, all but the crowne. In this riuer of Ganges are many Ilands. His water is very sweete and pleasant, and the countrey adioyning very fruitfull. From thence wee went to Bannaras which is a great towne, and great store of cloth is made there of cotton, and Shashes for the Moores. In this place they be all Gentiles, and be the greatest idolaters that euer I sawe. A pilgrimage of the Gentiles. To this towne come the Gentiles on pilgrimage out of farre countreys. Here alongst the waters side bee very many faire houses, and in all of them, or for the most part they haue their images standing, which be euill fauoured, made of stone and wood, some like lions, leopards, and monkeis, some like men and women, and pecocks, and some like the deuil with foure armes and 4. hands. They sit crosse legged, some with one thing in their hands, and some another, and by breake of day and before, there are men and women which come out of the towne and wash themselues in Ganges. And there are diuers old men which vpon places of earth made for the purpose, sit praying, and they giue the people three or foure strawes, which they take and hold them betweene their fingers when they wash themselues: and some sit to marke them in the foreheads, and they haue in a cloth a litle Rice, Barlie, or money, which, when they haue washed themselues, they giue to the old men which sit there praying. Afterwards they go to diuers of their images, and giue them of their sacrifices. And when they giue, the old men say certaine prayers, and then is all holy. And in diuers places there standeth a kind of image which in their language they call Ada. And they haue diuers great stones carued, whereon they poure water, and throw thereupon some rice, wheate, barly, and some other things. This Ada hath foure hands with clawes. Moreouer, they haue a great place made of stone like to a well with steppes to goe downe; wherein the water standeth very foule and stinketh: for the great quantitie of flowers, which continually they throwe into it, doe make it stinke. There be alwayes many people in it: for they say when they wash themselues in it, that their sinnes be forgiuen them, because God, as they say, did wash himselfe in that place. They gather vp the sand in the bottome of it, and say it is holy. They neuer pray but in the water, and they wash themselues ouerhead, and lade vp water with both their handes, and turne themselues about, and then they drinke a litle of the water three times, and so goe to their gods which stand in those houses. Some of them will wash a place which is their length, and then will pray vpon the earth with their armes and legs at length out, and will rise vp and lie downe, and kisse the ground twentie or thirtie times, but they will not stirre their right foote. And some of them will make their ceremonies with fifteene or sixteene pots litle and great, and ring a litle bel when they make their mixtures tenne or twelue times: and they make a circle of water round about their pots and pray, and diuers sit by them, and one that reacheth them their pots: and they say diuers things ouer their pots many times, and when they haue done, they goe to their gods, and strowe their sacrifices which they thinke are very holy, and marke many of them which sit by, in the foreheads, which they take as a great gift. There come fiftie and sometime an hundred together, to wash them in this well, and to offer to these idols. They haue in some of these houses their idoles standing, and one sitteth by them in warme weather with a fanne to blowe winde vpon them. And when they see any company comming, they ring a litle bell which hangeth by them, and many giue them their almes, but especially those which come out of the countrey. Many of them are blacke and haue clawes of brasse with long nayles, and some ride vpon peacocks and other foules which be euill fauoured, with long haukes bils, and some like one thing and some another, but none with a good face. Among the rest there is one which they make great account of: for they say hee giueth them all things both foode and apparell, and one sitteth alwayes by him with a fanne to make wind towards him. Here some bee burned to ashes, some scorched in the fire and throwen into the water, and dogges and foxes doe presently eate them. The wiues here doe burne with their husbands when they die, if they will not their heads be shauen, and neuer any account is made of them afterward. The people goe all naked saue a litle cloth bound about their middle. Their women haue their necks, armes and eares decked with rings of siluer, copper, tinne, and with round hoopes made of Iuorie, adorned with amber stones, and with many agats, and they are marked with a great spot of red in their foreheads, and a stroke of red vp to the crowne, and so it runneth three manor of wayes. In their Winter, which is our May, the men weare quilted gownes of cotton like to our mattraces and quilted caps like to our great Grocers morters, with a slit to looke out at, and so tied downe beneath their eares. If a man or woman be sicke and like to die, they will lay him before their idols all night, and that shall helpe him or make an ende of him. And if he do not mend that night, his friends will come and sit with him a litle and cry, and afterwards will cary him to the waters side and set him vpon a litle raft made of reeds, and so let him goe downe the riuer. When they be maried the man and the woman come to the water side, and there is an olde man which they call a Bramane, that is a priest, a cowe and a calfe, or a cowe with calfe. Then the man and the woman, cowe and calfe, and the olde man goe into the water together, and they giue the olde man a white cloth of foure yards long, and a basket crosse bound with diuers things in it: the cloth he laieth vpon the backe of the cowe, and then he taketh the cowe by the ende of the taile, and saieth certaine wordes: and she hath a copper or a brasse pot full of water, and the man doeth hold his hand by the olde mans hand, and the wiues hand by her husbands, and all haue the cowe by the taile, and they poure water out of the pot vpon the cowes taile, and it runneth through all their hands, and they lade vp water with their handes, and then the olde man doeth tie him and her together by their This tying of new maried folks together by the clothes, was vsed by the Mexicans in old time. clothes. Which done, they goe round about the cowe and calfe, and then they giue somewhat to the poore which be alwayes there, and to the Bramane or priest they giue the cowe and calfe, and afterward goe to diuers of their idoles and offer money, and lie downe flat vpon the ground and kisse it diuers times, and then goe their way. Their chiefe idoles bee blacke and euill fauoured, their mouthes monstrous, their eares gilded, and full of jewels, their teeth and eyes of gold, siluer, and glasse, some hauing one thing in their handes and some another. You may not come into the houses where they stand, with your shooes on. They haue continually lampes burning before them. From Bannaras I went to Patenaw downe the riuer of Ganges: where in the way we passed many faire townes, and a countrey very fruitfull: and many very great riuers doe enter into Ganges, and some of them as great as Ganges, which cause Ganges to bee of a great breadth, and so broad that in the time of rain, you cannot see from one side to the other. These Indians when they bee scorched and throwen into the water, the men swimme with their faces downewards, the women with their faces vpwards, I thought they tied something to them to cause them to do so: but they say no. There be very many thieues In this countrey, which be like to the Arabians: for they haue no certaine abode, but are sometime in one place and sometime in another. Here the women bee so decked with siluer and copper, that it is strange to see, they use no shooes by reason of the rings of siluer and copper, which they weare on their toes. Gold found. Here at Patanaw they finde gold in this maner. They digge deepe pits in the earth, and wash the earth in great holies, and therein they finde the gold, and they make the pits round about with bricke, that the earth fall not in. Patenaw is a very long and a great towne. In times past it was a kingdom, but now it is vnder Zelabdim Echebar, the great Mogor. The men are tall and slender, and haue many old folks among them: the houses are simple, made of earth and couered with strawe, the streetes are very large. In this towne there is a trade of cotton, and cloth of cotton, much sugar, which they cary from hence to Bengala and India, very much Opium and other commodities. He that is chiefe here vnder the king is called Tipperdas, and is of great account among the people. Here in Patenau I saw a dissembling prophet which sate vpon an horse in the market place, and made as though he slept, and many of the people came and touched his feete with their hands, and then kissed their hands. They tooke him for a great man, but sure he was a lasie lubber. I left him there sleeping. The people of these countries be much giuen to such prating and dissembling hypocrites.

From Patanaw I went to Tanda which is in the land of Gouren. It hath in times past bene a kingdom, but now is subdued by Zelabdim Echebar. Great trade and traffique is here of cotton, and of cloth of cotton. The people goe naked with a litle cloth bound about their waste. It standeth in the countrey of Bengala. Here be many Tigers, wild Bufs, and great store of wilde foule: they are very great idolaters. Tanda standeth from the riuer Ganges a league, because in times past the riuer flowing ouer the bankes, in time of raine did drowne the countrey and many villages, and so they do remaine. And the old way which the riuer Ganges was woont to run, remaineth drie, which is the occasion that the citie doeth stand so farre from the water. From Agra downe the riuer Iemena, and downe the riuer Ganges, I was fiue moneths comming to Bengala, but it may be sailed in much shorter time.

I went from Bengala into the countrey of Couche, Couche: this seemeth to be Quicheu, accounted by some among the prouinces of China. which lieth 25. daies iourny Northwards from Tanda. The king is a Gentile, his name is Suckel Counse: his countrey is great, and lieth not far from Cochin China: for they say they haue pepper from thence. The port is called Cacchegate. All the countrie is set with Bambos or Canes made sharpe at both the endes and driuen into the earth, and they can let in the water and drowne the ground aboue knee deepe, so that men nor horses can passe. They poison all the waters if any wars be. Here they haue much silke and muske, and cloth made of cotton. The people haue eares which be marueilous great of a span long, which they draw out in length by deuises when they be yong. Here they be all Gentiles, and they will kil nothing. They haue hospitals for sheepe, goates, dogs, cats, birds, and for all other liuing creatures. When they be old and lame, they keepe them vntil they die. If a man catch or buy any quicke thing in other places and bring it thither, they wil giue him mony for it or other victuals, and keepe it in their hospitals or let it go, They wil giue meat to the Ants. Their smal mony is almonds, In Mexico they vse likewise for small money the fruit Cacao which are like almonds. which oftentimes they vse to eat. From thence I returned to Hugeli, which is the place where the Portugals keep in the country of Bengala which standeth in 23. degrees of Northerly latitude, and standeth a league from Satagan: they cal it Porto Piqueno. We went through the wildernes, because the right way was full of thieues, where we passed the countrey of Gouren, where we found but few villages, but almost all wildernes, and saw many buffes, swine and deere, grasse longer then a man, and uery [sic — KTH] many Tigers. Porto Angeli. Not far from Porto Piqueno south westward, standeth an hauen which is called Angeli, in the countrey of Orixa. It was a kingdom of it selfe, and the king was a great friend to strangers. Afterwards it was taken by the king of Patan which was their neighbour, but he did not enioy it long, but was taken by Zelabdim Echebar, which is king of Agra, Delli, and Cambaia. Orixi standeth 6. daies iourney from Satagan, south westwards. The like cloth may be made of the long grasse in Virginia. In this place is very much Rice, and cloth made of cotton, and great store of cloth which is made of grasse, which they call Yerua, it is like a silke. They make good cloth out of it which they send for India and diuers other places. To this hauen of Angeli come, euery yeere many ships out of India, Negapatan, Sumatra, Malacca, and diuers other places; and lade from thence great store of Rice, and much cloth of cotton wooll, much sugar, and long pepper, great store of butter, and other victuals for India. Satagam is a faire citie for a citie of the Moores, and very plentifull of all things. Here in Bengala they haue euery day in one place or other a great market which they call Chandeau, and they haue many great boats which they cal pericose, wherewithall they go from place to place and buy Rice and many other things: these boates haue 24. or 26. oares to rowe them, they be great of burthen, but haue no couerture. Here the Gentiles haue the water of Ganges in great estimation, for hauing good water neere them, yet they will fetch the water of Ganges a great way off, and if they haue not sufficient to drinke, they will sprinkle a litle on them, and then they thinke themselues well. From Satagam I trauelled by the countrey of the king of Tippara or porto Grande, with whom the Mogores or Mogen haue almost continuall warres. The Mogen which be of the kingdom of Recon and Rame, be stronger then the king of Tippara, so that Chatigan or porto Grande is oftentimes vnder the king of Recon.

There is a country 4. daies iourney from Couche or Quicheu before mentioned, which is called Bottanter and the citie Bottia, the king is called Dermain; the people whereof are very tall and strong, and there are marchants which come out of China, and they say out of Muscouia or Tartarie. And they come to buy muske, cambals, agats, silke, pepper and saffron like the saffron of Persia. The countrey is very great, 3. moneths iourney. There are very high mountains in this countrey, and one of them so steep that when a man is 6. daies iourney off it, he may see it perfectly. Vpon these mountains These seeme to be the mountains of Iamus, called by the people Cumao. are people which haue eares of a spanne long: if their eares be not long, they call them apes. They say that when they be vpon the mountaines, they see ships in the Sea sayling to and fro; but they know not from whence they come, nor whether they go. There are marchants which come out of the East, they say, from vnder the sunne, which is from China, which haue no beards, and they say there it is something warme. But those which come from the other side of the mountains which is from the North, say there it is very cold. The apparel of the Tartarie marchants. These Northern merchants are apparelled with woollen cloth and hats, white hosen close, and bootes which be of Moscouia or Tartarie. They report that in their countrey they haue very good horses, but they be litle: some men haue foure, fiue, or sixe hundred horses and kine: they liue with milke and fleshe. Cowe tailes in great request. They cut the tailes of their kine, and sell them very deere, for they bee in great request, and much esteemed in those partes. The haire of them is a yard long, the rumpe is aboue a spanne long: they vse to hang them for brauerie upon the heades of their Elephantes: they bee much vsed in Pegu and China: they buie and sell by scores vpon the ground. The people be very swift on foote.

From Chatigan in Bengala, I came to Bacola; the king whereof is a Gentile, a man very well disposed and delighteth much to shoot in a gun. His countrey is very great and fruitful, and hath store of Rice, much cotton cloth, and cloth of silke. The houses be very faire and high builded, the streetes large, the people naked, except a litle cloth about their waste. The women weare great store of siluer hoopes about their neckes and armes, and their legs are ringed with siluer and copper, and rings made of elephants teeth.

From Bacola I went to Serrepore which standeth vpon the riuer of Ganges, the king is called Chondery. They be all hereabout rebels against their king Zelabdim Echebar: for here are so many riuers and Ilands, that they flee from one to another, whereby his horsemen cannot preuaile against them. Great store of cotton cloth is made here.

Sinnergan is a towne sixe leagues from Serrepore, where there is the best and finest cloth made of cotton that is in all India. The chiefe king of all these countries is called Isacan, and he is chiefe of all the other kings, and is a great friend to all Christians. The houses here, as they be in the most part of India, are very litle, and couered with strawe, and haue a fewe mats round about the wals, and the doore to keepe out the Tygers and the Foxes. Many of the people are very rich. Here they will eate no flesh, nor kill no beast: they liue of Rice, milke, and fruits. They goe with a litle cloth before them, and all the rest of their bodies is naked. Great store of Cotton cloth goeth from hence, and much Rice, wherewith they serue all India, Ceilon, Pegu, Malacca, Sumatra, and many other places.

I went from Serrepore the 28. of Nouember 1586. for Pegu in a small ship or foist of one Albert Carauallos, and so passing downe Ganges, and passing by the Island of Sundiua, porto Grande, or the countrie of Tippera, the kingdom of Recon and Mogen, leauing them on our left side with a faire wind at Northwest: our course was South and by East, which brought vs to the barre of Negrais in Pegu: if any contrary wind had come, we had throwen many of our things ouer-boord: for we were so pestered with people and goods, that there was scant place to lie in. From Bengala to Pegu is 90. legues. We entred the barre of Negrais, which is a braue barre and hath 4. fadomes water where it hath least. Three dayes after we came to Cosmin, which is a very pretie towne, and standeth very pleasantly, very well furnished with all things. Ladders vsed to auoyd the danger of wild beasts. The people be very tall and well disposed; the women white, round faced, with little eies: the houses are high built, set vpon great high postes, and they go vp to them with long ladders for feare of the Tygers which be very many. The countrey is very fruitful of all things. Here are very great Figs, Orenges, Cocoes, and other fruits. Dwelling in boats. The land is very high that we fall withall, but after we be entred the barre, it is very lowe and full of riuers, for they goe all too and fro in boates, which they call paroes, and keepe their houses with wife and children in them.

From the barre of Nigrais to the citie of Pegu is ten dayes iourney by the riuers. Wee went from Cosmin to Pegu in Paroes or boates, and passing vp the riuers wee came to Medon, which is a prety towne, where there be a wonderfull number of Paroes, for they keepe their houses and their markets in them all vpon the water. They rowe too and fro, and haue all their marchandizes in their boates with a great Sombrero or shadow ouer their heads to keepe the sunne from them, which is as broad as a great cart wheele made of the leaues of the Coco trees and fig trees, and is very light.

From Medon we went to Dela, which is a very faire towne, and hath a faire port into the sea, from whence go many ships to Malacca, Mecca, and many other places. Here are 18. or 20. very great and long houses, where they tame and keep many elephants of the kings: for thereabout in the wildernesse they catch the wilde elephants. It is a very fruitfull countrey. From Dela we went to Cirion, which is a good towne, and hath a faire porte into the sea, whither come many ships from Mecca, Malacca, Sumatra, and from diuers other places. And there the ships staie and discharge, and send vp their goods in Paroes to Pegu. Coches caried on mens shoulders. From Cirion we went to Macao, which is a prettie towne, where we left our boates or Paroes, and in the morning taking Delingeges, which are a kind of Coches made of cords and cloth quilted, and caried vpon a stang betweene 3. or 4. men: we came to Pegu the same day. Pegu is a citie very great, strong, and very faire, with walles of stone, and great ditches round about it. There are two townes, the old towne and the newe. In the olde towne are all the marchants strangers, and very many marchants of the countrey. All the goods are sold in the olde towne which is very great, and hath many suburbes round about it, and all the houses are made of Canes which they call Bambos, and bee couered with strawe [‘srawe’ in source text — KTH]. In your house you haue a Warehouse which they call Godon, which is made of bricke to put your goods in, for oftentimes they take fire and burne in an houre foure or fiue hundred houses: so that if the Gordon [sic — KTH] were not, you should bee in danger to haue all burned, if any winde should rise, at a trice. In the newe towne is the king, and all his Nobilitie and Gentrie. It is a citie very great and populous, and is made square and with very faire walles, and a great ditch roundabout it full of water, with many crocodiles in it: it hath twenty gates, and they bee made of stone, for euery square fiue gates. There are also many Turrets for Centinels to watch, made of wood, and gilded with golde very faire. The streets are the fairest that euer I saw, as straight as a line from one gate to the other, and so broad that tenne or twelue men may ride a front thorow them. On both sides of them at euery mans doore is set a palmer tree which is the nut tree: which make a very faire shew and a very commodious shadow, so that a man may walke in the shade all day. The houses be made of wood, and couered with tiles. The kings house is in the middle of the city, and is walled and ditched round about: and the buildings within are made of wood very sumptuously gilded, and great workmanship is vpon the forefront, which is likewise very costly gilded. And the house wherein his Pagode or idole standeth is couered with tiles of siluer, and all the walles are gilded with golde. Within the first gate of the kings house is a great large roome, on both sides whereof are houses made for the kings elephants, which be marveilous great and faire, and are brought vp to warres and in seruice of the king. Foure white elephants. And among the rest he hath foure white elephants, which are very strange and rare: for there is none other king which hath them but he: if any other king hath one, hee will send vnto him for it. When any of these white elephants is brought vnto the king, all the merchants in the city are commanded to see them, and to giue him a present of halfe a ducat, which doth come to a great summe: for that there are many merchants in the city. After that you haue giuen your present you may come and see them at your pleasure, although they stand in the kings house. The king of the white elephants. This king in his title is called the king of the white elephants. If any other king haue one, and will not send it him, he will make warre with him for it: for he had rather lose a great part of his kingdome, then not to conquere him. They do very great seruice vnto these white elephants: euery one of them standeth in an house gilded with golde, and they doe feede in vessels of siluer and gilt. One of them when he doth go to the riuer to be washed, as euery day they do, goeth vnder a canopy of cloth of golde, or of silke carried ouer him by sixe or eight men, and eight or ten men goe before him playing on drummes, shawmes, or other instruments: and when he is washed and commeth out of the riuer, there is a gentleman which doth wash his feet in a siluer basin: which is his office giuen him by the king. There is no such account made of any blacke elephant, be he neuer so great. And surely there be woonderfull faire and great, and some be nine cubites in height. And they do report that the king hath aboue fiue thousand elephants of warre, besides many other which be not taught to fight. This king hath a very large place wherein he taketh the wilde elephants. It standeth about a mile from Pegu, builded with a faire court within, and is in a great groue or wood: and there be many huntsmen, which go into the wildernesse with she elephants: for without the she they are not to be taken. And they be taught for that purpose: and euery hunter hath fiue or sixe of them: and they say that they annoint the she elephants with a certaine ointment, which when the wild elephant doth smell, he will not leaue her. When they haue brought the wilde elephant neere vnto the place, they send word vnto the towne, and many horse men and footmen come out and cause the she elephant to enter into a strait way which doeth go to the palace, and the she and the he do runne in: for it is like a wood: and when they be in, the gate doth shut. Afterward they get out the female: and when the male seeth that he is left alone, he weepeth and crieth, and runneth against the walles, which be made of so strong trees, that some of them doe breake their teeth with running against them. Then they pricke him with sharpe canes, and cause him to go into a strait house, and there they put a rope about his middle and about his feet, and let him stand there three or foure dayes, without eating or drinking: and then they bring a female to him, with meat and drinke, and within a few dayes he becommeth tame. The chiefe force of the king is in these elephants. And when they goe into the warres they set a frame of wood vpon their backes, bound with great cordes, wherein sit foure or sixe men, which fight with gunnes, bowes, and arrowes, darts and other weapons. And they say that their skinnes are so thicke that a pellet of an harquebush will scarse pearce them, except it be in some tender place. Their weapons be very badde. They haue gunnes, but shoot very badly in them, darts and swords short without points. The king keepeth a very great state: when he sitteth abroad as he doth euery day twise, all his noblemen which they call Shemines sit on ech side, a good distance off, and a great guard without them. The Court yard is very great. If any man will speake with the king, he is to kneele downe, to heaue vp his hands to his head, and to put his head to the ground three times, when he entreth, in the middle way, and when he commeth neere to the king: and then he sitteth downe and talketh with the king: if the king like well of him, he sitteth neere him within three or foure paces: if he thinke not well of him, he sitteth further off. When he goeth to warre, he goeth very strong. Odia a city in Siam. At my being there he went to Odia in the countrey of Siam with three hundred thousand men, and fiue thousand elephants. Thirty thousand men were his guard. These people do eate roots, herbs, leaues, dogs, cats, rats, serpents, and snakes; they refuse almost nothing. When the king rideth abroad, he rideth with a great guard, and many noblemen, oftentimes vpon an elephant with a fine castle vpon him very fairely gilded with gold; and sometimes vpon a great frame like an horsliter, which hath a little house vpon it couered ouer head, but open on the sides, which is all gilded with golde, and set with many rubies and saphires, whereof he hath infinite store in his country, and is caried vpon sixteene or eighteene mens shoulders. This maner of cariage on mens shoulders is vsed in Pegu, and in Florida. This coach in their language is called Serrion. Very great feasting and triumphing is many times before the king both of men and women. This hath little force by sea, because he hath but very few ships. He hath houses full of golde and siluer, and bringeth in often, but spendeth very little, and hath the mines of rubies and saphires, and spinelles. Neere vnto the palace of the king, there is a treasure woonderfull rich; the which because it is so neere, he doth not account of it: and it standeth open for all men to see in a great walled court with two gates, which be alwayes open. There are foure houses gilded very richly, and couered with lead: in euery one of them are Pagodes or Images of huge stature and great value. In the first is the picture of a king in golde with a crowne of golde on his head full of great rubies and saphires, and about him there stand foure children of golde. In the second house is the picture of a man in siluer, woonderfull great, and high as an house; his foot is as long as a man, and he is made sitting, with a crowne on his head very rich with stones. In the third house is the picture of a man greater then the other, made of brasse, with a rich crowne on his head. In the fourth and last house doth stand another, made of brasse, greater then the other, with a crowne also on his head very rich with stones. In another court not farre from this stand foure other Pagodes or idoles, maruellous great, of copper, made in the same place where they do stand; for they be so great that they be not to be remoued: they stand in foure houses gilded very faire, and are themselues gilded all ouer saue their heads, and they shew like a blacke Morian. Their expenses in gilding of their images are wonderfull. The king hath one wife and aboue three hundred concubines, by which they say he hath fourescore or fourescore and ten children. He sitteth in iudgement almost euery day. Paper of the leaues of a tree. They vse no speech, but giue vp their supplications written in the leaues of a tree with the point of an yron bigger then a bodkin. These leaues are an elle long, and about two inches broad; they are also double. He which giueth in his supplication, doth stand in a place a little distance off with a present. If his matter be liked of, the king accepteth of his present, and granteth his request: if his sute he not liked of, he returneth with his present; for the king will not take it.

In India there are few commodities which serue for Pegu, except Opium of Cambaia, painted cloth of S. Thome, or of Masulipatan, and white cloth of Bengala, which is spent there in great quantity. An excellent colour with a root called Saia. They bring thither also much cotton, yarne red coloured with a root which they call Saia, which will neuer lose his colour: it is very wel solde here, and very much of it commeth yerely to Pegu. By your money you lose much. The ships which come from Bengala, S. Thome, and Masulipatan, come to the bar of Nigrais and to Cosmin. To Martauan a port of the sea in the kingdome of Pegu come many ships from Malacca laden with Sandall, Porcelanes, and other wares of China, and with Camphora of Borneo, and Pepper from Achen in Sumatra. Woollen cloth and scarlets solde in Pegu. To Cirion a port of Pegu come ships from Mecca with woollen cloth, Scarlets, Veluets, Opium, and such like. There are in Pegu eight Brokers, whom they call Tareghe, which are bound to sell your goods at the price which they be woorth, and you giue them for their labour two in the hundred: and they be bound to make your debt good, because you sell your merchandises vpon their word. If the Broker pay you not at his day, you may take him home, and keepe him in your house: which is a great shame for him. And if he pay you not presently, you may take his wife and children and his slaues, and binde them at your doore, and set them in the Sunne; for that is the law of the countrey. The money of Pegu. Their current money in these partes is a kinde of brasse which they call Gansa, wherewith you may buy golde, siluer, rubies, ronske, and all other things. The golde and siluer is marchandise, and is worth sometimes more, and sometimes lesse, as other wares be. This brazen money doeth goe by a weight which they call a biza; and commonly this biza after our account is worth about halfe a crowne or somewhat lesse. The seuerall marchandises of Pegu. The marchandise which be in Pegu, are golde, siluer, rubies, saphires, spinelles, muske, beniamin or frankincense, long pepper, tinne, leade, copper, lacca whereof they make hard waxe, rice, and wine made of rice, and some sugar. The elephants doe eate the sugar canes, or els they would make very much. The forme of their Temples or Varellaes. And they consume many canes likewise in making of their Varellaes or Idole Temples, which are in great number both great and small. They be made round like a sugar loafe, some are as high as a Church, very broad beneath, some a quarter of a mile in compasse: within they be all earth done about with stone. They consume in these Varellaes great quantity of golde; for that they be all gilded aloft: and many of them from the top to the bottome: and euery ten or twelue yeeres they must be new gilded, because the raine consumeth off the golde: for they stand open abroad. If they did not consume their golde in these vanities, it would be very plentifull and good cheape in Pegu. About two dayes iourney from Pegu there is a Varelle or Pagode, which is the pilgrimage of the Pegues: it is called Dogonne, and is of a woonderfull bignesse, and all gilded from the foot to the toppe. The Tallipoies or Priests of Pegu. And there is an house by it wherein the Tallipoies which are their priests doe preach. This house is fiue and fifty paces in length, and hath three pawnes or walks in it, and forty great pillars gilded, which stand betweene the walks; and it is open on all sides with a number of small pillars, which be likewise gilded: it is gilded with golde within and without. There are houses very faire round about for the pilgrims to lie in: and many goodly houses for the Tallipoies to preach in, which are full of images both of men and women, which are all gilded ouer with golde. It is the fairest place as I suppose, that is in the world: it standeth very high, and there are foure wayes to it, which all along are set with trees of fruits, in such wise that a man may goe in the shade aboue two miles in length. And when their feast day is, a man can hardly passe by water or by land for the great presse of people; for they come from all places of the kingdome of Pegu thither at their feast. In Pegu they haue many Tallipoies or priests, which preach against all abuses. Many men resort vnto them. When they enter into their kiack, that is to say, their holy place or temple, at the doore their is a great iarre of water with a cocke or a ladle in it, and there they wash their feet; and then they enter in, and lift vp their hands to their heads, first to their preacher, and then to the Sunne, and so sit downe. The apparell of their priests. The Tallipoies go very strangly apparelled with one cambaline or thinne cloth next to their body of a browne colour, another of yellow doubled many times vpon their shoulder: and those two be girded to them with a broad girdle: and they haue a skinne of leather hanging on a string about their necks, whereupon they sit, bare headed and bare footed: for none of them weareth shoes; with their right armes bare and a great broad sombrero or shadow in their hands to defend them in the Summer from the Sunne, and in the Winter from the raine. When the Tallipoies or priests take their Orders, first they go to schoole vntill they be twenty yeres olde or more, and then they come before a Tallipoie appointed for that purpose, whom they call Rowli: he is of the chiefest or most learned, and he opposeth them, and afterward examineth them many times, whether they will leaue their friends, and the company of all women, and take vpon them the habit of a Tallipoie. If any be content, then he rideth vpon an horse about the streets very richly apparelled, with drummes and pipes, to shew that he leaueth the riches of the world to be a Tallipoie. In few dayes after, he is caried vpon a thing like an horsliter, which they call a serion, vpon ten or twelue mens shoulders in the apparell of a Tallipoie, with pipes and drummes, and many Tallipoies with him, and al his friends, and so they go with him to his house which standeth without the towne, and there they leaue him. Euery one of them hath his house, which is very little, set vpon six or eight posts, and they go vp to them with a ladder of twelue or foureteene staues. Their houses be for the most part by the hie wayes side, and among the trees, and in the woods. And they go with a great pot made of wood or fine earth, and couered, tied with a broad girdle vpon their shoulder, which cometh vnder their arme, wherewith they go to begge their victuals which they eate, which is rice, fish, and herbs. They demand nothing but come to the doore, and the people presently doe giue them, some one thing, and some another: and they put all together in their potte: for they say they must eate of their almes, and therewith content themselues. Obseruation of new moones. They keepe their feasts by the Moone: and when it is new Moone they keepe their greatest feast: and then the people send rice and other things to that kiack or church of which they be; and there all the Tallipoies doe meete which be of that Church, and eate the victuals which are sent them. When the Tallipoies do preach, many of the people cary them gifts into the pulpit where they sit and preach. And there is one which sitteth by them to take that which the people bring. It is diuided among them. They haue none other ceremonies nor seruice that I could see, but onely preaching.

I went from Pegu to Iamahey Iamahey fiue and twenty dayes iourney Northeastward from Pegu. which is in the countrey of the Langeiannes, whom we call Iangomes; it is fiue and twenty dayes iourney Northeast from Pegu. In which iourney I passed many fruitfull and pleasant countreys. The countrey is very lowe, and hath many faire riuers. The houses are very bad, made of canes, and couered with straw. Heere are many wilde buffes and elephants. Iamahey is a very faire and great towne, with faire houses of stone, well peopled, the streets are very large, the men very well set and strong, with a cloth about them, bare headed and bare footed: for in all these countreys they weare no shoes. The women be much fairer then those of Pegu. Heere in all these countreys they haue no wheat. They make some cakes of rice. Hither to Iamahey come many marchants out of China, and bring great store of muske, golde, siluer, and many other things of China worke. Here is great store of victuals: they haue such plenty that they will not milke the buffles, as they doe in all other places. Here is great store of copper and beniamin. In these countreys when the people be sicke they make a vow to offer meat vnto the diuell, if they escape: and when they be recouered they make a banket with many pipes and drummes and other instruments, and dansing all the night, and their friends come and bring gifts, cocos, figges, arrecaes, and other fruits, and with great dauncing and reioycing they offer to the diuell, and say, they giue the diuel to eat, and driue him out. When they be dancing and playing they will cry and hallow very loud; and in this sort they say they driue him away. And when they be sicke a Tallipoy or two euery night doth sit by them and sing, to please the diuell that he should not hurt them. They burne their dead. And if any die he is caried vpon a great frame made like a tower, with a couering all gilded with golde made of canes caried with foureteene or sixteene men, with drummes and pipes and other instruments playing before him to a place out of the towne and there is burned. He is accompanied with all his friends and neighbours, all men: and they giue to the tallipoies or priests many mats and cloth: and then they returne to the house and there make a feast for two dayes: and then the wife with all the neighbours wiues and her friends go to the place where he was burned, and there they sit a certaine time and cry and gather the pieces of bones which be left vnburned and bury them, and then returne to their houses and make an end of all mourning. And the men and women which be neere of kin do shaue their heads, which they do not vse except it be for the death of a friend: for they much esteeme of their haire.

Caplan Caplan is the place the rubies and other precious stones are found. is the place where they finde the rubies, saphires, and spinelles: it standeth sixe dayes iourney from Aua in the kingdome of Pegu. There are many great high hilles out of which they digge them. None may go to the pits but onely those which digge them.

In Pegu, and in all the countreys of Aua, Langeiannes, Siam, and the Bramas, the men weare bunches or little round balles in their priuy members: some of them ware two and some three. They cut the skin and so put them in, one into one side and another into the other side; which they do when they be 25 or 30 yeeres olde, and at their pleasure they take one or more of them as they thinke good. When they be maried the husband is for euery child which his wife hath, to put in one vntill he come to three and then no more: for they say the women doe desire them. They were inuented because they should not abuse the male sexe. For in times past all those countries were so giuen to that villany, that they were very scarce of people. It was also ordained that the women should not haue past three cubits of cloth in their nether clothes, which they binde about them; which are so strait, that when they go in the streets, they shew one side of the leg bare aboue the knee. Anthony Galuano writeth of these bals. The bunches aforesayd be of diuers sorts: the least be as big as a litle walnut, and very round: the greatest are as big as a litle hennes egge: some are of brasse and some of siluer: but those of siluer be for the king, and his noble men. These are gilded and made with great cunning, and ring like a litle bell. There are some made of leade, which they call Selwy because they ring but litle: and these be of lesser price for the poorer sort. The king sometimes taketh his out, and giueth them to his noblemen as a great gift: and because he hath vsed them, they esteeme them greatly. They will put one in, and heale vp the place in seuen or eight dayes.

The Bramas which be of the kings countrey (for the king is a Brama) haue their legs or bellies, or some part of their body, as they thinke good themselues, made black with certaine things which they haue: they vse to pricke the skinne, and to put on it a kinde of anile or blacking, which doth continue alwayes. And this is counted an honour among them: but none may haue it but the Bramas which are of the kings kinred.

The people of Pegu weare no beards. These people weare no beards: they pull out the haire on their faces with little pinsons made for that purpose. Some of them will let 16 or 20 haires grow together, some in one place of his face and some in another, and pulleth out all the rest: for he carieth his pinsons alwayes with him to pull the haires out assoone as they appeare. If they see a man with a beard they wonder at him. They haue their teeth blacked both men and women, for they say a dogge hath his teeth white, therefore they will blacke theirs.

The Pegues if they haue a suite in the law which is so doubtfull that they cannot well determine it, put two long canes into the water where it is very deepe: and both the parties go into the water by the poles, and there sit men to iudge, and they both do diue vnder the water, and he which remaineth longest vnder the water doth winne the sute.

The 10 of January I went from Pegu to Malacca, passing by many of the ports of Pegu, as Martauan, the Iland of Taui, from whence commeth great store of tinne, which serueth all India, the Ilands of Tanaseri, Iunsalaon, and many others; and so came to Malacca the 8 of February, where the Portugals haue a castle which standeth nere the sea. And the countrey fast without the towne belongeth to the Malayos, which is a kinde of proud people. They go naked with a cloth about their middle, and a litle roll of cloth about their heads; Hither come many ships from China and from the Malucos, Banda, Timor, and from many other Ilands of the Iauas, which bring great store of spices and drugs, and diamants and other iewels. The voyages into many of these Ilands belong vnto the captaine of Malacca: so that none may goe thither without his licence: which yeeld him great summes of money euery yeere. The Portugals heere haue often times warres with the king of Achem which standeth in the Iland of Sumatra: from whence commeth great store of pepper and other spices euery yeere to Pegu and Mecca within the Red sea, and other places.

The voyage to Iapan. When the Portugals go from Macao in China to Iapan, they carry much white silke, golde, muske, and porcelanes: and they bring from thence nothing but siluer. They haue a great caracke which goeth thither euery yere, and she bringeth from thence euery yere abouve sixe hundred thousand crusadoes: and all this siluer of Iapan, and two hundred thousand crusadoes Eight hundred thousand crusadoes in siluer imployed yerely by the Portugals in China. more in siluer which they bring yeerely out of India, they imploy to their great aduantage in China: and they bring from thence golde, muske, silke, copper, porcelanes, and many other things very costly and gilded. When the Portugales come to Canton in China to traffike, they must remaine there but certaine dayes: and when they come in at the gate of the city, they must enter their names in a booke, and when they goe out at night they must put out their names. They may not lie in the towne all night, but must lie in their boats without the towne. And their dayes being expired, if any man remaine there, they are euill vsed and imprisoned. The Chinians are very suspitious, and doe not trust strangers. It is thought that the king doth not know that any strangers come into his countrey. And further it is credibly reported that the common people see their king very seldome or not at all, nor may not looke vp to that place where he sitteth. And when he rideth abroad he is caried vpon a great chaire or serrion gilded very faire, wherein there is made a little house, with a latice to looke out at: so that he may see them, but they may not looke vp at him: and all the time that he passeth by them, they heaue vp their hands to their heads, and lay their heads on the ground, and looke not vp vntil he be passed. The order of China is when they mourne, that they weare white thread shoes, and hats of straw. The man doth mourne for his wife two yeeres, the wife for her husband three yeeres: the sonne for his father a yeere, and for his mother two yeres. And all the time which they mourne they keepe the dead in the house, the bowels being taken out and filled with chownam or lime, and coffined: and when the time is expired they carry them out playing and piping, and burne them. And when they returne they pull off their mourning weeds, and marry at their pleasure. A man may keepe as many concubines as he will, but one wife onely. The writing of the people of China &c. All the Chineans, Iaponians, and Cauchin Chineans do write right downwards, and they do write with a fine pensill made of dogs or cats haire.

Laban is a Iland among the Iauas from whence come the diamants of the New water. And they finde them in the riuers: for the king will not suffer them to digge the rocke.

Iamba is an Iland among the Iauas also, from whence come diamants. And the king hath a masse of earth which is golde; it groweth in the middle of a riuer: and when the king doth lacke gold, they cut part of the earth and melt it, whereof commeth golde. This masse of earth doth appeare but once in a yere; which is when the water is low: and this is in the moneth of April.

Bima is another Iland among the Iauas, where the women trauell and labour as our men do in England, and the men keepe house and go where they will.

The 29 of March 1588, I returned from Malacca to Martauan, and so to Pegu, where I remained the second time vntill the 17 of September, and then I went to Cosmin, and there tooke shipping; and passing many dangers by reason of contrary windes, it pleased God that we arriued in Bengala in Nouember following: where I stayed for want of passage vntill the third of February 1589, and then I shipped my selfe for Cochin. In which voyage we endured great extremity for lacke of fresh water: for the weather was extreme hote, and we were many marchants and passengers, and we had very many calmes, and hote weather. Yet it pleased God that we arriued in Ceylon the sixth of March, where we stayed fiue dayes to water, and to furnish our selues with other necessary prouision. This Ceylon is a braue Iland, very fruitfull and faire; but by reason of continuall warres with the king thereof, all things are very deare: for he will not suffer any thing to be brought to the castle where the Portugals be: wherefore often times they haue great want of victuals. Their prouision of victuals commeth out of Bengala euery yere. The king is called Raia, and is of great force: for he commeth to Columbo, which is the place where the Portugals haue their fort, with an hundred thousand men, and many elephants. But they be naked people all of them; yet many of them be good with their pieces which be muskets. When the king talketh with any man, he standeth vpon one legge, and setteth the other foot vpon his knee with his sword in his hand: it is not their order for the king to sit but to stand. His apparell is a fine painted cloth made of cotton wooll about his middle: his haire is long and bound vp with a little fine cloth about his head: all the rest of his body is naked. His guard are a thousand men, which stand round about him, and he in the middle; and when he marcheth, many of them goe before him, and the rest come after him. They are of the race of the Chingalayes, which they say are the best kinde of all the Malabars. Their eares are very large; for the greater they are, the more honourable they are accounted. Some of them are a spanne long. The wood which they burne is Cinamom wood, and it smelleth very sweet. There is great store of rubies, saphires, and spinelles in this Iland: the best kinde of all be here; but the king will not suffer the inhabitants to digge for them, lest his enemies should know of them, and make warres against him, and so driue him out of his countrey for them. They haue no horses in all the countrey. The elephants be not so great as those of Pegu, which be monstrous huge: but they say all other elephants do feare them, and none dare fight with them, though they be very small. Their women haue a cloth bound about them from their middle to their knee: and all the rest is bare. All of them be blacke and but little, both men and women. Their houses are very little, made of the branches of the palmer or coco-tree, and couered with the leaues of the same tree.

The eleuenth of March we sailed from Ceylon, and so doubled the cape of Comori. Not far from thence, betweene Ceylon and the maine land of Negapatan, they fish for pearles. And there is fished euery yere very much; which doth serue all India, Cambaia, and Bengala, it is not so orient as the pearle of Baharim in the gulfe of Persia. From cape de Comori we passed by Coulam, which is a fort of the Portugals: from whence commeth great store of pepper, which commeth for Portugall: for oftentimes there ladeth one of the caracks of Portugall. Thus passing the coast we arriued in Cochin the 22 of March, where we found the weather warme, but scarsity of victuals: for here groweth neither corne nor rice: and the greatest part commeth from Bengala. They haue here very bad water, for the riuer is farre off. People with swollen legges mentioned also by Ioh. Huygen. This bad water causeth many of the people to be like lepers, and many of them haue their legs swollen as bigge as a man in the waste, and many of them are scant able to go. These people here be Malabars, and of the race of the Naires of Calicut: and they differ much from the other Malabars. These haue their heads very full of haire, and bound vp with a string: and there doth appeare a bush without the band wherewith it is bound. The men be tall and strong, and good archers with a long bow and a long arrow, which is their best weapon: yet there be some caliuers among them, but they handle them badly.

How pepper groweth. Heere groweth the pepper; and it springeth vp by a tree or a pole, and is like our iuy berry, but something longer like the wheat eare: and at the first the bunches are greene, and as they waxe ripe they cut them off and dry them. The leafe is much lesser then the iuy leafe and thinner. All the inhabitants here haue very little homes couered with the leaues of the coco-trees. The men be of a reasonable stature; the women little; all blacke, with a cloth bound about their middle hanging downe to their hammes; all the rest of their bodies be naked: they haue horrible great eares with many rings set with pearles and stones in them. The king goeth incached, as they do all; he doth not remaine in a place aboue fiue or sixe dayes: he hath many houses, but they be but litle: his guard is but small: he remooueth from one house to another according to their order. All the pepper of Calicut and course cinamom groweth here in this countrey. The best cinamom doth come from Ceylon, and is pilled from fine yoong trees. Here are very many palmer or coco trees, which is their chiefe food: for it is their meat and drinke: and yeeldeth many other necessary things, as I haue declared before.

Or Calicut or Cananor. The Naires which be vnder the king of Samorin, which be Malabars, haue alwayes wars with the Portugals. The king hath alwayes peace with them; but his people goe to the sea to robbe and steale. Their chiefe captaine is called Cogi Alli; he hath three castles vnder him. When the Portugals complaine to the king, he sayth he doth not send them out: but he consenteth that they go. They range all the coast from Ceylon to Goa, and go by foure or fiue parowes or boats together: and haue in euery one of them fifty or threescore men, and boord presently. They do much harme on that coast, and take euery yere many foists and boats of the Portugals. Many of these people be Moores. This kings countrey beginneth twelue leagues from Cochin, and reacheth neere vnto Goa. I remained in Cochin vntill the second of Nouember, which was eight moneths; for that there was no passage that went away in all that time: if I had come two dayes sooner I had found a passage presently. From Cochin I went to Goa, where I remained three dayes. From Cochin to Goa is an hundred leagues. From Goa I went to Chaul, which is threescore leagues, where I remained three and twenty dayes: and there making my prouision of things necessary for the shippe, from thence I departed to Ormus; where I stayed for a passage to Balsara fifty dayes. From Goa to Ormus is foure hundred leagues.

Here I thought good, before I make an end of this my booke, to declare some things which India and the countrey farther Eastward do bring forth.

The pepper groweth in many parts of India, especially about Cochin: and much of it doeth grow in the fields among the bushes without any labour: and when it is ripe they go and gather it. The shrubbe is like vnto our iuy tree: and if it did not run about some tree or pole, it would fall down and rot. When they first gather it, it is greene; and then they lay it in the Sun, and it becommeth blacke.

The ginger groweth like vnto our garlick, and the root is the ginger: it is to be found in many parts of India.

The cloues doe come from the Iles of the Moluccoes, which be diuers Ilands: their tree is like to our bay tree.

The nutmegs and maces grow together, and come from the Ile of Banda: the tree is like to our walnut tree, but somewhat lesser.

The white sandol is wood very sweet and in great request among the Indians; for they grinde it with a litle water, and anoynt their bodies therewith: it commeth from the Isle of Timor.

Camphora is a precious thing among the Indians, and is solde dearer than golde. I thinke none of it commeth for Christendome. That which is compounded commeth from China: but that which groweth in canes and is the best, commeth from the great Isle of Borneo.

Lignum Aloes commeth from Cauchinchina.

The beniamin commeth out of the countreys of Siam and Iangomes.

The long pepper groweth in Bengala, in Pegu, and in the Ilands of the Iauas.

The muske commeth out of Tartarie, and is made after this order, by report of the marchants which bring it to Pegu to sell; In Tartarie there is a little beast like vnto a yong roe, which they take in snares, and beat him to death with the blood: after that they cut out the bones, and beat the flesh with the blood very small, and fill the skin with it: and hereof commeth the muske.

Of the amber they holde diuers opinions; but most men say it commeth out of the sea, and that they finde it vpon the shores side.

The rubies, saphires, and spinnelles are found in Pegu.

The diamants are found in diuers places, as in Bisnagar, in Agra, in Delli, and in the Ilands of the Iauas.

The best pearles come from the Iland of Baharim in the Persian sea, the woorser from the Piscaria neere the Isle of Ceylon, and from Aynam a great Iland on the Southermost coast of China.

Spodium and many other kindes of drugs come from Cambaia.

Now to returne to my voyage; from Ormus I went to Balsara or Basora, and from Basora to Babylon: and we passed the most part of the way by the strength of men by halling the boat vp the riuer with a long cord. From Babylon I came by land to Mosul, which standeth nere to Niniue, which is all ruinated and destroyed: it standeth fast by the riuer of Tigris. From Mosul I went to Merdin, which is in the countrey of the Armenians; but now there dwell in that place a people which they call Cordies or Curdi. From Merdin I went to Orfa, which is a very faire towne, and it hath a goodly fountaine full of fish, where the Moores hold many great ceremonies and opinions concerning Abraham: for they say he did once dwell there. From thence I went to Bir, and so passed the riuer of Euphrates. From Bir I went to Aleppo, where I stayed certaine moneths for company; and then I went to Tripolis; where finding English shipping, I came with a prosperous voyage to London, where by Gods assistance I safely arriued the 29 of April 1591, hauing bene eight yeeres out of my natiue countrey.

The report of Iohn Huighen van Linchoten concerning M. Newberies and M. Fitches imprisonment, and of their escape, which happened while he was in Goa.

In the moneth of December, Anno 1583, there arriued in the towne and Iland of Ormus, foure English men, which came from Aleppo in the countrey of Syria, hauing sailed out of England, and passed thorow the straights of Gibralter to Tripoli a towne and hauen lying on the coast of Syria, where all the ships discharge their wares and marchandises, and from thence are caried by land vnto Aleppo, which is nine dayes iourney. In Aleppo there are resident diuers marchants and factours of all nations, as Italians, French men, English men, Armenians, Turks and Moores, euery man hauing his religion apart, paying tribute vnto the great Turke. In that towne there is great traffique, for that from thence euery yeere twise, there trauell two Caffyls, that is, companies of people and camels, which trauell vnto India, Persia, Arabia, and all the countreys bordering on the same, and deale in all sorts of marchandise, both to and from those countreys, as I in another place haue already declared. Three of the sayd English men aforesayd, were sent by a company of English men that are resident in Aleppo, to see if in Ormus they might keepe any factours, and so traffique in that place, like as also the Italians do, that is to say, the Venetians which in Ormus, Goa, and Malacca haue their factours, and traffique there, aswell for stones and pearles, as for other wares and spices of those countreyes, which from thence are caried ouer land into Venice. Iohn Newbery had beene in Ormus before. Anno. 1581. One of these English men had bene once before in the sayd towne of Ormus, and there had taken good information of the trade, and vpon his aduise and aduertisement, the other were as then come thither with him, bringing great store of marchandises with them, as Clothes, Saffron, all kindes of drinking glasses, and Haberdashers wares, as looking glasses, kniues, and such like stuffe: and to conclude, brought with them all kinde of small wares that may be deuised. And although those wares amounted vnto great summes of money, notwithstanding it was but onely a shadow or colour, thereby to giue no occassion to be mistrusted, or seen into: for that their principall intent was to buy great quantities of precious stones, as Diamants, Pearles, Rubies, &c. to the which end they brought with them a great summe of money and golde, and that very secretly, not to be deceiued or robbed thereof, or to runne into any danger for the same. They being thus arriued in Ormus, hired a shoppe, and beganne to sell their wares: which the Italians perceiuing, whose factours continue there (as I sayd before) and fearing that those English men finding good vent for their commodities in that place, would be resident therin, and so dayly increase, which would be no small losse and hinderance vnto them, did presently inuent all the subtile meanes they could to hinder them: and to that end they went vnto the Captaine of Ormus, as then called Don Gonsalo de Meneses, telling him that there were certaine English men come into Ormus, that were sent onely to spie the countrey; and sayd further, that they were heretikes: and therefore they sayd it was conuenient they should not be suffered so to depart without being examined, and punished as enemies, to the example of others. The Captaine being a friend vnto the English men, by reason that one of them which had bene there before, had giuen him certaine presents, would not be perswaded to trouble them, but shipped them with all their wares in a shippe that was to saile for Goa, and sent them to the Viceroy, that he might examine and trie them, as he thought good: where when they were arriued, they were cast into prison, and first examined whether they were good Christians or no: and because they could speake but badde Portugall, onely two of them spake good Dutch, as hauing bene certaine yeres in the Low countreyes, and there traffiked, there was a Dutch Iesuite born in the towne of Bruges in Flanders, that had bene resident in the Indies for the space of thirty yers, sent vnto them, to vndermine and examine them: wherein they behaued themselues so well, that they were holden and esteemed for good Catholicke Christians: yet still suspected, because they were strangers, and specially English men. The Iesuites still tolde them that they should be sent prisoners into Portugall, wishing them to leaue off their trade of marchandise, and to become Iesuites, promising them thereby to defend them from all trouble. The cause why they sayd so, and perswaded them in that earnest maner, was, for that the Dutch Iesuite had secretly bene aduertised of great summes of money which they had about them, and sought to get the same into their fingers, for that the first vowe and promise they make at their entrance into their Order, is to procure the welfare of their sayd Order, by what meanes soeuer it be. But although the English men denied them, and refused the Order, saying, that they were vnfit for such places, neuerthelesse they proceeded so farre, that one of them, being a Painter that came with the other three for company, to see the countreys, and to seeke his fortune, and was not sent thither by the English marchants, partly for feare, and partly for want of meanes to relieue himselfe, promised them to become a Iesuite: and although they knew and well perceiued he was not any of those that had the treasure, yet because he was a Painter, whereof there are but few in India, and that they had great need of him to paint their Church, which otherwise would cost them great charges, to bring one from Portugall, they were very glad thereof, hoping in time to get the rest of them with all their money into their fellowship: so that to conclude, they made this Painter a Iesuite, where he remained certaine dayes, giuing him good store of worke to doe, and entertaining him with all the fauour and friendship they could deuise, and all to winne the rest, to be a pray for them: but the other three continued still in prison, being in great feare, because they vnderstood no man that came to them, nor any man almost knew what they sayd: till in the end it was tolde them that certaine Dutch men dwelt in the Archbishops house, and counsell giuen them to send vnto them, whereat they much reioyced, and sent to me and an other Dutch man, desiring vs at once to come and speake with them, which we presently did, and they with teares in their eyes made complaint vnto vs of their hard vsage, shewing vs from point to point (as it is sayd before) why they were come into the countrey, withall desiring vs for Gods cause, if we might by any meanes, to helpe them, that they might be set at liberty vpon sureties, being ready to endure what iustice should ordaine for them, saying, that if it were found contrary, and that they were other then trauelling marchants, and sought to finde out further benefit by their wares, they would be content to be punished. With that we departed from them, promising them to do our best: and in the end we obtained so much of the archbishop, that he went vnto the Viceroy to deliuer our petition, and perswaded him so well, that he was content to set them at libertie, and that their goods should be deliuered vnto them againe, vpon condition they should put in sureties for two thousand pardawes, not to depart the countrey before other order should be taken with them. Thereupon they presently found a Citizen of the towne that was their surety for two thousand pardawes, to whom they payed in hand one thousand and three hundred pardawes, and because they sayd they had no more ready money, he gaue them credit, seeing what store of marchandise they had, whereby at all times if need were, he might be satisfied: and by that meanes they were deliuered out of prison, and hired themselues an house, and beganne to set open shoppe: so that they vttered much ware, and were presently well knowen among all the marchants, because they alwayes respected gentlemen, specially such as bought their wares, shewing great courtesie and honour vnto them, whereby they woon much credit, and were beloued of all men, so that euery man favoured them, and was willing to doe them pleasure. To vs they shewed great friendship, for whose sake the Archbishop fauoured them much, and shewed them very good countenance, which they knew well how to increase, by offering him many presents, although he would not receiue them, neither would euer take gift or present at any mans hands. Likewise they behaued themselues so discreetly that no man caried an euill eye, no, nor an euill thought towards them. Which liked not the Iesuites, because it hindred them from that they hoped for, so that they ceased not still by this Dutch Iesuite to put them in feare, that they should be sent into Portugall to the King, counselling them to yeeld themselues Iesuits into their Cloister, which if they did, he sayd they would defend them from all troubles, saying further, that he counselled them therein as a friend, and one that knew for certaine that it was so determined by the Viceroyes Priuy councell: which to effect he sayd they stayed but for shipping that should saile for Portugall, with diuers other perswasions, to put them in some feare, and so to effect their purpose. The English men to the contrary, durst not say any thing to them, but answered, that as yet they would stay a while, and consider thereof, thereby putting the Iesuites in comfort, as one among them, being the principall of them (called Iohn Newbery) complained vnto me often times, saying that he knew not what to say or thinke therein, or which way he might be ridde of those troubles: but in the end they determined with themselues to depart from thence, and secretly by meanes of other friendes they imployed their money in precious stones; which the better to effect, one of them was a Ieweller, and for the same purpose came with them. Which being concluded among them, they durst not make knowen to any man, neither did they credite vs so much, as to shew vs their mindes therein, although they tolde vs all whatsoeuer they knew. But on a Whitsunday they went abroad to sport themselues about three miles from Goa, in the mouth of the riuer in a countrey called Bardes, hauing with them good store of meate and drinke. And because they should not be suspected, they left their house and shoppe, with some wares therein vnsolde, in custody of a Dutch boy, by vs prouided for them, that looked vnto it. This boy was in the house not knowing their intent, and being in Bardes, they had with them a Patamar, which is one of the Indian postes, which in the Winter times carieth letters from one place to the other, whom they had hired to guide them: and because that betweene Bardes and the firme land there is but a little riuer, in a maner halfe drie, they passed ouer it on foot, and so trauelled by land, being neuer heard of againe: but it is thought they arriued in Aleppo, as some say, but they know not certainely. The Arabian tongue generall in the East. Their greatest hope was that Iohn Newbery could speake the Arabian tongue, which is vsed in all those countreys, or at the least vnderstood: for it is very common in all places there abouts, as French with vs. Newes being come to Goa, there was a great stirre and murmuring among the people, and we much woondered at it: for many were of opinion that we had giuen them counsell so to do: and presently their surety seised vpon the goods remaining, which might amount vnto aboue two hundred pardawes; and with that and the money he had received of the English men, he went vnto the Viceroy, and deliuered it vnto him: which the Viceroy hauing receiued forgaue him the rest. This flight of the English men grieued the Iesuites most, because they had lost such a praye, which they made sure account of: whereupon the Dutch Iesuite came to vs to aske vs if we knew thereof, saying, that if he had suspected so much, he would haue dealt otherwise, for that he sayd, he once had in his hands of theirs a bagge wherein was forty thousand veneseanders (ech veneseander being two pardawes) which was when they were in prison. And that they had alwayes put him in comfort to accomplish his desire: vpon the which promise he gaue them their money againe, which otherwise they should not so lightly haue come by, or peraduenture neuer, as he openly sayd: and in the ende he called them hereticks, and spies, with a thousand other railing speeches, which he vttered against them. The English man that was become a Iesuite, hearing that his companions were gone, and perceiuing that the Iesuites shewed him not so great fauour, neither vsed him so well as they did at the first, repented himselfe; and seeing he had not as then made any solemne promise, and being counselled to leaue the house, and tolde that he could not want a liuing in the towne, as also that the Iesuites could not keepe him there without he were willing to stay, so they could not accuse him of any thing, he tolde them flatly that he had no desire to stay within the Cloister. And although they vsed all the meanes they could to keepe him there, yet he would not stay, but hired an house without the Cloister, and opened shoppe, where he had good store of worke: and in the end married a Mestizos daughter of the towne, so that he made his account to stay there while he liued. By this English man I was instructed of all the wayes, trades, and voyages of the countrey, betweene Aleppo and Ormus, and of all the ordinances and common customes which they vsually holde during their voyage ouer the land, as also of the places and townes where they passed. And since those English mens departures from Goa, there neuer arriued any strangers, either English or others, by land, in the sayd countreys, but onely Italians which dayly traffique ouer land, and vse continuall trade going and comming that way.

The voyage of M. Iohn Eldred to Trypolis in Syria by sea, and from thence by land and riuer to Babylon and Balsara. 1583.

I departed out of London in the ship called the Tiger, in the company of M. Iohn Newbery, M. Ralph Fitch, and sixe or seuen other honest marchants vpon Shroue munday 1583, and arriued in Tripolis of Syria the first day of May next insuing: at our landing we went on Maying vpon S. Georges Iland, a place where Christians dying aboord the ships, are woont to be buried. In this city our English marchants haue a Consull, and our nation abide together in one house with him, called Fondeghi Ingles, builded of stone, square, in maner like a Cloister, and euery man hath his seuerall chamber, as it is the vse of all other Christians of seuerall nations. the description of Tripolis in Syria. This towne standeth vnder a part of the mountaine of Libanus two English miles distant from the port: on the side of which port, trending in forme of an halfe Moone, stand fiue blocke houses or small forts, wherein is some very good artillery, and the forts are kept with about an hundred Ianisaries. Right before this towne from the seaward is a banke of mouing sand, which gathereth and increaseth with the Western winds, in such sort, that, according to an olde prophesie among them, this banke is like to swallow vp and ouerwhelme the towne: for euery yere it increaseth and eateth vp many gardens, although they vse all policy to diminish the same, and to make it firme ground. The city is about the bignesse of Bristow, and walled about, though the walles be of no great force. The chiefe strength of the place is in a Citadell, which standeth on the South side within the walles, and ouerlooketh the whole towne, and is strongly kept with two hundred Ianisaries and good artillery. Store of white silke. A riuer passeth thorow the midst of the city, wherewith they water their gardens and mulbery trees, on which there grow abundance of silke wormes, wherewith they make great quantity of very white silke, which is the chiefest naturall commodity to be found in and about this place. This rode is more frequented with Christian marchants, to wit, Venetians, Genouois, Florentines, Marsilians, Sicilians, Raguses, and lately with English men, then any other port of the Turks dominions. The city of Hammah. From Tripolis I departed the 14 of May with a carauan, passing three dayes ouer the ridge of mount Libanus, at the end whereof we arriued in a city called Hammah, which standeth on a goodly plaine replenished with corne and cotton wooll. On these mountaines which we passed grow great quantity of gall trees, which are somewhat like our okes, but lesser and more crooked: on the best tree a man shall not finde aboue a pound of galles. This towne of Hammah is fallen and falleth more and more to decay, and at this day there is scarse one halfe of the wall standing, which hath bene very strong and faire: but because it cost many mens liues to win it, the Turke will not haue it repaired; and hath written in the Arabian tongue ouer the castle gate, which standeth in the midst of the towne, these words: Cursed be the father and the sonne that shall lay their hands to the repairing hereof. Refreshing our selues one day here, we passed forward with camels three dayes more vntill we came to Aleppo, where we arriued the 21 of May. This is the greatest place of traffique for a dry towne that is in all those parts: for hither resort Iewes, Tartarians, Persians, Armenians, Egyptians, Indians, and many sorts of Christians, and enioy freedome of their consciences, and bring thither many kinds of rich marchandises. In the middest of this towne also standeth a goodly castle raised on high, with a garrison of foure or fiue hundred Ianisaries. Within four miles round about are goodly gardens and vineyards and trees, which beare goodly fruit neere vnto the riuers side, which is but small; the walles are about three English miles in compasse, but the suburbs are almost as much more. The towne is greatly peopled. We departed from thence with our camels the last day of May with M. Iohn Newbery and his company, and came to Birrah in three dayes, being a small towne situated vpon the riuer Euphrates, where it beginneth first to take his name, being here gathered into one chanell, whereas before it commeth downe in manifolde branches, and therefore is called by the people of the countrey by a name which signifieth a thousand heads. Here is plenty of victuals, whereof we all furnished our selues for a long iourney downe the aforesayd riuer. And according to the maner of those that trauell downe by water, we prepared a small barke for the conueyance of our selues and of our goods. Euphrates shallow. These boates are flat bottomed, because the riuer is shallow in many places: and when men trauell in the moneth of Iuly, August, and September, the water being then at the lowest, they are constrained to cary with them a spare boat or two to lighten their owne boates, if they chance to fall on the sholds. [Eight and twenty days iourney by riuer.] We were eight and twenty dayes vpon the water betweene Birrah and Felugia, where we disimbarked our selues and our goods. Euery night after the Sun setteth, we tie our barke to a stake, go on land to gather sticks, and set on our pot with rice or brused wheat, and hauing supped, the marchants lie aboord the barke, and the mariners vpon the shores side as nere as they can vnto the same. Arabians vpon the riuer of Euphrates. In many places vpon the riuers side we met with troops of Arabians, of whom we bought milke, butter, egges, and lambs, and gaue them in barter, (for they care not for money) glasses, combes, corall, amber, to hang about their armes and necks, and for churned milke we gaue them bread and pomgranat peeles, wherewith they vse to tanne their goats skinnes which they churne withall. The Arabian women weare golde rings in their nostrels. Their haire, apparell, and colour are altogether like to those vagabond Egyptians, which heretofore haue gone about in England. Their women all without exception weare a great round ring in one of their nostrels, of golde, siluer, or yron, according to their ability, and about their armes and smalles of their legs they haue hoops of golde, siiuer or yron. All of them as wel women and children as men, are very great swimmers, and often times swimming they brought vs milke to our barke in vessels vpon their heads. These people are very theeuish, which I prooued to my cost: for they stole a casket of mine, with things of good value in the same, from vnder my mans head as he was asleepe: and therefore trauellers keepe good watch as they passe downe the riuer. Euphrates described. Euphrates at Birrah is about the breadth of the Thames at Lambeth, and in some places narrower, in some broader: it runneth very swiftly, almost as fast as the riuer of Trent: it hath diuers sorts of fish in it, but all are scaled, some as bigge as salmons, like barbils. We landed at Felugia the eight and twentieth of Iune, where we made our abode seuen dayes, for lacke of camels to cary our goods to Babylon: the heat at that time of the yere is such in those parts, that men are loth to let out their camels to trauell. This Felugia is a village of some hundred houses, and a place appointed for discharging of such goods as come downe the riuer: the inhabitants are Arabians. Not finding camels here, we were constrained to vnlade our goods, and hired an hundred asses to cary our marchandises onely to New Babylon ouera short desert, in crossing whereof we spent eighteene houres trauelling by night, and part of the morning, to auoid the great heat.

The ruines of olde Babylon. In this place which we crossed ouer, stood the olde mighty city of Babylon, many olde ruines whereof are easily to be seene by day-light, which I Iohn Eldred haue often beheld at my good leasure, hauing made three voyages betweene the new city of Babylon and Aleppo ouer this desert. Here also are yet standing the ruines of the olde tower of Babel, which being vpon a plaine ground seemeth a farre off very great, but the nerer you come to it, the lesser and lesser it appeareth; sundry times I haue gone thither to see it, and found the remnants yet standing aboue a quarter of a mile in compasse, and almost as high as the stone worke of Pauls steeple in London, but it sheweth much bigger. The bricks remaining in this most ancient monument be halfe a yard thicke, and three quarters of a yard long, being dried in the Sunne onely, and betweene euery course of bricks there lieth a course of mattes made of canes, which remaine sound and not perished, as though they had bene layed within one yeere. The city of New Babylon ioineth vpon the aforesayd small desert where the Olde city was, and the riuer of Tigris runneth close vnder the wall, and they may if they will open a sluce, and let the water of the same runne round about the towne. It is aboue two English miles in compasse, and the inhabitants generally speake three languages, to wit, the Persian, Arabian and Turkish Tongues: the people are of the Spaniards complexion: and the women generally weare in one of the gristles of their noses a ring like a wedding ring, but somewhat greater, with a pearle and a Turkish stone set therein: and this they do be they neuer so poore.

Rafts borne vpon bladders of goat skins. This is a place of very great traffique, and a very great thorowfare from the East Indies to Aleppo. The towne is very well furnished with victuals which come downe the riuer of Tigris from Mosul which was called Niniuie in olde time. They bring these victuals and diuers sorts of marchandises vpon rafts, borne vpon goats skins blowenvp full of wind in maner of bladders. And when they haue discharged their goods, they sel the rafts for fire, and let the wind out of their goats skins, and cary them home againe vpon their asses by land, to make other voyages downe the riuer. The building here is most of bricke dried in the Sun, and very litle or no stone is to be found: their houses are all flat-roofed and low. Seldome rain. They haue no raine for eight moneths together, nor almost any clouds in the skie night nor day. Their Winter is in Nouember, December, Ianuary and February, which is as warme as our Summer in England in a maner. This I know by good experience, because my abode at seuerall times in this city of Babylon hath bene at the least the space of two yeeres. As we come to the city, we passe ouer the riuer of Tigris on a great bridge made with boats chained together with two mighty chaines of yron. Eight and twenty dayes iourney more by riuer, from Babylon to Balsara. From thence we departed in flat bottomed barks more strong and greater then those of Euphrates, and were eight and twenty dayes also in passing downe this riuer to Balsara, but we might haue done it in eighteene or less, if the water had bene higher. Vpon the waters side stand by the way diuer townes resembling much the names of the olde prophets: the first towne they call Ozeah, and another Zecchiah. Before we come to Balsara by one dayes iourney, the two riuers of Tigris and Euphrates meet, and there standeth a castle called Curna, kept by the Turks, where all marchants pay a small custome. Here the two riuers ioyned together begin to be eight or nine miles broad: here also it beginneth to ebbe and flow, and the water ouerflowing maketh the countrey all about very fertile of corne, rice, pulse, and dates. The towne of Balsara is a mile and an halfe in circuit: all the buildings, castle and wals, are made of bricke, dried in the Sun. The Turke hath here fiue hundred Ianisaries, besides other souldiers continually in garison and pay, but his chiefe strength is of gallies which are about fiue and twenty or thirty very faire and furnished with goodly ordinance. To this port of Balsara come monethly diuers ships from Ormuz, laden with all sorts of Indian marchandise, as spices, drugs, Indico and Calecut cloth. These ships are vsually from forty to threescore tunnes, hauing their planks sowed together with corde made of the barke of Date trees, and in stead of Occam they vse the shiuerings of the barke of the sayd trees, and of the same they also make their tackling. Ships made without yron in the Persian gulfe. They haue no kind of yron worke belonging to these vessels, saue only their ankers. From this place six dayes sailing downe the gulfe, they goe to a place called Baharem in the mid way to Ormus: there they fish for pearles foure moneths in the yeere, to wit, in Iune, Iuly, August, and September. Zelabdim Echebar king of Cambaia. My abode in Balsara was iust sixe moneths, during which time I receiued diuers letters from M. Iohn Newberry from Ormus, who as he passed that way with her Maiesties letters to Zelabdim Echebar king of Cambaia, and vnto the mighty emperour of China, was traiterously there arrested, and all his company, by the Portugals, and afterward sent prisoner to Goa; where after a long and cruell imprisonmeat, he and his companions were deliuered vpon sureties, not to depart the towne without leaue, at the sute of one father Thomas Steuens, an English religious man which they found there: but shortly after three of them escaped, whereof one, to wit, M. Ralph Fitch, is since come into England. The fourth, which was a painter called Iohn Story, became religious in the college of S. Paul in Goa, as we vnderstood by their letters. He returneth from Balsara to Aleppo. I and my companion William Shales hauing dispatched our businesse at Balsara, imbarked our selues in company of seuenty barks all laden with marchandise, hauing euery barke 14. men to draw them, like our Westerne bargemen on the Thames, and we were forty foure dayes comming vp against the streame to Babylon, Their provision of victuals. where arriuing and paying our custome, we with all other sorts of marchants bought vs camels, hired vs men to lade and driue them, furnished our selues with rice, butter, bisket, hony made of dates, onions and dates: and euery marchant bought a proportion of liue muttons, and hired certaine shepheards to driue them with vs: we also bought vs tents to lie in and to put our goods under: A Carauan of foure thousand Camels. and in this our carauan were foure thousand camels laden with spices, and other rich marchandises. These camels will liue very well two or three dayes without water: their feeding is on thistles, wormewood, magdalene, and other strong weeds which they finde vpon the way. The gouernment and deciding of all quarels and dueties to be payed, the whole carauan commiteth to one speciall rich marchant of the company, of whose honesty they conceiue best. In passing from Babylon to Aleppo, we spent forty dayes, trauelling twenty, or foure and twenty miles a day, resting ourselues commonly from two of the clocke in the afternoone, vntill three in the morning, at which time we begin to take our iourney. Eight dayes iourney from Babylon toward Aleppo, neere vnto a towne called Heit, as we crosse the riuer Euphrates by boates, about 3. miles from the town there is a valley wherein are many springs throwing out abundantly at great mouths, a kinde of blacke substance like vnto tarre, which serueth all the countrey to make stanch their barkes and boates: euery one of these springs maketh a noise like vnto a Smiths forge in the blowing and puffing out of this matter, which neuer ceaseth night nor day, and the noise may be heard a mile off continually. This vale swalloweth vp all heauie things that come vpon it. The people of the countrey call it in their language Babil gehenham, that is to say, Hell doore. As we passed through these deserts, we saw certaine wild beasts, as wild asses all white, Roebucks, wolfes, leopards, foxes, and many hares, whereof we chased and killed many. Aborise the king of the wandring Arabians in these deserts hath a dutie of 40. s. sterling, vpon euery Camels lode, which he sendeth his officers to receiue of the Carauans, and in consideration hereof, he taketh vpon him to conduct the sayd Carauans if they need his helpe, and to defend them against certaine prowling thieues. William Barret Consul in Aleppo. I and my companion William Shales came to Aleppo with the Carauan the eleuenth of Iune, 1584. where we were ioyfully receiued 20. miles distant from the towne by M. William Barret our Consull, accompanied with his people and Ianissaries, who fell sicke immediately and departed this life within 8. dayes after, and elected before his death M. Anthonie Bate Consul of our English nation in his place, who laudably supplied the same roome 3. yeeres. Two voyages more made to Babylon. In which meane time I made two voyages more vnto Babylon, and returned by the way aforesayd, ouer the deserts of Arabia. And afterwards, as one desirous to see other parts of the countrey, I went from Aleppo to Antioch, which is thence 60. English miles, and from thence went downe to Tripolis, where going aboord a small vessell, I arriued at Ioppe, and trauelled to Rama, Lycia, Gaza, Ierusalem, Bethleem, to the riuer of Iordan, and the sea or lake of Zodome, and returned backe to Ioppe, and from thence by sea to Tripolis, of which places because many others haue published large discourses, I surcease to write. Within few dayes after imbarking my selfe at Tripolis the 22. of December, I arriued (God be thanked) in safety here in the riuer of Thames with diuers English marchants, the 26. of March, 1588, in the Hercules of London, which was the richest ship of English marchants goods that euer was knowen to come into this realme.

The second letters Patents graunted by the Queenes Maiestie to the Right worshipfull companie of the English Marchants for the Leuant, the seuenth of Ianuarie 1592.

Elizabeth by the grace of God Queene of England, France, and Irelande, defender of the faith &c. To all our Officers, ministers and subiects, and to all other people aswell within this our Realme of England, as else where vnder our obeysance and iurisdiction or otherwise vnto whom these our letters shal be seene, shewed, or read greeting.

Where our well beloued subiects Edward Osborne knight Alderman of our citie of London, William Hareborne Esquire, and Richard Staper of our saide citie Marchant, haue by great aduenture and industrie with their great cost and charges by the space of sundry late yeeres trauelled, and caused trauell to be taken aswell by secrete and good meanes, as by daungerous wayes and passages both by lande and sea to finde out and set open a trade of marchandize and traffike into the landes, Ilandes, Dominions, and territories of the great Turke, commonly called the Grand Signior, not before that time in the memorie of any man now liuing knowen to be commonly vsed and frequented by way of marchandize by any the marchantes or other subiects of vs or our progenitors: And also haue by their like good meanes and industrie and great charges procured of the sayde Grand Signior in our name, amitie, safetie and freedome for trade and traffike of marchandize to be vsed and continued by our subiects within his sayd dominions, whereby we perceiue and finde that both many good actions haue beene done and performed, and hereafter are likely continually to be done and performed for the peace of Christendome: Namely by the reliefe and discharge of many Christians which haue beene, and which hereafter may happen to be in thraldome and bondage vnder the sayde Grand Signior and his vassals or subiects. And also good and profitable vent and vtterance of the commodities of our Realme, and sundrie other great benefites to the aduancement of our honour and dignitie Royall, the maintenance of our Nauie, the encrease of our customes, and the reuenues of our Crowne, and generally the great wealth of our whole Realme.

And whereas we are enformed of the sayd Edward Osborne knight, William Hareborne and Richard Staper, that George Barne, Richard Martine, Iohn Harte knights, and other marchants of our sayd Citie of London haue by the space of eight or nine yeeres past ioyned themselues in companie, trade and traffike with them the sayd Edward Osborne knight, William Hareborne and Richard Staper, into the sayde dominions of the sayd great Turke, to the furtherance thereof and the good of the Realme.

And whereas further it is made knowen vnto vs, that within fewe yeeres how past our louing and good subjects, Thomas Cordall, Edward Holmeden, William Garraway and Paul Banning, and sundry other merchants of our said Citie of London, haue likewise at their great costes and charges, builded and furnished diuerse good and seruiceable shippes and therewith to their like costs and charges haue traded and frequented, and from time to time doe trade and frequent and traffike by sea with the commodities of our Realme to Venice, Zante, Candie, and Zephalonia, and other the dominions of the Segniorie and State of Venice, and thereby haue made and mainteyned, and doe make and continually maintains diuers good shippes with mariners skilfull and fitte and necessarie for our seruice: and doe vent out of our Realme into those partes diuerse commodities of our Realme, and returne hither into our sayde Realme many good and necessarie commodities for the common wealth thereof: All which traffike, as well inward as outward vntill it hath beene otherwise brought to passe by the sayde endeuours, costs, and charges of our sayde subiects, was in effect by our subiectes wholy discontinued.

Knowe yee, that hereupon we greatly tendring the wealth of our people and the encouragement of them and other our louing subiects in their good enterprises for the aduancement of lawfull traffike to the benefite of our common wealth, haue of our speciall grace, certaine knowledge, and meere motion giuen and graunted, and by these presents for vs, our heyres, and successours, doe giue and graunt vnto our sayd trustie and welbeloued subiectes Edwarde Orborne Knight, George Barne Knight, George Bonde knight, Richard Martine knight, Iohn Harte knight, Iohn Hawkins knight, William Massam, Iohn Spencer, Richard Saltonstall, Nicholas Mosley Alderman of our sayde Citie of London, William Hareborne, Edwarde Barton, William Borrough Esquires, Richard Staper, Thomas Cordall, Henrie Paruis, Thomas Laurence, Edwarde Holmeden, William Garraway, Robert Dowe, Paul Banning, Roger Clarke, Henrie Anderson, Robert Offley, Philip Grimes, Andrewe Banning, Iames Staper, Robert Sadler, Leonarde Power, George Salter, Nicholas Leate, Iohn Eldred, William Shales, Richard May, William Wilkes, Andrewe Fones, Arthur Iackson, Edmund Ansell, Ralph Ashley, Thomas Farrington, Roberte Sandie, Thomas Garraway, Edwarde Lethlande, Thomas Dalkins, Thomas Norden, Robert Bate, Edward Sadler, Richard Darsall, Richard Martine Iunior, Ralph Fitch, Nicholas Pearde, Thomas Simons, and Francis Dorrington, The marchants aboue named be made a fellowship and companie for 12 yeeres by the name of the Gouernor and companie of the marchants of the Leuant. that they and euery of them by the name of Gouernour and company of Marchants of the Leuant shall from hence foorth for the terme of twelue yeeres next ensuing the date hereof bee one bodie, fellowshippe and companie of themselues, both in deede and in name: And them by the name of Gouernour and companie of marchantes of the Leuant wee doe ordayne, incorporate, name, and declare by these presentes, and that the same fellowshippe and companie from hence foorth shall and may haue one Gouernour. Sir Edward Osborne appointed the first Gouernour. And in consideration that the sayde Edwarde Osborne Knight hath beene of the chiefe setters foorth and actors in the opening and putting in practise of the sayde trade to the dominions of the sayde Grand Signor: Wee doe therefore specially make, ordaine, and constitute the sayde Edwarde Osborne Knight, to bee nowe Gouernour during the time of one whole yeere nowe next following, if hee so long shall liue: and after the expiration of the sayde yeere, or decease of the sayde Edward Osborne the choyse of the next Gouernour, and so of euery Gouernour from time to time during the sayde terme of twelue yeeres to be at the election of the sayde fellowshippe or companie of marchantes of the Leuant or the more part of them yeerely to be chosen, A priuiledge for the East Indies. and that they the sayde Sir Edward Osborne, and all the residue of the sayde fellowshippe or companie of Marchantes of the Leuant and euerie of them, and all the sonnes of them and of euery of them, and all such their apprentises and seruants of them and of euery of them, which haue beene or hereafter shall be imployed in the sayde trade by the space of foure yeeres or vpwardes by themselues, their seruantes, factors or deputies, shall and may by the space of twelue yeeres from the day of the date of these our letters Patents freely traffike, and vse the trade of Marchandize as well by sea as by lande into and from the dominions of the sayde Grand Signor, and into and from Venice, Zante, Candie and Zephalonia, and other the dominions of the Signiorie and State of Venice, and also by lande through the Countries of the sayde Grand Signor into and from the East India, lately discouered by John Newberie, Ralph Fitch, William Leech, and Iames Storie, sent with our letters to that purpose at the proper costs and charge of the sayde Marchants or some of them: and into and from euerie of them in such order, manner, forme, libertie and condition fo all intentes and purposes as shall be betweene them of the sayde fellowshippe or companie of Marchantes of the Leuant or the more part of them for the time being limited and agreed, and not otherwise, without any molestation, impeachment, or disturbance; any lawe, statute, vsage, or diuersitie of Religion or faith, or any other cause or matter whatsoeuer to the contrarie notwithstanding.

And that the sayde Governour and companie of Marchantes of the Leuant, or the greater part of them for the better gouernement of the sayde fellowshippe and companie, shall and may within fortie dayes next and immediatly following after the date hereof, and so from hence foorth yeerely during the continuance of this our graunt, assemble themselues in some conuenient place, and that they or the greater parte of them being so assembled, shall and may elect, ordaine, nominate, and appoint twelue discreete and honest persons of the sayde companie to be assistants to the sayde Gouernour, and to continue in the sayde office of assistants, vntill they shall die or bee remoued by the sayde Gouernour and companie or the greater part of them. And if it happen the sayde assistantes or any of them to die, or be remooued from their sayde office at anie time during the continuance of this our graunt: that then and so often it shall and may bee lawfull to and for the sayde Gouernour and companie of marchantes of the Leuant, or the greater part of them to elect and chuse one or more other persons of the sayd companie into the place or places of euery such person or persons so dying or happening to be remooued, as is aforesayde. And wee will and ordaine that the same person or persons so as is aforesaide to be elected shall be of the sayd number of assistants of the sayde companie. And this to be done so often as the case shall so require. And that it shall and may be lawfull to and for the sayde Edwarde Orborne Knight, George Barne Knight, George Bonde knight, Richard Martine knight, Iohn Hart knight, Iohn Hawkins knight, William Massam, Iohn Spencer, Richard Saltonstall, Nicholas Mosley, William Hareborne, Edwarde Barton, William Borrough, Richard Staper, Thomas Cordall, Henrie Paruis, Thomas Laurence, Edwarde Holmeden, William Garraway, Robert Dowe, Paul Banning, Roger Clarke, Henrie Anderson, Robert Offley, Philip Grimes, Andrewe Banning, Iames Staper, Robert Sadler, Leonarde Power, George Salter, Nicholas Leate, John Eldred, William Shales, Richard May, William Wilkes, Andrewe Fones, Arthur Iackson, Edmund Ansell, Ralph Ashley, Thomas Farrington, Robert Sandie, Thomas Garraway, Edwarde Lethlande, Thomas Dalkins, Thomas Norden, Robert Bate, Edward Sadler, Richard Darsall, Richard Martine Iunior, Ralph Fitch, Nicholas Pearde, Thomas Simons, and Francis Dorrington aforesayde, or any of them to assemble themselues for or about any the matters, causes or affaires or businesses of the sayde trade in any place or places for the same conuenient from time to time during the sayde terme of twelue yeeres within our dominions or else where. And that also it shall and may be lawfull for them or the more part of them to make, ordaine and constitute reasonable lawes and orders for the good gouernment of the sayde companie, and for the better advancement and continuance of the sayde trade and traffike: the same lawes and ordinances not being contrarie or repugnant to the lawes, statutes or customes of our Realme: And the same lawes and ordinances so made to put in vse, and execute accordingly, and at their pleasures to reuoke and alter the same lawes and ordinances or any of them as occasion shall require.

And we doe also for vs, our heyres and successors of our speciall grace, certaine knowledge, and meere motion graunt to and with the sayd Gouernour and companie of marchantes of the Leuant, that when and as often at any time during the sayde terme and space of twelue yeeres as any custome, pondage, subsidie or other duetie shall be due and payable vnto vs, our heires, or successors for any goods or marchandize whatsoeuer, to be carried or transported out of this our port of London into any the dominions aforesayde, or out of or from any the sayde dominions vnto our sayde port of London, that our Customers, and all other our officers for receites of custome, pondage, subsidie or other duetie vnto whom it shall appertaine, shall vpon the request of the sayde Gouernour for the time being, giue vnto the sayde companie three monethes time for the payment of the one halfe, and other three monethes for the payment of the other halfe of their sayde custome, pondage, or other subsidie or duetie for the same, receiuing good and sufficient bonde and securitie to our vse for the payment of the same accordingly. And vpon receipt of the sayde bonde to giue them out their cockets or other warrants to lade out and receiue in the same their goods by vertue hereof without any disturbance. And that also as often as at any time during the sayde terme of twelue yeeres any goods or marchandize of any of the sayde companie laden from this our port of London in any the dominions beforesayde shall happen to miscarie before their safe discharge in the partes for and to the which they be sent: That then and so often so much custome, pondage, and other subsidie as they answered vs for the same, shall after due proofe made before the Treasurour of England for the time being of the sayde losse, and the iust quantitie thereof, be by the vertue hereof allowed vnto them, by warrant of the sayde Treasurour to the sayde Customers in the next marchandize that they shall or may shippe for those partes, according to the true rates of the customes, pondage, or subsidies heretofore payde for the goods so lost or any part or parcell thereof.

And for that the sayde companie are like continually to bring into this our Realme a much greater quantitie of forren commodities from the forren Countreyes, places, or territories aforesaide, then here can be spent for the necessarie vse of the same, which of necessitie must be transported into other countreyes, and there vented, we for vs, our heires and successors of our speciall grace, certaine knowledge, and meere motion doe graunt to and with the sayd Gouernour and companie that at all times from time to time during the space of thirteene moneths next after the discharge of any the sayde goods so brought in, and the subsidies, pondage, customes and other duties for the same being before hande payde or compounded for as aforesayd, it shall be lawfull for them or any of them or any other person or persons whatsoeuer being naturall subiects of the Realme which may or shall buy the same of them or any of them to transport the same in English bottomes freely out of this Realme without payment of any further custome, pondage, or other subsidie to vs, our heires or successors for the same, whereof the sayde subsidies, pondage, or customes or other duties shall be so formerly payde and compounded for, as aforesayd, and so proued. And the sayd customer by vertue hereof shall vpon due and sufficient proofe thereof made in the custome house giue them sufficient cocket or certificate for the safe passing out thereof accordingly. And to the ende no deceipt be vsed herein to vs our heires, and successors, certificate shall be brought from our collector of custome inwardes to our customer outwardes that the sayd marchandizes haue within the time limited answered their due custome, subsidie, pondage and other duties for the same inwards.

And furthermore we of our ample and aboundant grace, meere motion, and certaine knowledge haue graunted, and by these presents for vs our heyres and successours doe graunt vnto the said Gouernours and companie of marchantes of the Leuant, that they and such onely as be and shall be of that companie, shall for the sayd terme of twelue yeeres haue, vse, and enioy the whole and onely trade and traffike, and the whole entire and onely libertie, vse, and priuilege of trading and traffiking, and vsing feate of marchandise by and through the Leuant seas otherwise called the Mediterran seas into and from the sayd dominions of the Grand Signor, and dominions of the state of Venice; and by and through the sayd Grand Signors dominions to and from such other places in the East Indies discouered as aforesayd. And that they the sayd Gouernour and companie of marchants of the Leuant and euery particular and seuerall person of that companie their and euery one of their servants, factors, and deputies shall haue full and free authoritie, libertie, facultie, licence, and power to trade and trafficke by and through the sayde Leuant seas into and from all and euery the sayd dominions of the sayde Grand Signor, and the dominions of the state of Venice, and the sayde Indies, and into and from all places where by occasion of the sayd trade they shall happen to arriue or come, whither they be Christians, Turkes, Gentiles, or others: And by and through the sayd Leuant seas into and from all other seas, riuers, portes, regions, territories, dominions, coastes and places with their ships, barkes, pinases and other vessels, and with such mariners and men as they will leade or haue with them, or sende for the sayde trade as they shall thinke good at their owne costes and expenses.

And for that the shippes sayling into the sayde Countreyes must take their due and proper times to proceede in these voyages, which otherwise as we well perceiue cannot be performed in the rest of the yeere following: Therefore we of our speciall grace, certaine knowledge, and meere motion, for vs, our heyres and successors doe graunt to and with the sayd Gouernour and companie of Marchantes of the Leuant, that foure good shippes well furnished with ordinance and other munition for their defence, and two hundred mariners English men to guide and sayle in the same four shippes at all times during the sayde twelue yeeres shall quietly bee permitted and suffered to depart and goe in the sayde voyages, according to the purport of these presents, without any stay or contradiction by vs, our heyres and successors, or by the Lorde high Admirall or any other officer or subject of vs, our heires or successours in any wise: Any restraint, lawe, statute, vsage or matter whatsoeuer to the contrarie notwithstanding.

Prouided neuerthelesse, that if wee shall at any time within the sayde twelue yeeres haue iust cause to arme our Nauie in warrelike manner in defence of our Realme, or for offence of our enemies: and that it shall be founde needefull and conuenient for vs to ioyne to our Nauie the shippes of our subjects to be also armed for warres to such number as cannot bee supplied if the sayd foure shippes should be permitted to depart as aboue is mentioned; then vpon knowledge giuen by vs or our Admirall to the sayde Gouernour or companie about the fifteenth day of the moneth of March, or three moneths before the saide companie shall beginne to make readie the same foure shippes that we may not spare the sayd foure ships and the marriners requisite for them to be out of our Realme during the time that our Nauie shal be vpon the seas, that then the sayde companie shall forbeare to send such foure shippes for their trade of marchandise vntill that we shall retake our sayd Nauie from the sayd service.

And further our will and pleasure is, and wee doe by these presentes graunt that it shall be lawfull to and for the sayd Gouernour and companie of Marchantes of the Leuant to haue and vse in and about the affaires of the sayde companie a common seale for matters concerning the sayde companie and trade. And that also it shall be lawfull for the Marchants, Mariners, and Sea men, which shall be vsed and imployed in the sayde trade and voyage to set and place in the toppes of their ships or other vessels the Armes of England with the redde-crosse in white ouer the same as heretofore they haue vsed.

And we of our further Royall fauour and of our especiall grace, certaine knowledge, and meere motion haue graunted and by these presents for vs, our heyres and successors doe graunt to the sayd Gouernour and companie of Marchants of the Leuant, that the sayde landes, territories, and dominions of the sayde Grand Signor, or the dominions of the Signiorie of Venice, or any of them within the sayde Leuant or Mediterran seas shall not be visited, frequented, or haunted by the sayde Leuant sea by way of marchandize by any other our subiects during the saide terme of twelue yeeres contrarie to the true meaning of these presentes. And by vertue of our prerogatiue Royall, which wee will not in that behalfe haue argued or brought in question, wee straightly charge, commaunde and prohibite for vs, our heyres and successours all our subiects of what degree or qualitie soeuer they bee, that none of them directly or indirectly doe visite, haunt, frequent, trade, traffike or aduenture by way of marchandise into or from any of the sayd dominions of the sayd Grand Signor, or the dominions of the saide Segniorie of Venice, by or through the sayde Leuant sea other then the sayd Gouernour and companie of marchants of the Leuant, and such particular persons as be or shall be of that companie, their factors, agents, seruants and assignes. And further for that wee plainely vnderstande that the States and Gouerours of the citie and Segniorie of Venice haue of late time set and raysed a newe impost and charge ouer and besides their auncient impost, custome, and charge of and vpon all manner of marchandize of our Realme brought into their dominions, and also of and vpon all marchandise caried or laden from their sayd Countrey or dominions by our subiectes or in the ships or bottoms of any of our subiectes to the great and intollerable charge and hinderance of our sayd subiects trading thither, wee therefore minding the redresse thereof, doe also by these presents for vs, our heires and successors further straightly prohibite and forbid not onely the subiects of the sayde State and Segniorie of Venice, but also of all other Nations or Countries whatsoeuer other then the sayd Gouernour and companie of marchants of the Leuant, and such onely as be or shall be of that companie, their factors, agents, seruantes, and assignes: That they or any of them during the sayde terme of twelue yeeres, shall bring or cause to be brought into this our Realme of Englande, or any part thereof anie manner of small fruites called corrants, being the raysins of Corinth, or wine of Candie, vnlesse it be by and with the licence, consent, and agreement of the sayde Gouernour and companie in writing vnder their sayd common seale first had and obteyned vpon paine vnto euery such person and persons that shall trade and traffike into any the sayde dominions of the State and Segniorie of Venice by sea, or that shall bring or cause to be brought into our saide Realme any of the said corrants being the raysins of Corinth, or wines of Candia, other then the sayd companie in paine of our indignation, and of forfaiture and losse as well of the shippe and ships with the furniture thereof, as also of the goods, marchandize, and thinges whatsoeuer they be of those which shall attempt or presume to commit or doe any matter or thing contrarie to the prohibition aforesayd. The one half of all the saide forfeitures to be to vs, our heires and successours, and the other halfe of all and euery the sayde forfeitures we doe by these presents, of our speciall grace, certaine knowledge, and meere motion clearely and wholie for vs, our heires and successors, giue and graunt vnto the saide Gouernour and companie of marchantes of the Leuant.

And further all and euery the sayde offendours for their sayde contempt to suffer imprisonment during our pleasures, and such other punishment as to vs for so high a contempt shall seeme meete and conuenient, and not to be in any wise deliuered vntill they and euery of them shall be come bounde vnto the sayd Gouernour for the time being in the summe of one thousand poundes or lesse at no time, then after to sayle or traffike by sea into any the dominions aforesaide, or to bring or cause to be brought from any the places aforesayde any corrants, raysins of Corinth, or wines of Candia contrarie to our expresse commaundement in that behalfe herein set downe and published.

Prouided alwayes, and our expresse will is notwithstanding the premisses that if our sayde subiects shall at any time hereafter be recompensed of and for all such newe impostes and charges as they and euery of them shall pay, and likewise be freely discharged of and from the payment of all manner of newe imposte or taxe for any of their marchandise which they hereafter shall bring into or from any the dominions of the sayde State or Segniorie of Venice, and from all bondes and other assurances by them or any of them to be made for or in that behalfe, that then immediatly from and after such recompence and discharge made as aforesayde our sayde prohibition and restraint in these presentes mentioned, shall not be of any strength or force against the sayde Citie or State of Venice, or any the subiects thereof, but for and during such time onely and in such case when hereafter the sayde State of Venice shall againe beginne to taxe or leuie any manner of newe imposte within the sayde dominions vpon any the goods or marchandizes of our sayde subiects heereafter to be brought into any the dominions of the said State or Segniorie of Venice. Any thing in these our letters Patents contayned to the contrarie thereof in any wise notwithstanding.

And further wee straightly charge and commaunde, and by these presentes prohibite all and singular Customers and Collectors of our Customes, pondage, and subsidies, and all other Officers within our porte and Citie of London and else where, to whom it shall appertaine and euery of them, That they or any of them by themselues, their clarkes, or substitutes shall not receiue or take, or suffer to be receiued or taken for vs in our name, or to our vse, or in the name, or vnto the vse of our heires or successors of any person or persons, any summe or summes of money, or other consideration during the sayde terme of twelue yeeres for any custome, pondage, taxe or subsidie of any corrants, raysins of Corinth, or wines of Candie aforesayd saue onely of and in the name of the sayde Gouernour and companie of marchantes of the Leuant, or of some of that companie without the consent of the sayde Gouernour and companie in writing vnder their sayd common seale, first had and obteyned, and vnto them shewed for the testifying their sayd consent. And for the better and more sure obseruation thereof wee will and graunt for vs, our heires or successors by these presentes, that our Treasurour and Barons of the Exchequer for the time being by force of these presentes, and the inrollment thereof in the sayde Court of our Exchequour, at all and euery time and times during the sayde terme of twelue yeeres, at and vpon the request of the sayde Gouernour and companie, their Attourney or Attourneys, Deputies or assignes, shall and may make and direct vnder the seale of the sayde Court one or more sufficient writte or writtes close or patent, vnto euery or any of the sayd Customers, or other Officers to whom it shall appertaine, commaunding them and euery of them thereby, that neither they nor any of them at any time or times during the sayd space of twelue yeeres shall take entrie of any corants, raisins of Corinth, or wines of Candia, or take or make any agreement for any custome, pondage, or other subsidie for any of the sayd corants, raisins of Corinth, or wines of Candie, with any person or persons whatsoeuer, other then with, or in the name and by the priuitie of the sayd gouernour and company or some of the same company.

And further of our special grace, certaine knowledge, and meere motion we haue condescended and graunted, and by these presents for vs our heires and successours doe condescend and graunt to the sayd Gouernour and company of merchants of Leuant, that wee, our heires and successours, during the sayd terme, will not graunt libertie, licence, or power to any person or persons whatsoeuer contrary to the tenour of these our letters patents, to saile, passe, trade, or traffique by the sayd Leuant Sea, into, or from the sayde dominions of the sayd Grand Signior or the dominions of the State of Venice or any of them, contrary to the true meaning of these presents, without the consent of the sayd Gouernour and Companie or the most part of them.

And whereas Henry Farrington and Henry Hewet haue not yet assented to bee incorporated into the sayd societie of Gouernour and companie of marchants of Leuant, neuerthelesse sithence, as we be informed, they haue bene traders that way heretofore; our will and pleasure is, and we doe hereby expressely commaund and charge that if it happen at any time within two moneths next following after the date hereof, the sayd Henry Farrington and Henry Hewet or either of them, do submit themselues to be of the sayd companie, and doe giue such assurance as the sayd Gouernour and companie, or the more part of them shall allow of, to beare, pay, and performe such orders, constitutions, paiments and contributions, as other of the sayd company shall be ordered to beare, pay, and performe, that then euery of the sayd Henry Farrington and Henry Hewet so doing and submitting himselfe, shall vpon his or their request vnto the sayd Gouernour bee admitted into the sayd companie and corporation of Gouernour and companie of marchants of Leuant, and haue and enioy the same, and as great liberties, priuileges, and preheminences, as the rest of the sayde corporation or companie may, or ought to haue by vertue of this our graunt. Any thing in these presents contained to the contrary notwithstanding.

And our will and pleasure is, and hereby wee doe also ordaine that it shall and may bee lawfull, to, and for the sayde Gouernour and company of marchants of Leuant or the more part of them, to admit into, and to be of the sayd companie, any such as haue bene or shall bee employed as seruants, factors, or agents in the trade of marchandise by the sayd Leuant seas, into any the countreys, dominions or territories of the sayd Grand Signior or Signiorie or State of Venice, according as they or the most part of them shall thinke requisite.

And where Anthony Ratcliffe, Steuen Some, and Robert Brooke Aldermen of the saide Citie of London, Simon Laurence, Iohn Wattes, Iohn Newton, Thomas Middleton, Robert Coxe, Iohn Blunt, Charles Faith, Thomas Barnes, Alexander Dansey, Richard Aldworth, Henry Cowlthirste, Cæsar Doffie, Martine Bonde, Oliuer Stile and Nicholas Stile Marchants of London for their abilities and sufficiencies haue bene thought fit to be also of the sayd Company of the saide gouernour and Company of Marchants of Leuant: Our will and pleasure and expresse commaundement is, and wee doe hereby establish and ordeine, that euery such of the same Anthony Radcliffe, Steuen Some, Robert Brooke, Simon Laurence, Iohn Wattes, Iohn Newton, Thomas Midleton, Robert Coxe, Iohn Blunt, Charles Faith, Thomas Barnes, Alexander Dansey, Richard Aldworth, Henry Cowlthirste, Cæsar Doffie, Martine Bonde, Oliuer Style, and Nicholas Style, as shall pay vnto the saide Gouernour and company of Marchants of Leuante the summe of one hundred and thirtie poundes of lawfull English money within two monethes next after the date hereof towards the charges that the same Company haue already bene at in and about the establishing of the sayde trades shall from hencefoorth bee of of the same company of the Marchants of Leuant as fully and amply and in like maner, as any other of that societie or Company.

Prouided also, that wee, our heires and successours at any time during the sayd twelue yeeres may lawfully appoynt and authorize two other persons exercising the lawfull trade of marchandize, and being fit men to bee of the sayd companie of Gouernour and companie of marchants of Leuant, so that the sayd persons to bee nominated or authorized, shall aide, doe, beare, and paie such payments and charges touching and concerning the same trade and Companie of marchants of Leuant, ratablie as other of the sayd Companie of marchants of Leuant shall, and doe, or ought to beare and pay: and doe also performe and obserue the orders of the sayd Companie allowable by this our graunt, as others of the same doe or ought to doe; And that such two persons so to bee appoynted by vs our heires or successours, shall and may with the sayd Company vse the trade and feate of marchandise aforesayd, and all the liberties and priuileges herein before granted, according to the meaning of these our letters patents, any thing in these our letters patents contained to the contrary notwithstanding.

Prouided also, that if any of the marchants before by these presents named or incorporated, to bee of the said fellowship of Gouernour and companie of the merchants of Leuant, shall not bee willing to continue or bee of the same companie, and doe giue notice thereof, or make the same knowen to the sayd Gouernour, within two moneths next after the date hereof, that then such person so giuing notice, shall no furthur or any longer be of that companie, or haue trade into those parties, nor be at any time after that of the same corporation or companie, or vse trade into any territories or countries aforesayd.

Prouided alwayes neuerthelesse, that euery such person so giuing notice and hauing at this present any goods or marchandises in any the Territories or countreys of the sayd Grand Signior, or Segniorie or State of Venice, may at any time within the space of eighteene moneths next, and immediately following after the date hereof, haue free libertie, power and authoritie to returne the same or the value thereof into this Realme, without vsing any traffique there, but immediately from thence hither, paying, bearing, answering, and performing all such charges, dueties, and summes of money ratably as other of the same corporation or company doe or shall pay, beare, answere, or performe for the like.

Prouided also, that if any of the persons before by these presents named or incorporated to bee of the sayd fellowship of Gouernour and Companie of the marchants of Leuant, or which hereafter shall bee admitted to bee of the sayde Corporation or Companie, shall at any time or times hereafter refuse to be of the sayd Corporation or Companie, or to beare, pay or be contributorie to, or not beare and pay such ratable charges and allowances, or to obserue or performe such ordinances to bee made as is aforesayd, as other of the same company are, or shall bee ordered, to beare, paie, or performe, that then it shall and may bee lawfull for the rest of the sayd Gouernour and companie of marchants of Leuant, presently to expell, remooue, and displace euery such person so refusing, or not bearing or paying out, of, and from the sayd Corporation, and companie, and from all priuilege, libertie, and preheminence which any such person should, or might claime, or haue by vertue of this our graunt, and in place of them to elect others exercising the lawfull trade of marchandise to bee of the sayd Company. And that euery such person so expelled, remooued, or displaced by consent of the sayd Gouernour and companie of marchants of Leuant, or the more part of them, shall bee from thencefoorth vtterly disabled to take any benefite by vertue of this priuilege, or any time after to bee admitted or receiued againe into the same, any thing in these presents contained to the contrary notwithstanding.

Provided alwayes, that if it shall hereafter appears to vs, our heires and successours, that this graunt or the continuance thereof in the whole or in any part thereof, shall not bee profitable to vs, our heires and successours, or to this our realme, that then and from thencefoorth, vpon and after eighteene moneths warning to bee giuen to the sayd companie by vs, our heires and successours, this present graunt shall cease, bee voyd, and determined to all intents, constructions and purposes.

And further of our speciall grace, certaine knowledge, and meere motion, we haue condescended and graunted, and by these presents for vs, our heires and successors, doe condescend and graunt to the sayde Gouernour and companie of marchants of Leuant, that if at the ende of the sayd terme of twelue yeeres it shall seeme meete and conuenient to the sayde Gouernour and Companie, or any the parties aforesayd, that this present graunt shall bee continued: And if that also it shall appear vnto vs, our heires and successours, that the continuance thereof shall not bee preiudiciall or hurtfull to this our realme, but that wee shall finde the further continuance thereof profitable for vs, our heires and successours and for our realme with such conditions as are herein mentioned, or with some alteration or qualification thereof, that then wee, our heires and successours at the instance and humble petition of the sayde Gouernour and Companie, or any of them so suing for the same, and such other person and persons our subiectes as they shall nominate and appoint, or shall bee by vs, our heires and successours newly nominated, not exceeding in number twelue, new letters patents vnder the great seale of England in due forme of lawe with like couenants, graunts, clauses, and articles, as in these presents are contained, or with addition of other necessarie articles or changing of these in some partes, for, and during the full terme of twelue yeeres then next following. Willing now hereby, and straightly commannding and charging all and singular our Admirals, Vice-admirals, Iustices, Maiors, Shiriffes, Escheators, Constables, Bailiffes, and all and singular other our Officers, Ministers, Liege-men and subiects whatsoeuer, to bee aiding, fauouring, helping, and assisting vnto the sayd companie and their successours, and to their Deputies, Officers, Factors, seruants, assignes and ministers, and euery of them, in executing and enioying the premisses as well on land as on Sea, from time to time, and at all times when you or any of you shal thereto bee required, any Statute, Acte, ordinance, Prouiso, Proclamation or restraint heretofore had, made, set foorth, ordained or prouided, or any other matter, cause or thing whatsoeuer to the contrary in any wise notwithstanding.

Although expresse mention of the true yeerely value or certaintie of the premisses, or any of them, or of any other gifts or graunts by vs, or any of our progenitours to the sayde Gouernour and Companie of the marchants of Leuant before this time made, in these presents is not made: Or any Statute, Acte, Ordinance, prouision, proclamation or restraint to the contrary thereof before this time had, made, done, or prouided, or any other matter, thing or cause whatsoeuer, in any wise notwithstanding. In witnesse whereof we haue caused these our letters to be made patents. Witnesse our selfe at Westminster the seuenth day of Ianuarie in the foure and thirtieth yeere of our raigne.

Per breue de priuato Sigillo.

Bailie.

Voyage D’outremer et Retour de Jérusalem en France par la voie de terre, pendant le cours des années 1432 et 1433, par Bertrandon de la Brocquière, conseiller et premier écuyer tranchant de Philippe-le-bon, duc de Bourgogne; ouvrage extrait d’un Manuscript de la Bibliothèque Nationale, remis en Français Moderne, et publié par le citoyen Legrand d’Aussy.

For this web edition, the work has been extracted as a separate book, at http://ebooks.adelaide.edu.au/h/hakluyt/voyages/broquiere/

The description of a voyage made by certaine ships of Holland into the East Indies, with their aduentures and successe; together with the description of the countries, townes, and inhabitantes of the same: who set forth on the second of Aprill, 1595, and returned on the 14 of August, 1597. Translated out of Dutch into English, by W. P. [Footnote: London, imprinted by iohn wolfe, 1598.]

To the right worshipfull Sir Iames Scudamore, Knight.

Right worshipfull, this small treatie (written in Dutch, shewing a late voyage performed by certain Hollanders to the islandes of Iaua, part of the East Indies) falling into my handes, and in my iudgement deserving no lesse commendation then those of our Countreymen, (as Captaine Raimonde in the Penelope, Maister Foxcroft in the Marchant Royall, and M. Iames Lancaster in the Edward Bonauenture, vnto the said East Indies, by the Cape de Bona Sperance, in Anno 1591, as also M. Iohn Newbery, and Raphael Fich ouer land through Siria from Aleppo vnto Ormus and Goa, and by the said Raphael Fitch himselfe to Bengala, Malocca, Pegu, and other places in Anno 1583. as at large appeareth in a booke written by M. RICHARD HACLUTE a Gentleman very studious therein, and entituled the English voyages, I thought it not vnconuenient to translate the same into our mother tongue, thereby to procure more light and encouragement to such as are desirous to trauell those Countries, for the common wealth and commoditie of this Realme and themselues. And knowing that all men are not like affected, I was so bold to shrowd it vnder your worships protection, as being assured of your good disposition to the fauoring of trauell and trauellers, and whereby it hath pleased God to aduance you to that honourable title, which at this present you beare, and so not fitter for the protection of any then your selfe: and as a poore friend wishing all happines and prosperity in all your valiant actions. Which if it please your worshippe to like and accept, it may procure the proceeding in a more large and ample discourse of an East Indian voyage, lately performed and set forth by one Iohn Hughen of Linschoten, to your further delight. Wherewith crauing your fauor, and beseeching God to blesse your worship, with my good Ladie your wife, I most humbly take my leaue:

This 16. of Ianuarie.

1597.

Your Worships to commaunde.

W. PHILLIP.

To the Bayliefes, Burghemaisters, and Counsell of the town of Middelborgh in Zeelande.

It may well bee thought (Right-worshipfull) as many learned men are of opinion, that the actions and aduentures of the ancients long since done, and performed, haue beene set forth with more show of wonder and strangenesse then they in truth deserued: the reason as I think was, because that in those daies there were many learned and wise men, who in their writings sought by all meanes they could to excell each other, touching the description of Countries and nations: And againe to the contrarie, for want of good Historiographers and writers, many famous actes and trauels of diuers nations and Countries lie hidden, and in a manner buried vnder ground, as wholly forgotten and vnknowne, vnlesse it were such as the Grecians and Romanes for their owne glories and aduantages thought good to declare. But to come to the matter of voyages by sea, it is euident to all the world, what voyage Iason with certaine yong Grecian Princes made to Colchos in the Oriental Countries to winne the golden Fleece, as also the trauels by Hercules performed into Libia in the West partes, to winne the Aurea Mala, or golden apples of Hesperides, which notwithstanding neither for length, daunger, nor profite, are any thing comparable to the nauigations and voyages, that of late within the space of one hundreth years haue been performed and made into the East and West Indies, whereby in a manner there is not one hauen on the sea coast, nor any point of land in the whole world, but hath in time beene sought and founde out. I will not at this present dispute or make an argument, whether the Countries and nations of late yeares found out and discouered, were knowne to the auncients, but this is most certaine, that not any strange worke or aduenture was, or euer shall be performed, but by the speciall grace, fauour and mightie hand of God, and that such are worthy perpetual memory, as with noble minds haue sought to effect, and be the first enterprisers thereof, and with most valiant courages and wisedomes, haue performed such long and dangerous voyages into the East and West Indies, as also such Kinges and Princes, as with their Princely liberalities haue imployed their treasures, shippes, men and munitions to the furtherance and performance of so worthy actes, which notwithstanding in the end turned to their great aduancementes and inriching with great treasures, which by those meanes they haue drawn, and caused in great aboundance to be brought from thence, in such manner, that the King of Spaine nowe liuing, (hauing both the Indies in his possession, and reaping the abundant treasures which yearly are brought out of those countries) hath not only (although couertly) sought all the means he could to bring all Christendome vnder his dominion, but also (that which no King or country whatsoeuer although of greater might then he hath euer done) hee is not ashamed to vse this posie, Nec spe, nec metu. And although the first founders and discouerers of those Countries haue alwayes sought to hinder and intercept other nations from hauing any part of their glorie, yet hereby all nations, and indifferent persons may well know and perceiue the speciall policie, and valour of these vnited Prouinces, in trauelling into both the Indies, in the faces, and to the great grief of their many and mightie enemies. Whereby it is to be hoped, that if they continue in their enterprises begun, they will not onely draw the most part of the Indian treasures into these Countries, but thereby disinherite and spoyle the Countrie of Spayne of her principall reuenues, and treasures of marchandises and traffiques, which she continually vseth and receyueth out of these countries, and out of Spayne are sent into the Indies, and so put the King of Spaine himselfe in minde of his foolish deuise which he vseth for a posie touching the new world, which is, Non sufficit orbis, like a second Alexander magnus, desiring to rule ouer all the world, as it is manifestly knowne. And because this description is fallen into my handes, wherein is contayned the first voyage of the Low-countrymen into the East Indies, with the aduentures happened vnto them, set downe and iustified by such as were present in the voyage, I thought it good to put it in print, with many pictures and cardes, whereby the reader may the easilier perceyue and discerne, the natures, apparels, and fashions of those Countries and people, as also the manner of their shippes, together with the fruitfulnesse and great aboundance of the same, hoping that this my labour will not onely be acceptable vnto all Marchants and Saylers, which hereafter meane to traffique into those Countries, but also pleasant and profitable to all such as are desirous to looke into so newe and strange things, which neuer heretofore were knowne vnto our nation. And againe for that all histories haue their particular commoditie, (specially such as are collected and gathered together) not by common report, from the first, seconde, or thirde man, but by such as haue seene and beene present in the actions, and that are liuing to iustifie and verifie the same: And although eloquence and words well placed in shewing a history, are great ornamentes and beautifyinges to the same, yet such reports and declarations are much more worthy credite, and commendabler for the benefit of the commonwealth, which are not set down or disciphered by subtill eloquence, but showne and performed by simple plaine men, such as by copiousnesse of wordes, or subtiltie do not alter or chaunge the matter from the truth thereof, which at this day is a common and notorious fault in many Historiographers: And thinking with myselfe to whome I were best to dedicate the same, I found it not fitter for any then for the right worshipfull Gouernours of this famous Towne of Middelborgh, wherein for the space of 19 yeares I haue peaceably continued, specially because your worships do not onely deale with great store of shipping, and matter belonging to nauigation, but are also well pleased to heare, and great furtherers to aduance both shipping and traffiques, wherein consisteth not onely the welfare of all marchants, inhabitants, and cittizens of this famous City, but also of all the commonwealth of the vnited Prouinces, hoping your worships wil not onely accept this my labour, but protect and warrantise the same against all men: Wherewith I beseech God to blesse you with wisedome, and godly policie, to gouerne the Commonwealth: Middleborgh this 19 of October 1597.

Your worships seruant to command

BERNARDT LANGHENEZ.

A briefe description of a voyage performed by certaine Hollanders, to and from the East Indies, with their aduentures and successe.

The ancient Historiographers and describers of the world haue much commended, and at large with great prayse set downe the diuers and seuerall voyages of many noble and valiant Captains (as of Alexander Magnus, Seleucus, Antiochus, Patrocles, Onesecritus) into the East Indies, which notwithstanding haue not set downe a great part of those coontries [sic — KTH], as not being as then discouered, whereby it is thought and iudged by some men, that India is the full third part of all the world, because of the great Prouinces, mighty citties and famous Islands (full of costly marchandises, and treasures from thence brought into all partes of the worlde) that are therein: Wherein the auncient writers were very curious, and yet not so much as men in our age: They had some knowledge thereof, but altogether vncertaine, but we at this day are fully certified therein, both touching the countreys, townes, streames and hauens, with the trafiques therein vsed and frequented, whereby all the world, so farre distant and seperated from those strange nations, are by trade of marchandises vnited therevnto, and therby commonly knowne vnto them: The Portingalles first began to enterprise the voyage, who by art of nauigation (in our time much more experienced and greater then in times past, and therefore easilier performed) discouered those wild Countries of India, therein procuring great honour to their King, making his name famous and bringing a speciall and great profite of all kindes of spices into their Countrie, which thereby is spread throughout all the worlde, yet that sufficed not, for that the Englishmen (not inferiour to any nation in the world for arte of nauigation) haue likewise vndertaken the Indian voyage, and by their said voyages into those Countries, made the same commonly knowne vnto their Country, wherein Sir Frances Drake, and M. Candish are chiefly to bee commended, who not onely sayled into the East Indies, but also rounde about the world, with most prosperous voyages, by which their voyages, ours haue beene furthered and set forwarde, for that the condition of the Indies is, that the more it is sayled into, the more it is discovered, by such as sayle the same, so strange a Countrey it is: So that besides the famous voyages of the Countries aforesaid, in the ende certain people came into Holland (a nation wel known) certifying them, that they might easily prepare certaine shippes to sayle into the East Indies, there to traffique and buy spyces etc. By sayling straight from Hollande, and also from other countries bordering about it, with desire to see strange and rich wares of other Countries, and that should not be brought vnto them by strangers, but by their owne countrey men, which some men would esteeme to be impossible, considering the long voyage and the daungers thereof, together with the vnaccustomed saylinges and little knowledge thereof by such as neuer sayled that way, and rather esteeme it madnesse, then any point of wisedome, and folly rather then good consideration. But notwithstanding wee haue seene foure ships make that voyage, who after many dangers hauing performed their voyage, returned againe and haue brought with them those wares, that would neuer haue beene thought coulde haue beene brought into these countries by any Holland ships; but what shoulde I herein most commende eyther the willingnesse and good performance of the parties, or the happinesse of their voyage? whereof that I may giue the reader some knowledge, I will shew what I haue hearde and beene informed of, concerning the description of the Countries, customes, and manners of the nations, by them in this voyage seene and discouered, which is as followeth.

In the yeere of our Lord 1595. vpon the 10. day of the month of March, there departed from Amsterdam three ships and a Pinnace to sayle into the East Indies, set forth by diuers rich Marchantes: The first called Mauritius, of the burthen of 400. tunnes, hauing in her sixe demie canon, fourteene Culuerins, and other peeces, and 4. peeces to shoot stones, and 84. men: the Mayster Iohn Moleuate, the Factor Cornelius Houtman: The second named Hollandia, of the burthen of 400. tunnes, having 85. men, seuen brasse peeces, twelue peeces for stones, and 13. iron peeces, the Mayster Iohn Dignums, the Factor Gerrit van Buiningen, the thirde called Amsterdam, of the burthen of 200. tuns, wherein were 59. men, sixe brasse peeces, ten iron peeces, and sixe peeces for stones, the Mayster Iohn Iacobson Schellinger, the Factor Reginer van Hel: The fourth being a Pinnace called the Doue, of the burthen of 50. tunnes, with twenty men, the Mayster Simon Lambertson: When and how the ships set saile. Which 4. ships vpon the 21. of the same moneth came vnto the Tassel, where they stayed for the space of 12. daies to take in their lading, and the seconde of Aprill following, they set saile with a North east winde and following on their course the fourth of the same moneth they [‘the’ in source text — KTH] passed the heades; The sixt they saw Heyssant, the 10. of April they passed by the Barles of Lisbon: With an East and North East wind, the 17. of Aprill they discouered two of the Islands of Canaries: The 19. Palm, and Pic, Los Romeros, and Fero: The 25. of Aprill they saw Bona visita, the 16. they ankered vnder Isole de May: The 27. they set sayle againe and held their course South Southeast. The 4. of May, we espied two of the King of Spaines ships, that came from Lisbone, and went for the East Indies, about 1000. or 1200. tunnes each ship, with whom we spake, and told them that we were bound for the straights of Magellanes, but being better of sayle then they wee got presently out of their sight. The 12. of May being vnder fiue degrees on this side the Equinoctiall line, we espyed fiue ships laden with Sugar, comming from the Island of S. Thomas, and sayled for Lisbone, to whome we gaue certaine letters, which were safely deliuered in Holland. Their victuailes stunke and spoyled. Departing from them and keeping on our course, vpon the fourth of Iune we passed the Equinoctial line, where the extreame heat of the ayre spoyled all our victuailes: Our flesh and fishe stunke, our Bisket molded, our Beere sowred, our water stunke, and our Butter became as thinne as Oyle, whereby diuers of our men fell sicke, and many of them dyed; but after that we learned what meat and drinke we should carrie with vs that would keepe good. They passed the sandes of Brasilia. The 28 of Iune we passed the sandes of Brasill, by the Portingalles called Abrolhos, which are certaine places which men must looke warely vnto, otherwise they are very dangerous.

These sandes lie vnder 18. degrees, and you must passe betweene the coast of Guine and the sandes aforesaid, not going too neer eyther of them, otherwise close by the Coast there are great calmes, thunders, raines and lightnings, with great stormes, harde by the sands men are in daunger to be cast away: and so sayling on their course, first East South East, then East and East and by North. Vpon the seconde of Iuly wee passed Tropicus Cancri, vnder 23. degrees, and 1/2. The 13. of the same Month, we espied many blacke birdes. Tokens of the Cape de bona Sperance. The 19. great numbers of white birdes, and the 20. a bird as bigge as a Swan, whereof foure or fiue together is a good signe of being neere the Cape de bona Sperance. These birdes are alwaies about the said Cape, and are good signes of being before it.

The second of August we saw the land of the Cape de bona Sperance, and the fourth of the same Month we entered into a hauen called Agne Sambras, where wee ankered, and found good depth at 8. or 9. fadome water, sandy ground.

The 5. day we went on shore to gather fruite, therewith to refresh our sicke men, that were thirty to 33 in one shippe. In this bay lyeth a smal Islande, wherern are many birdes called Pyncuius and sea Wolues that are taken with mens handes: we went into the countrey and spake with the inhabitants, who brought diuers fresh victuailes aborde our shippes, for a knife or small peece of Iron, etc. giuing vs an Oxe, or a sheepe etc. The sheepe in those Countries haue great tayles, and are fat and delicate. Their ozen [sic — KTH] are indifferent good, hauing lumps of flesh vpon their backes, and are as fat as any of our good brisket beefe: the inhabitantes are of small stature, well ioynted and boned, they goe naked, couering their members with Foxes and other beastes tayles: they seeme cruell, yet with vs they vsed all kind of friendship, but are very beastly and stinking, in such sort, that you may smell them in the wind at the least of a fadome from you: They are apparelled with beastes skinnes made fast about their neckes: some of them, being of the better sort, had their mantles cut and raysed checkerwise, which is a great ornament with them: They eate raw flesh, as it is new killed, and the entrailes of beastes without washing or making cleane, gnawing it like dogs, vnder their feet they tye peeces of beastes skinnes, in steed of shooes, that they trauel in the hard wayes: We could not see their habitations, for wee saw no houses they had, neither could wee vnderstande them, for they speake very strangely, much like the children in our Countrey with their pipes, and clocking like Turkey Cockes: At the first wee saw about thirtie of them, with weapons like pikes, with broade heades of Iron, about their armes they ware ringes of Elpen bones: There wee coulde finde neyther Oringes nor Lemons, which we purposely sought for.

With what wind they sailed to S. Laurence. The 11. of August we hoysed anker, sayling towards the Island of S. Laurence, and the 22. of the same month we had a contrary wind that blew North East: the 25. a West winde, and so held our course East North East: The 28. there blew a South East wind, and the 30. a South West winde, and our course lay North North East to sayle to the Isle of S. Laurence. The first of September wee discouered the point of the Islande of S. Laurence, vnder 16 degrees, and the third day we saw the Island being very desirous to go on land, for that many of our men were sicke, whereby wee coulde hardly rule our shippes, or bring them farther without healing or refreshing of our men. They had great store of fish for 2 or 3 kniues. The 9. of September Iohn Schellinger sent out his boate to rowe to lande, where they founde three Fishermen, of whome for two or three kniues they had great store of fishes. The 13. we entered into a small Bay, but because wee founde no good anker ground, as also being very foule we sayled out againe. The 14. we sayled vnder a small Island about a mile or 2. great, by the Hollanders called their Church yarde, or the dead Island, because many saylers dying in that place, were buried in the African earth, and the 29. of the same Month died Iohn Dignumsz Mayster of the Lyon of Holland, and was buried the next day after.

There Iohn Peters of Delft Sayler of the Hollandia, and Koelken van Maidenblick of the Amsterdam were set on shore vpon the Island of S. Laurence, where they were left because they had committed certaine notorious crimes.

Meane time the Pinnace was sent out to looke for fresh water, which hauing found, the boat returned to bring vs newes, and therewith the fleete sayled thither, and the 10. of October the shippes ankered before the Riuer, and went on shore, where we found good prouision of all necessaries, the inhabitants being very willing thereunto, bringing vs of al things that we needed, where for a Pewter Spoone wee had an Oxe, or three sheepe. How the wilde men assailed them, and forced them to insconce themselues. The 11. of October we went on shore with a boat full of sicke men and the next day we were assayled by a company of wild men, against whom our weapons little preuayled, for they hurt one of our men and tooke all that we had from vs, whereby vpon the thirteenth of the same Month, wee were forced to insconse our selues with pieces of wood and braunches of trees, making Cabins within our Sconse, for that the 15. of October they came againe, but then we tooke one, and slew another of them. The 19. of Nouember our Pilot Claes Ianson was intrapped and murthered by the wild people, although we vsed all the means we could to helpe him, but they feared no weapons, about ten or twelue dayes after we tooke one of them that paide for his death. The maner and custome of the wild people. The first of December our men hauing for the most part recouered their healthes, were all carryed aborde the ships: in that parte of Madagascar the people are of good condition, and goe naked, onely with a Cotton cloth before their priuie members, and some from their breasts downward: Their ornaments are Copper ringes about their armes, but Tin rings are more esteemed with them, and therefore tinne with them is good marchaundise. Their Oxen haue great lumpes of fat vpon their backes: Their sheepes tayles way at the least twelue pound, being of an elle long, and two and twentie inches thick. They gaue vs six of those sheepe for a tinne Spoone: They dwel in cottages and liue very poorely: they feare the noyse of a peece, for with one Caliuer you shall make an hundred of them runne away: Wee coulde not perceyue any religion they had, but after wee were informed that they helde the law of Mahomet, for the two boyes that wee tooke from of the land, shewed vs their circumcision: There we found no fruit of Tambaxiumes, but great numbers of Parrats, Medicats, and Turtle Doues, whereof we killed and eat many. The second of December we burned our sconse, and fourteene of our men going further into the Islande brought certaine of the countreymen prisoners, and being abord our ships taught them what they shoulde doe. The thirteenth of December wee hoysed anker, minding to holde on our course for the Islands of Iaua, and for that by reason of the pleasantnesse of the ayre we had in a manner all recouered our healthes, we set our course East and by North, and East Northeast. The nineteenth of the same Month wee were separated by foule weather, and the 22. with great ioy we met againe. The tenth of Ianuarie Vechter Willemson dyed, being a verie honest man, and Pilot in Molenaers shippe, for whome we were much grieued, and the same day we determined to put backe againe for the Islande of S. Laurence, for as then wee began againe to haue a great scouring among our men, and many of them fell sicke: The wilde men brought things aborde to comfort them. But presently therevpon we espied the Islande of Saint Mary, and the next day being arriued there, some of the inhabitants came abord our shippes with a basket of Ryce, Sugar canes, Citrons, Lemons, and Hens, whereof we were very glad, as being phisicke for vs.

The 13. 14. 15. 16. and 17. dayes we were on land, where we bought Ryce, Hens, Sugar-canes, Citrons and Lemons in great aboundance, and other kinde of fruites to vs vnknowne, also good fish, and greene Ginger: There we tooke a Fish, which thirteen men could hardly pull into our shippe, and because the Island was little, and we had many men, wee entred into the Bay of the firme land with our Pinnace, where for a string of Beades of small value we had a tunne of Ryce: The description of one of their kings. The King came abord our Pinnace to see it, and was as blacke as a Deuill, with two hornes made fast vpon his heade, and all his body naked like the rest of the countrey people.

This Island lyeth about a small mile from Madagascar, about 19 degrees Southward from the Equinoctiall line (Madagascar or S. Laurence is an Islande belonging to the Countrey of Africa, and lyeth Southwarde vnder 26 degrees, ending Northwarde vnder 11 degrees by the inhabitants it is called Madagascar, and by the Portingalles the Islande of S. Laurence, because it was discouered on S. Laurence day: The riches of this Island is great, it aboundeth in Ryce, Honnie, Waxe, Cotton, Lemons, Cloues, etc. The inhabitants are blacke and go naked, but the haire vpon their heades is not so much curled as those of the Mosambique, and they are not ful so blacke.)

The 23. of Ianuary we ankered before a Riuer where likewise we had all kind of necessaries, and after that we went to lie vnder a small Islande within the same Bay.

The wilde people came on borde their ships and seemed very friendly. The 25. Ianuarie there came some of the wild people aborde our ships, making signes to haue vs go on land, which we did, and there we had good Ryce and other fruits in great abundance. On the left side of the entry of the Riuer lyeth one of their Townes, and on the right hand two townes, where we had most of our trafique.

The 26. of Ianuarie wee had interpreters, whom we made to drink wine, wherewith they were as drunk as beastes.

The manner and condition of the people inhabiting in the great Bay of Antogil, on this side the Equinoctiall line vnder 16 degrees, on the South side of the Island Madagascar.

It is a very great Bay, about ten mile broade, behind it lyeth a high Island, and three small Islands: there is good harbour against all windes. The Island is inhabited, and therein groweth all kindes of fruites, it hath a great fall of water that commeth down out of the hilles, where we laded all our water, and halfe a mile from thence within the land, there runneth a great Riuer, wherein likewise there is much water to be had, when you enter into the Riuer about a quarter of a mile inward on the left hand, ther is a smal towne or village, not closed nor fortified, in it there is about 200. houses, and on the right hand where the Riuer diuideth it selfe, there is two other such Townes: They were all compassed with palles, and the houses were placed about two foote aboue the ground, vpon foure or fiue palles or stakes of wood, and all the vpper partes of reede and strawe. Why their houses stand so high aboue the earth. The cause why their houses are made so high from the ground is to auoide the danger of venemous beastes that are there in great aboundance, as Serpents, Snakes, Camelions, and other kindes of beastes. The people are very blacke, but their hayre and beardes are not so much curled as the right Mores, nor their noses nor lippes so great nor flat. They are subtill and strong people, much addicted to drinking, for they will bee as drunke as Swine, with a kind of drinke made of Honie and Ryce. The maner of the wilde men in that countrey. They go naked, onely that about their midles they weare a cloth made of the barke of a tree, drawne in small threedes: they make and use very fine Mats to sitte vppon: They haue no great store of weapons, for that halfe of them are vnprouided, and that they vse is a speare of nine ten foote long with a great wooden Target: They are very fearefull of our Caliuers, for 5. or sixe men with Caliuers will cause great numbers of them to flie away: We taught them what our peeces ment for wee perceyued that they knew them not, before they had proued them: at the first they thought they coulde carry no further then their owne lengthes, for they knew not what they were: Their Kinges ornamentes were ten or twelue Copper Rings about his armes: if we had had such Ringes with vs, wee might haue sold them at what prices wee woulde. They likewise vse beades of Glasse, which they weare about their armes and neckes, by them esteemed for great ornaments: for a boxe of beades of small value, we had an Oxe, or three or foure Sheepe; rounde about this Bay are townes and villages, where you may haue of all things to refresh your selues, Lemons and Citrons are there greater and better then in Portingall: Likewise Oringes, Ryce, Hennes, Goats, Honie, and many other sortes of fruites, and to conclude it is the best Bay in all the world to refresh ships. Being on land we were wel entertayned, and must of force drink with them of their drinke made of Hony and Ryce: There we trafiqued with them, and had sufficient of euery thing, but euery night we went aborde our shippes.

The third of February we had so great a storme, that most of our ankers were lost, and we ran vpon the land in great daunger to cast our ships away, but God holpe vs, for the storme ceased, and then we went to hoyse vp our lost ankers, and so againe went to anker vnder the Island, glad that we had so well escaped that daunger. The fift of February we went to seeke for our boats, but the wild men had smitten them in peeces, and taken out the nailes, thinking likewise that our shippes woulde haue beene cast away vpon the shore, which they still expected: and when we came thither, they stood vpon the shore with their weapons in hand and threw stones at vs, and we perceyuing them in that minde, made towardes our shippes, for we desired not to reuenge our selues, nor once to fight with them without commission from our Generall, whom we certified thereof. The eyght of February we rowed into the Riuer to buy cattle, and other things, but they were become our enemies, threatning and casting stones at vs, wherevpbn we put out two shalops to run a shore close to the land, and made our Caliuers and other weapons ready.

Wherewith we shut at them, but they feared not our shot, for they knew not what they ment, they thought likewise that the peeces coulde carrie no further then they were long: but when they sawe eight or nine of their fellowes dead, they fled into the woodes, and wee entering vpon the lande set fire on their houses, whereof we burnt about twentie or thirtie. The 9. of Februarie we sailed on the other side to buy cattle, and other necessaries, but they seemed vnwilling to deale with vs, but we threatning to burne their houses, they brought vs Cattle and fruites inough, with all things else to our desires.

The 12. of Februarie wee hoised anker, and set sayle out of the great Bay of Antongill, being well prouided of all necessaries, we put out with a North wind, the Bay stretching Northeast and Southwest: The 2. of March we had a West winde, our course being East and East and by North towards Iaua. In March and Aprill about the Islande of Brandawe, we found that our Compasses helde two Strikes to farre Northwarde, and we coulde not perceiue the sands that are set downe in the Portingalles sea Cards, but we saw many turnings of streames, and we were much troubled, with calmes, but with the new Moone we had winde enough out of the West and North West. The 27. of May we found the water abord our shippes to bee much lessened, and therefore euery mans portion was but halfe as much as he was wont to haue; so that each man was allowed but foure draughts euery day, which was but a small quantitie. Whereby through the extreame heat we endured great thirst, so that at that time a draught of water abord our ship was worth a Riall of 8. The first of Iuly we saw the Islande of Emgano, whereat we much reioyced, because of the great thirst wee endured in our shippe, and when wee made neerer to it, we perceyued it to be an Islande lying before the straightes of Sonda, vnder 9. degrees on the South side of the line.

The sixt of Iuly we put somewhat nearer to the land, and there we saw sixe or seuen canoes, lying vnder the shore but farre off, and durst not make toward vs: in the end we manned out a shalop and rowed to land, but they made from vs, and when our men were hard by the shore, there we saw about 40. or 50. of them standing vpon the shore with their bowes; wherewith our men durst not land, for they seemed to be a cruell kind of people, and altogether wild, for they went all naked, not hauing any thing before their priuy members. They were of a reddish colour, but when our men saw no aduantage they turned again vnto their shippes.

The seuenth of Iuly we saw the point of the land of Sumatra, which is a verie high land descending downewarde with a long end.

The 11. of the same Month we were close vnder the land, where there lay an Island, and there we ankered.

The 12. of Iuly in the morning we saw certaine ships, whereof one came vnto vs, wee rowed vnto it with a shalop, and spake with it, but we could not vnderstand them, but they shewed vs where we should haue water, which made vs glad, that wee might once againe haue our bellies full of water: it being almost foure Monthes that wee had not seene any land, nor taken in any fresh victuailes. We sent our Pinace to the firme land of Sumatra, there to seeke for some reliefe: for that where we lay there dwelt not any man. The maner of the Gouernor of Soumatras comming on bord. The 13. of July the Captain or principall ruler of Sumatra came abord our ships to see them, which was done with great solemnitie, hee being apparelled after the Turkish manner, with a wreath about his heade, and a fearefull countenance, small eyes, great eye browes, and little beard, for a man might tell all the haires vpon his chinne: he brought vs a present of Betele, which are leaues which they continually chaw, and eat it with chalke.

This Island of Sumatra or Taprobana (as it is saide) is the greatest of all the Orientall Islandes, it is diuided from the firme land of Malacca by a straight and dangerous sea, by reason of many Islandes and cliffes that are within it: Out of this Island as some men are of opinion, Salomon had his Gold wherewith he beautified the Temple, and his owne pallace, and then in the Bible it should be named Orphir, for certainly Sumatra is rich of mynes of Golde, Siluer, and Mettall, and the inhabitants thereof are very expert in melting of brasse peeces: Therein is a fountaine of pure Balsame, the Portingalles haue no fortresse therein, yet they traffique in certaine hauens, specially in Pedir and Campar: There is also in this Island a place called Manancabo, where they make poinyardes and daggers, by them calde cryses, which are much esteemed in those Countries, and those of Malacca and Iaua, hold them for their best weapons, and with them are very bold.

The same day our Pinnace returned againe vnto vs, bringing vs good news, that wee were welcome vnto the Countrey people, and brought vs certaine Indian Nuttes or Cocus, Melons, Cocombers, Onions, Garlicke, and a sample of Peper and other spices, which liked vs well.

The fourteenth of June we laded in some fresh water.

Right ouer against Sumatra, on the South side of the Equinoctiall lyeth the Islande of Iaua Maior, or great Iaua, and these two Islandes are deuided by a straight commonly called the straight of Sunda, which lyeth between these two Islands, bearing the name of the principall hauen of Iaua called Sunda: In this channel there runneth a great streame, and course of narrow waters, through this straight M. Condlish an Englishman passed with his ship, comming out of the South sea from new Spaine. Iaua beginneth vnder seuen degrees on the South side, and so stretcheth East and South 150. miles long, it is very fruitfull, specially of Ryce, Catle Hogges, Sheepe, Hennes, Onions, Garlike, Indian Nuttes, and all kinde of Spices, as Cloues, Nutmegges, Mace, etc. Which they carrie to Malacca. The chiefe hauen in the Islande is Sunda Calapa, there you have much Pepper, better then that of India, or of Malabar, and there you may yearely lade 4. or 5000. Quintales of Pepper Portingall waight, there likewise you haue great store of frankencense, Camphora, and some Diamants: but they haue no other kinde of money but a certaine peece called Caixa, as bigge as a Hollands Doibt, but not so thicke, with a hole in the middle to hang it vpon a string, in which manner they commonly hange hundrethes or thousandes together, and with them they know how to make their accountes, which is two hundred Caixas make a Sata, and fiue Satas make a thousand Caixas, which is as much as one Crusado of Portingall, or three Carolus Gilderns, Flemish money: Pepper is solde by the sacke, each sacke waying 45. Catten waight of China, each Catte as much as 20. ounces Portingall waight, and each sacke is worth in that Country at the least 5000. Caixas, and when it is highest at 6. or 7000. Caixas: Mace, Cloues, Nutmegs, white and blacke Beniamin, Camphora, are sold by the Bhar, each barre waying 350. Catten of China: Mace that is faire and good is commonly worth from 100. to 120. thousande Caixas: Good Cloues accordingly, and foure Cloues called Bastan are worth 70. and 80. thousand Caixas the Bhar: Nutmegs are alwaies worth 20. and 25 thousand Caixas the Bhar: White and blacke Beniamin is worth 150. and 180. thousand Caixas, and sometimes 200. thousand. The wares that are there desired and exchanged for spices, are diuers sortes and colours of Cotton Linnen, which come out of seuerall Prouinces; and if our Cambricke or fine Hollande were carryed thither, it would peraduenture bee more esteemed then the Cotton linnen of India.

The 15. of Iune there rowed a scute called a Prawen harde vnder the lande by vs, wee called him, but not against his will, and shewed him siluer, and other wares that liked him well, he bad vs make towards the strand, and told vs of Bantam, saying that there we should haue al kinds of Marchandise. Then we made signs vnto him that if he wold bring vs to Bantam, we wold pay him for his labor, he asked vs 5. rialles of 8. and a redcap, which we graunted vnto, and so one of the men in the scute came on bord the Mauritius, and was our Pilot to Bantam, where we passed by many Islandes.

The nineteenth of Iuly as wee sailed by a towne, many Portingalles borded vs, and brought vs certaine Cocus and Hens to sell, which wee bought for other wares.

The 22. of the same Month wee came before the towne of Bantam, within three miles of it, and there ankered vnder an Island. The same day about euening a scute of Portingals borded vs that were sent by the Gouernour to see what ships we were, and when we shewed them that wee came thither to traficke with them, they told vs, that there was the right Pepper country, and that there we might haue our lading, that new Pepper was readie to be gathered, and would be ripe within two Monthes after, which pleased vs well, for wee had already beene fifteene Monthes and twelue daies vppon our voyage, hauing endured great daungers, miseries and thirst, many of our men by sicknesse being dead.

The 23. of Iune wee hoysed our ankers, and went close to the towne of Bantam, and ankered harde by 4. small Islands, that lie right North from the Towne: the same day the Sabander (who is there one of the greatest officers next the King) came abord our shippes, asking vs what we would haue, we said we were come to buy Pepper and other spyces, and that wee had readie money, and certaine wares, whereof we shewed him some parte, which hee liked well, saying that there wee might haue lading enough, shewing vs great countenance.

The same day likewise there came a great number of scutes vnto our ships, bringing all kinds of victuailes to sel, as Hennes, Egges, Cocus, Bonanas, sugar canes, Cakes of Ryce baked, and many other thinges. The 24. of Iune there came many men aborde our ships, bringing diuers wares to sell, shewing vs great friendshippe, and as it seemed were very glad of our arriuall there, telling vs that there we might haue Pepper enough, and new Pepper within two Monthes after, and that Pepper was then as good cheap as it had beene any time within ten yeares before, that wee might buy 5. or 6. sackes for one Catti, (being about 20. Guilderns) which was ordinarily sold but one sacke for that price: euery sacke wayeth 54. pounde Hollandes waight, so that a pounde would be worth about a brasse penie Hollands money.

The same day about noone the Sabander borded vs once againe, willing Cornelis Houtman to go on land to speake with the Gouernour, for as then there was no King, for about a Month before our arriuall there, the King was gone with a great armie before the towne of Palimbam, which he thought to take, and had almost gotten it, but there he was stricken with a great Peece by a Renigado of the Portingalles, and so was slaine. His death was much lamented by the straungers that dwelt at Bantam, for he was a good king, being about 25. yeares of age: he left behind him foure wives, whereof the eldest was not aboue 15. yeares of age, and a yong sonne of three Monthes olde, that was to succeed him in his Kingdome; and they had chosen a Protector or Gouernor to rule in his minoritie, whom they call Kipate, and when the Kipate by the Sabandar sent to our Sargeant Maior to come vnto him into the towne, he made him answer that he had no such commission, but he desired the Gouernor first to come abord his ship, and then he would go on shore, he likewise desired vs to go neerer to the towne with our shippes.

And therevpon wee sayled somewhat neerer to the Island that lay next vnto the towne, within halfe a mile from it, and there we ankered at 4 fadome clay grounde, the towne lying South from vs, where wee had a good roade: The Gouernor of Bantam came abord their ships. The next morning the Gouernor sent aborde, and the men that came spake not onely good Portingal, but other languages: he let our Sargeant Maior vnderstand that he would come aborde, and desired that hee would with a shalop meet him halfe the way, which was done about noone, and the Gouernour came aborde with a great company of men, where we shewed him all our wares, which liked him well, desiring vs to come on land, saying that we should be welcome, promising vs much fauour, wherewith he returned to the land with certaine rich presents that we gaue him. The 26. Barent Heijn Factor of the ship called the Mauritius, died very sodainly.

The 27. and 28. great numbers of people borded our shippes bringing all sortes of necessaries and victuails to sell.

The Emperour came aborde and secretly conspired with the Portingals against them. The 29. there came an Emperour abord our shippe, whose father in time past had beene Emperour of all Iaua, and commanded all the Kings of Iaua, but this man because of his badde life was not much accounted of: he spake good Portingall, for his mother was a Portingall woman borne in Malacca: This Emperour had conspired against vs with the Portingalles, but as then we knew it not.

The 30. of Iune Cornelis Houtman tooke a boate: and went into the towne, and there spake with the Gouernour about certaine affaires, touching a contract to bee made with him.

A contract to buy and sell in the towne. The first of Iuly Houtman went again into the towne, and when he returned he brought with him a certaine contract made and signed by the Gouernor himself, who most willingly consented therevnto, and saide vnto him, Go now and buy what you will, you haue free liberty; which done, the said Houtman with his men went to see the towne, apparelled in the best manner they coulde, in veluet, Satin, and silkes, with rapiers by their sides: The Captaine had a thing borne ouer his head to keep him from the Sun, with a Trumpet before him, which certaine times he caused to bee sounded: There the Emperour bad them to a banket after the Indian manner: From thence we went to the Portingalles, that made much account of Houtman, and made him a banket, saying that they had seene him in Lisbone. The 2. of Iuly many Marchants came abord, profering vs Pepper verie good cheape, but because we were vnskilfull in the waight and other thinges wee tooke respite to answere them.

The 3. of Iuly the Sabander came abord, and he was our great friend, for that after we found it so, hee tolde vs what waight the sackes of Pepper were, and what prises they bare, counselling vs to buy.

The 7. of Iuly the Gouernour sent vs a man secretly by night willing vs to looke vnto our selues, and not to trust the Emperour, with whom all the Marchantes conspired, and went to inuade our ships, and that hee ment to rob vs, being very licentious and euill minded.

The Emperour ment to fall vpon the ships to rob them. The 8. of Iuly the Emperour sent vnto our ships, and offered to make them a banket, bidding all the Captaines, maisters, Pilots, Gentlemen, Officers, Trumpets, and Gunners to come into the towne to him, and there he woulde make merrie with them: This was done by the Portingalles aduise, thereby to haue all the chiefe and principall men out of our ships, but we perceiued their intent.

The 11. of Iuly the Emperour perceyuing that his deuise would not take place; hee went from Bantam to Iacatra.

The 12. of Iuly wee had a house offered vs within the towne.

The 13. of the same month Reyner van Hel with eyght Gentlemen went into the towne, taking certaine wares with him, of euery thing a little, and laid it in the house appointed for the purpose: there to keep a ware house and to sel our marchandise, and presently both Gentlemen and Marchants came thither to buy and to sell vs Pepper.

The 15. and 16. many Gentlemen, Marchants, Chinars, and Arabians came to out warehouse and into our ships, offering vs Pepper, but our Factor offered them to little a price.

The 25. of Iuly the Gouernour came againe aborde our shippes, and there looked vppon certaine of our wares, whereof hee bought some, and counselled vs to buy Pepper: The hatred of the Portingalles against them. About the same time the Portingalles made great sute vnto the Gouernour, promising him many giftes to deny vs traffike, and to constraine vs to depart from thence, saying we were no marchantes, but that we came to spie the countrie, for they said that they had seene many Fleminges in Lisbone, but none like vs: Among the Portingalles there was one that was borne in Malacca, of the Portingalles race, his name was Pedro Truide, a man well seene in trauayling, and one that had beene in all places of the world: He was our good friend, and euery day came to talke with our Captaines, saying, you do not well that you make no more haste to take in your lading, you shall haue no better cheape wares, and withall shewed vs many other things: wherevpon the Portingalles hated him, and not long after he was murthered in his bed.

In August we did little, and tooke no great store of lading in seeking to haue Pepper better cheape, which the Portingalles liked not well of, and saide vnto the Gouernour, that we desired not to buy; which the Gouernour began to hearken vnto, for they offered great summes of money that hee shoulde not permit vs traffique, so that in the end hee commaunded that no man shoulde carrie any Ryce aborde our shippes, whereby we were abashed, and thereupon we sent vnto the Gouernour for our money which hee ought for the wares hee had bought, which moued him.

The 26. of Iuly hee sent one of our Gentlemen with some of his men and nine slaues abord our ships.

The situation of the towne of Bantam, the principall towne of traffique in the Island of Iaua, their strength and manner of building, with their traffique, what people come thither, what wares are there most desired, what nations bring them thither, or come to fetch them, together with their religion, customes and manner of house keeping.

Bantam lyeth in the Islande of Iaua maior, about 25. miles to sea ward within the Isle, between Sumatra and Iaua: On both sides of the Towne there runneth a Riuer, about 3 foot and a half deep, so that no shippes can enter into them: The towne is compassed about with a Riuer: The towne is almost as great in compasse as the olde towne of Amsterdam: The wals are made with flankers: They haue great numbers of Peeces therein, but they knowe not how to vse them, for they feare them much: all their Peeces are of brasse, and they haue many brazen bases. Their walles are not aboue two foote thicke made of brickes: euery flanker hath diuers mastes and peeces of wood, which they vse when they are besieged by their enemies. The houses are made of straw and reedes, standing vpon 4. woodden postes. The rich haue their chambers all hanged with silken Curtins, or els with cotton linnen: Their houses are most placed vnder Cocus trees, whereof the towne is full: Without the walles are many houses, wherein strangers for the most part haue their dwellinges. The towne hath three great market places, wherein dayly there is markets holden, where you may buy all kindes of wares, and where there commeth a great number of people, very strange to beholde: Within the towne there is a great church or muske of wood, wherein they obserue the law of Mahomet: Gentlemen and men of any qualitie haue their owne muskes in their houses. The towne is not built with streetes, nor the houses placed in order, but very foule lying full of filthy water, which men must passe through, or leape ouer, for they haue no bridges: In the towne there is great resort of diuers Countries and nations, as of Malacca, Bengala, Malabar, Guihereters of Pegu, Sani Malicas, Banda, China and of many Kingdomes that haue great traffique for Pepper, that groweth rounde about Bantam, which in August and September is ripe, there you haue nutmegs, out of the Island of Banda, and Cloues from Moluca, which the Portingalles doe most buy vp: Wee bought Nutmegs there for a blank a pound: All victuailes and necessaries are there in great aboundance to be had, as Hennes, Hartes, Fish, and Ryce, and diuers kindes of fruites, as Auanas, Cocus, Bonanas, Manges, Doroyens, Iacca, Pruna, Grapes, Oranges, Lemons, Pomegarnets, Cocombers, Melons, Onions, Garlicke: but breade they haue none, but in steade of it they eate Ryce: Beefe is there the dearest victuaile, for an Oxe in that place is worth 7. 8. or 9. Rialles of 8. The Chinars have the greatest and most trafficke in that towne. They come thither in the Month of Ianuarie, with 8. or 9. great shippes, bringing all sorts of Porseline, silks, Damaske, gold thread, Iron pannes, and Iauas money called Caixas, whereof 12000 make a Ryall of eight: They are hanged vpon stringes by two hundred together, for the which they both buy and sel al kinds of marchandises, and there they lade Pepper which they carrie into China: Without the towne they haue a great place wherein they commonly vse to sell their wares, and there they dwell, and haue greater and better houses then any are within the towne, all made of reedes, onely that in euery house they haue a square place made of stone, wherein they put their wares to keepe them from burning, as some riche men in the towne likewise haue: The Chinars are very subtill and industrious people, and will refuse no labour nor paynes to yearne money, there they make much Aqua vitæ of Ryce and Cocus, and trafficke much therewith, which the Iauars by night come to buy, and drinke it secretly, for by Mahomets law it is forbidden them. The Chinars liue there with free libertie: When they come to remaine there for a yeare or more as they thinke good, they buy themselues a wife or two, or more as they thinke good, and liue together like man and wife, and when they meane to depart, they sell their wiues again, but if they haue children they take them with them and so returne to China: They haue no special religion, but pray vnto the Deuill, that he would not hurt them, for they know that the Deuill is wicked, and that God is good, and hurteth no man, therefore they thinke it needlesse to pray to God. They acknowledge not the resurrection of the deade, but when a man dyeth they thinke he neuer riseth again: In their houses they have great painted Deuils, before the which they place wax candles, and sing vnto them, praying them not to hurt them, and the more monstrous that their shapes be, the more they honour them. These people liue very hardly and poorely within Bantam, for there is not any work or labour how filthy soeuer it be, but they will do it to get money, and when they haue gotten something they returne againe to China. They are verie like Iewes in our country, for they neuer goe without a paire of ballances, and all thinges is good wares with them, and are ready to do any seruice. When we came first, before Bantam, they came euery day in great companies into our shippes, and there set out their wares to sel, as silkes, sowing silkes, and porselines, so that our vpper deckes were full of pedlers, that wee could hardly walke vpon the hatches.

The manner, condition, custome, going, standing, apparell, housekeeping, wares, and behauiour of the Iauars in Bantam.

The Iauars and inhabitants of Bantam, are proude and obstinate, with a very stately pace, they hold the law of Mahomet, which they haue not had aboue 35. yeares, for as yet there are many heathens among them that neuer were made Mores: it is a very lying and theeuish kind of people, not in any sort to bee trusted. Their apparell both of rich and poore is a cotton cloth, and some of silke about their middles, which they tie about them with a girdle, the vpper parte and from the knees downeward all naked: most of them goe bareheaded, but the principallest of them haue a wreath or Turkish roule about their heades, and some little cappes: Their priestes come out of Meca in Arabia, and are yellowe of colour: What weapons they wear. Their weapon is a poinyard, which they call Crisis: it is made with hilts, and the handle is a Deuil cut out of wood or bone: the sheathes are of wood: with them they are very bolde, and it is accounted for a great shame with them if they haue not such a Dagger, both yong, old, rich and poore, and yong children of fiue or sixe yeares olde, and when they go to the warres they haue targets, and some long speares, but most of them such poinyardes: The vse neyther great shotte nor caliuers when they go against their enemies: for a small matter one King wil make warre against another. When we came first before Bantam, we offered to make a contract with the Gouernour and the counsell of the towns, that they should deliuer vs a certaine quantitie of Pepper, and wee would goe with our shippes before Palimbam, and helpe them to reuenge the death of their Kings vppon their enemies, for (as they said) we might goe within a bowe shot of the towne with our shippes, and the Towne is but of wood without walles, so that we would presently haue beaten it downe to the ground. They offered vs some of their principall Gouernours to be left for pledges in our shippes, and their men woulde sayle in their fustes, such as shoulde go on land, and we should doe nothing els but shoote out of our shippes, but our Captaines would not do it, considering our small number of men. How many wiues they haue. The Iauars take as many wiues as they will and are able maintaine; but the common people haue but one, and some two married wiues, and some 10. 20. and 30. concubines: For a small matter they will send their married wiues home agayne vnto their fathers, when they haue layne fiue or sixe dayes with them, saying they like them not, and so their marriage is vndone, when they desire it.

The manner, custome, housholding, childbearing, sporting and cleanlinesse of the women in Bantam.

The women of the towne are well kept from such as are circumcised, whereof the riche men haue many, and from other men or their friendes, for their owne sonnes may not come into the house where the women are. They lie all naked and chaw Betelle, and haue a slauish woman that continually scratcheth their bodies, that is, such as are married women, but such as are concubines are as waiting Gentlewomen, to the married women, when they goe out to giue them more maiestie, and those that haue the greatest number are of most estimation: The Concubines haue but fewe children, for the married women poyson their children, and these concubines are bought and solde: by their apparell a man can hardly discerne the riche from the poore, for they goe all with a Cotton cloth about their bodies vp to their breastes, and bounde about their middles with an other cloth, bare footed and their heads vncouered, their hayre bound right vpon the top of their heads in a heape, but when they are in their pride, they weare crownes vpon their heads, whereof some of them are of pure golde, and ringes of golde, and some of siluer about their armes, euery one according to their abilitie. They are very curious about their bodyes, for they washe themselues at the least fiue or sixe times euery day: they neuer ease themselues nor haue the company of their husbandes, but they presently leape into the water and wash their bodies, and therefore the water that runneth through Bantam is very vnwholesome; for euery one washeth themselues in it, as well pockie as other people, whereby wee lost some of our men that drunke of the water: The women are verie idle, for they do nothing all the day but lie downe; the poore slaues must doe all the drudgerie, and the men sit all day vpon a mat, and chaw Betele, hauing ten or twentie women about them, and when they make water, presenly one of the women washeth their member, and so they sit playing all the day with their women: Many of them haue slaues that play vppon instrumentes much like our Shakebois, [Footnote: Musical instruments mentioned in Nichol’s Coronation of Anne Boleyn, p. 2. Probably Sackbuts.] they haue likewise great basons whereon they strike, and therewith know how to make good musicke, whereat the women daunce, not leaping much, but winding and drawing their bodies, armes and shoulders, which they vse all night long, so that in the night time they make a great noyse with basons and other instruments, and the man he sitteth and looketh vpon them, euerie one of the women striuing to doe her best that she may get her husbands fauour and her secreat pleasure. How pepper groweth in that countrey. The Gentlemen, Citizens, and marchantes haue their Gardens, and fieldes without the towne, and slaues for the purpose to labour in them, and bring their maisters all kindes of fruit, Rice and Hennes in the towne, also the Pepper that groweth there, which runneth vp by another tree, as Hoppes with vs, and groweth in long bunches like Grapes, so that there is at the least 200. graines in one bunch: it is first greene, and after it becommeth blacke, and is there in great aboundance, so that it is the right Pepper countrey; for when we came thither they said vnto vs, Aqui ai tanta Pimienta, como terra, that is, here is as much Pepper as earth, and so we found it, and yet we departed from thence by our owne follies, without our lading of Pepper: Wee staide for new Pepper, meane time the Portingalles sent their letters into euery place seeking to hinder our trade: At the first we might haue sufficient, for there we founde enough both to buy for money or to barter. We likewise had money and wares sufficient: we might easily have had sixe or eight hundred tunnes, as we were aduertised by some of the countrey, that we should presently buy, for that the Portingalles sought by all the meanes they could to hinder vs, as after it appeared; and therefore he that thinketh to come soone enough, commeth oftentimes too late, and we vsed not our time so well as it fell out.

A letter sent by our men in the town that were kept prisoners. The 29. of August we had a letter sent vs by night from our men that were in the towne, that lay in a maner as prisoners, to will vs to let our pledge go a shore, otherwise they feared they shoulde hardly escape with their liues, and great danger might fall vpon them: this pledge came aborde with the 9. slaues.

The 30. of August we sent the pledge and the rest of our Iauars to land, with promise that he would do the best he might to get our men leaue to come aborde: about euening of the same day wee had newes from our men by foure of our saylers that as then they were better vsed, saying they thought they should come aborde when two shippes were gone that ment to saile for Malacca, being laden with Nutmegs and other things.

The first of September, and the 2. 3. and 4. wee sent many letters to the Gouernour and hee to vs, and likewise to our men that were in the towne, being nine in number, all our best marchants and captains, hauing with them about 6. or 7000. Guildernes in marchandise, and they againe to vs.

They went nearer to the town. The 5. of September when wee perceyued that delayes were dangerous wee went close to the towne with all our 4. shippes, and so neere that we had but two fadome muddie grounde, and presently with two of our boates for our securitie wee set vppon three Iauan shippes, whereof two were laden with fish and Cocus, wherein wee founde a man of China, being of some account. The third ship was laden with 20. tunnes of Cloues, 6. tunnes of Pepper, and some Benioni, and Piementa da Rauo, wherein we founde fiue Malabardes slaues to the Portingalles, whom wee likewise tooke, and they were very willing to goe with vs, thereby to bee eased of the slauery wherevnto the Portingals put them, and perceyuing that the Portingalles went often to and from another shippe that lay not farre from vs, we took our Pinace and made towardes it, and being harde by it, the Portingals left it and set it on fire: This ship had the richest wares in it as the Portingalles slaues tolde vs, for it was laden with fiftie tunnes of Cloues, which were burnt in it.

The sixt and seuenth of September we hearde no newes, so that wee went close to the Towne agayne, shooting with our great Peeces into it, slaying diuers of the people (as after we were informed:) They likewise shot with their Peeces agaynst vs, which the Portingalles did, for that the Iauars haue little or no skill at all therein, and are very fearefull of them, and although they had many peeces in the towne, yet they did vs no other hurt then onely shot one of Molenares halfe masts in peeces.

A skirmish betweene the Pinace and 24. boats. The seuenth of September wee had a skirmish, which was in this manner, we perceyuing a Iauan ship vnder sayle, sent our Pinace with sixe and twentie men in her to fetch it in, which the Iauan shippe perceyuing fledde behinde an Islande, where our Pinace followed him so fast that shee fell a grounde, which the townes men perceyuing, made them readie with foure and twentie boates full of men, all armed after their manner, and set forwarde in good order, being diuided in two companies, seuen on starre bord, and 17. on lardde bord of the Pinace, in order like a halfe Moone, threatning vs with great speares, they thought by reason of their great number of men that they had already taken it, but it fell out otherwise, for they in the Pinace, perceyuing them comming, shotte among them: and when they were harde by the Pinace, shee gotte a flote, as they thought to take her, hauing cast out an anker in good time, and thereby wounde themselues off the grounde, but for haste they were forced to cutte their Cable, because they had not time enough to winde it vppe, and with all they shotte one of their boates vnder water. The Pinace drawing her boate after her, the Iauans presently leapt into it, and cutte a sunder the roape that helde it, which they immediately stole from vs, thrusting with their Speares in at the loope holes. Seuen of their Boates being round about vs were so sharpely paide with the iron peeces, stone peeces, and Caliuers, that the 17. others durst not come so neere vs: I thinke there were at the least 100. of them that neuer carryed newes how they sped in that skirmish, for euery boate had at the least 60. men in it, and they were so thicke in them, that they could not help themselues, nor did any thing els but shake their speares, and they shot but one base: their arrowes hurt vs not, and so the Pinace returned agayne vnto our shippes, sayling close before the towne, and shooting into it with her ordinance: They shot out of the towne, but it hit her not, because they shot with stone pellets, wherewith you cannot shoote so certainly as with iron bullets.

The 8. 9. and 10. of September we had letters from our men out of Bantam, by the which they willed vs not to shoot any more, for that the Gouernour threatned to set them vpon stakes: Houtman wrote they were in good hope that they shoulde bee put to raunsome, which wee counselled them to doe as well as they might.

The contents of the Gouernours letter. The 11. of September we had a letter from Houtman, and one from the Gouernour wherein hee wrote that he would set our men at libertie, so we would be quiet, but if we desired warre, he would once againe come and visite vs in another sort: wee aunswered him that there he should find vs, that wordes were but wind, and that he should set our men at a reasonable ransome, and thereof send us an answere the next day.

The 12. and 13. of September wee had no answere out of the towne, and we had want of water, and could get none thereabouts but that which came out of the towne, for that the Gouernour had taken order that we should get no water about the towne, so that we hoised ankers to go seeke some.

The 17. of September we came before 3. or 4. Islands which Molenare and Shellenger sayled betweene, and for that the streame ranne so strong there, they were forced to goe so nigh the shore, that they might almost leape on lande, whereby they escaped great danger, but the other shippe and the Pinace sayled about the Islands, and so met with the other two, and casting forth their ankers, went on shore, where wee spake with men that saide they would shew vs where wee shoulde haue water, so we would giue them two Caliuers.

The 18. 19. 20. 23. and 24. we sayled to lade water, for it was hard to get, and we were forced to keep good watch, which done hoysing ankers againe, wee sayled towardes Bantam, holding our course Eastwarde.

The 27. we sayled Northeast towardes the lande of Iaua maior.

The 28. setting sayle agayne, we kept East Northeast along by the coast of Iaua, and about noone because of the great streame that runneth in the straight, wee were forced to anker, and the 30. day wee set sayle againe.

The first of October in the euening wee came to a great Islande, being three miles from the towne, and there we ankered finding good clay ground.

The 2. of October wee had a letter from our men, how they were separated one from the other, and kept by the Gentlemen of the towne, and their wares parted among them.

The 3. 4. and 5. when wee were againe before the towne, we had other letters, that by our comming they were better vsed, and hoped to bee set at a reasonable ransome, and that they promised that one of our men should come aborde, so he would returne againe into towne, that shoulde by worde of mouth certifie vs what hope they were in, and the cause thereof, that we might the better believe it.

How the Iauars vsed our men being prisoners. The 6. of October in the night, one of our men came aborde, and shewed vs what had past, when we shotte into the towne, how they were separated and kept close prisoners, and cruelly threatned by the Iauars, whereby they still expected when they should bee put to death, and howe they sought all the meanes they coulde to make them to deny their faith, and become Mores, but they remayned constant, and saide they woulde rather die, and that they had by force shauen three of our men after the Morish manner, and how the Portingals had sought all the meanes they coulde to buy them for slaues, offering money for them that they might sende them to Malacca, how they were set at libertie againe, and might goe where they woulde within the towne, and so they hoped all would be well, and that they shoulde bee set at libertie for some small ransome, and that the Gouernour asked them 3000. Rialles of 8. but they hoped to bring him to 2000. whereat we much reioyced.

The 8. 9. and 10. of October we passed ouer to make some agreement with them that we might be quiet.

The maner of the ransome. The 11. of October they agreede vppon a ransome of 2000. Ryalles of eyght, and were content, that what goodes, soeuer we had taken from them, wee shoulde keepe as our owne, and for our goodes that they had stolen, and forcibly taken from our men within the towne, they would keepe them, and so exchange one for the other, they likewise were content to quit vs of all our debts, that we ought within the towne eyther to the Gouernour or to any other man, and that from thence forwarde we should be free, and traffique in the towne, both to buy and sell when it pleased vs, and with their good willes as we had done, and before we paide our money, the towne was to sende two men aborde our ships, which done we were to pay the halfe of our ransome, which was 1000. Ryalles of eyght; which being performed, their two men, and their other halfe of our men were on both sides to bee deliuered and sette free, and without contradiction it was performed.

The 12. and 13. this agreement being ended, diuers victuailers came aborde our shippes to sell vs Hennes, Egges, and all other kind of victuailes.

The 14. we gaue certaine presentes in signe of good will, to such as had shewed vs fauour when we were in contention with them.

The 15. 16. 17 and 18. some of our Factors went into the towne, where they bought certaine Pepper, and brought it abord our ships.

Why the Gouernour forbad us trafficke. The 19. they went again into the towne, and bought a greater quantitie at 5. sackes for one Catti, minding in that sorte euery day to take in our lading, but it fell not out as wee desired, for the Portingalles that coulde not brooke our company, made such means to the Gouernour, that he gave commandment that we should buy no more Pepper, before we had paide 1400. Rialles of 8. which he challenged of vs because we had cast anker within his streame, wherevpon our Marchantes went and agreed with him, which done wee thinking to buy Pepper as we did before, the Gouernour againe commanded to the contrarie, whereby we perceyued their deceipt, in that he wold not hold his word. The countrymen would gladly haue solde their Pepper, as also the Chinars, Arabians, Mahometitians, and secretly some Portingalles, but when we saw wee could not get it out but with great daunger, wee thought it not conuenient to buy: and when we spake vnto the Gouernour, touching the holding of his worde, he made vs answere, that he had no bones in his tongue, and that therefore he coulde not speake that which he ment not to doe: and to say the truth most part of the Iauars are a kind of deceitfull people, for whatsoeuer they say and presently performe, that shall you be sure of and no more.

The 25. of October there came an Ambassador into Bantam sent from Malacca to the Gouernour with a present of 10000. Rials of 8. desiring him to forbid vs both his towne and streame, that wee might not traffique there. Whereof wee were aduertised by the Sabander and other of our friendes counselling our men to get them out of the towne, and not to returne againe, otherwise they would be in daunger to be stayed againe, and we hauing sent a man into the towne to saue him from being holden prisoner, our host where we lay being on shore was forced to bring him out couered with certaine mattes; so that vppon the 26. of the same month all our trafficke and friendship with them ceased: but our hoast being our friende, came secretly aborde our ships, and shewed vs that he and his company had two ships lying before the towne, laden with Nutmegges and Mace that came from Banda, for the which hee agreed with vs at a price, vpon condition that we should seeme to take them by force; that thereby he might colour his dealing with vs: How they tooke two Iauan ships. wherevpon the first of Nouember we sailed close to the towne with all our ships, and set vpon to two Iauan shippes, wherein we found to the number of 30. slaues, that knew nothing of their maisters bargaine made with vs, so that they began to resist vs, wherewith we shot among them, and presently slew 4. or 5. of them, the rest leapt ouer borde, and swamme to land, which done we tooke the two ships, and put their lading into ours; They fought with a Portingall shippe. The Portingalles shippe that brought their Ambassadour, lay close vnder the shore, wherevnto we sent two of our boats, but the Portingals that were in her shot so thicke with their peeces vppon our men, that our boates were forced to leaue them with losse of one of our men, but our shippes shot in such sorte with their ordinance vppon the Portingall shippe, that they spoyled and brake it in peeces, wherein their Captaine was slaine, and the victuailers that stil brought vs victuailes to sell, told vs that with our peeces we had slain three or foure men within the towne, and that the townes men began to make an armie of ships to set vpon vs.

They fought with a Iauan shippe. The 2. of Nouember we espyed a shippe that came towards Bantam, which we ioyned vnto with our boats, and being neere vnto it, they spread their fights, which were of thicke mattes, and began to defend themselues; our men shot among them with stone peeces and Caliuers, and they defended themselues with great courage, hauing halfe pikes wherewith they thrust at vs, and that serued likewise to blow arrows out of them, for they were like trunkes, out of the which trunkes they shot so great numbers of arrowes, that they fell as thick as hayle, and shot so certaineiy, that therewith they hurt at the least eyght or nine of our men, but the arrowes are thinne and light, so that their blaste coulde not make them enter into the flesh aboue the thicknes of two fingers, onely the head of the arrowe (which is made of reede, and loose stayeth in the flesh) when we shot with our Caliuers they ranne behind their fightes, but when they perceiued that their matted fights could not defende them, and that they were killed through them, they entered into their boate, and by strength of oares rowed from vs, leauing their shippe, wherein we founde two dead men, and we slew three more of them as we rowed after their boat, so that in all they lost fiue men, as we after heard, and that they were to the number of 40. which done, wee brought their shippe to ours, wherein we found good store of Ryce and dryed fish.

The 6. of Nouember, perceyuing not any hope of more trafficke for vs with those of Bantam, wee hoised anker and set sayle, setting our course towardes the straight of Sunda.

The marchants follow them with wares. The seuenth of Nouember wee came and ankered before a Riuer of freshe water, about sixe miles from Bantam, where wee tooke in our prouision of water: thither certaine Merchants followed vs with Porseline, telling vs that they were sory for our departure, and that they longed for our returne againe.

The thirteenth of Nouember we set sayle, and about euening wee came before Iacatra, in time past called Sunda Calapa, which hath beene a rich Towne of marchandise, but vppon some occasions and by reason of their hard vsage the Marchants had withdrauen themselues from thence, therefore at this present there is little or nothing to doe. Iohn Hughen in his booke saith this to be the principal towne of trafficke; but that is long sithence, for now there is not any trade of marchandise.

The fourteenth of Nouember wee sent two of our men into the towne, hauing some of theirs in pawne, who tolde vs that many of the inhabitants were gone out of the towne with all their goodes, being in great feare of our peeces, and there wee had great store of victuailes, and much more then wee required brought abord our ships.

The 18. wee set saile from Iacatra, and being about two miles from the towne, our shippe called Amsterdam fell vppon a cliffe, but it got offe again without any hurt, and therewith wee presently made towardes the straight.

The 2. of December we passed by 3. townes which we might easily perceiue, we likewise passed by Tubam, and ankered vnder Sidaya. The 5. of December there came men out of the towne, and desired vs to stay, saying that there we might haue Cloues and Nutmegs as many as we woulde, bringing certaine banketting stuffe (as a present from their king) vnto Schelengers ship, because it lay nearest to the land, and they came most abord it.

The 4. of December they came again into Schellengers ship, bringing certaine presentes with them, and among the rest a certayne birde that coulde swallowe fyer, which is a very strange fowle, and was brought aliue to Amsterdam, which after was giuen to the states of Hollande lying in the Hage, and some good fruites, willing vs to sende a man on shore, to see their spices, whereof they said they had great store: wherevpon we sent a man out of the Amsterdam, and with him an interpreter, one of the Portingalles slaues, they leauing three or foure of their men aborde our shippes, for pawnes till his returne: when our men came to lande hee was well vsed, and there they shewed him fortie or fiflie bals of Cloues; which done they brought him before the King, that promised him great fauor, and told him that the next day he wold himselfe come abord our ships, and deale with our Captaines, and with that he let our man depart.

How the Indians betrayed them. The 5. of December we expected the Kings comming aborde, putting out all our flagges and streamers, and about noone there came 8. or 9. indifferent great shippes full of men from off the shore, wherein wee thought the King to bee, but when they were almost at vs, they diuided themselues, three of them rowing to Shellengers ship, and when they borded him, they thinking the King had been there, Reymer van Hel as Factor and the Maister came forth to receyue him and the Iauars entering all at once, Reymer van Hel said, What will all these people do aborde the shippe, for there was at the least two hundred men, who all at one time drewe out their poinyardes, and stabbed our men that neuer suspected them, so that presently they had slaine twelue of the shippe, and two sore wounded, that boldly withstoode them: the rest of our men being vnder hatches presently tooke their pikes, and thrust so fast out at the grates, that the Iauars woulde haue forced the middle part of the ship, wherein was two entries, but our men standing at them with their swordes in hand draue them out, not ceasing still to thrust vp with their pikes, meane time they kindled fier, lighted their matches, and shot off their stone peeces that lay aboue the hatches, wherwith they began presently to flie, most of them leaping ouer bord, and swam to their two boates, that lay harde by our shippes, whereof one with a great peece was presently stricken in peece: The rest of our shipps hearing vs shoote in that manner, entered into their boats, and made towardes them, rowing harde to the three Indian fustes, wherein were at the least 100. men, and shotte among them with their peeces, wherewith they leapt into the water, euery man swimming to shore, and we with two boates after them, hewing and killing them as our deadly enemies, who vnder pretence of friendshippe sought to murther vs, and wee handled them in such sort, that of two hundred men there got not aboue thirty of them to lande, the rest of their fustes lay farre off and beheld the fight: Three of their fustes thought to rowe to the Pinnace to take her, which they might easily haue done, as hauing not aboue 7. or 8. men in her, being busie to set vp a newe maste, but when they perceyued their men to bee so handeled in the Amsterdam, and that they leapt ouer horde, they turned backe againe, and in great haste rowed to land, so that at that time they got not much by the bargaine, and no small griefe to vs, for there wee lost 12. men, that were all stabbed with poinyards, The names of the men that were stabbed. their names were Iohn Iacobson Schellenger, maister of the ship, Reymer Van Hel Factor, Gielis Gieleson Gentleman, Barent Bonteboter, Arent Cornedrager, Cornelis van Alcmuer, Simon Ianson, Wiltschut Ioos the Carpenter, Adrian de Metselar, one of the Portingalles slaues, and two boyes, whereof one was but twelue yeares olde, whereby wee perceyued them to be a kinde of cruell people, for they had giuen the little boy and all the rest of our men at the least 12 stabbes a peece after they were dead.

The same day about euening we hoysed ankers, and set saile, hauing manned the Amsterdam with men out of our other shippes, and so helde our course Eastward.

The 6. of December we came to a great Island called Madura, where we ankered, and in the evening two of their men came aborde our shippes, with message from their Gouernour, saying that we were welcome, desiring vs to stay there, for he would trafficke with vs, and sell vs some Pepper, as they saide, but wee belieued them not.

The 7. of December there came another boat abord, bringing certaine fruites, saying that the next day their Gouernour would come to see our shippes.

The 8. there came a great fuste and three smal boats, from off the land all full of men, saying their Gouernour was among them: we willed them not to goe to the Amsterdam, but to the Mauritius, but they woulde not, but made to the Amsterdam, thinking because there had beene so many murthered in her, there was not many men aborde her at that time, and when they were within a pykes length of her, (although they were directed to the other shippes) they remembering their late mischance, shotte off three or foure stone Peeces full laden, wherewith they slew and hurt many of the Indians, wherevpon they presently leapt ouer board, and wee with our boates, followed after and slew diuers of them, taking ten or twelue, thinking by them to know what their intent was to doe, but they could not certifie vs, and therefore we let them go againe onely keeping two boyes, who long after stole out of the shippe, and swamme to lande: They tolde vs that the Gouernour being a Bishoppe or chiefe instructor of the countrey, was within the boate and slaine among the rest, hee had therein likewise a little boy one of his sonnes who wee likewise tooke, and sent to lande: The Bishoppe was of Meca, and much esteemed of among them, a great Clearke, and Gouernour ouer all the rest of the Countrey: There was a Iewell found about him, which as yet is kept.

About euening we hoysed ankers, and set sayle, and the 11. of December we came to two small Islands, where wee ankered, there wee founde none but poore people and fishermen, that brought vs fish, Hens, and other fruit to sell.

How farre they were from Moluccas. The 13. wee set sayle, and the 14. wee had a West winde, which they call the passage winde, that would haue serued vs well to saile to Moluccas, from whence wee were not distant aboue two hundred miles, and as then it was a good yeare for Cloues, which happeneth euery three yeares: It was told vs that we might there haue a Cabbin laden full of Cloues, wherevpon we determined to sayle thither, but because wee had already indured a long and troublesome voyage, and but ill manned, we woulde not, longing to bee at home: This contrary wind holding vppon the foure and twentie of December wee came to an Islande where we had beene before.

The 25. of December Iohn Molenaer maister of the Mauritius, dyed sodainely, for an hower before hee was well, and in good health.

The 28. 29. 30. and 31. of December wee were busied to take all the wares, sayles, and other things out of the Amsterdam, her victuailes and furnitures seruing for our voyage homewarde, and lying vnder that Island, we had victuailes brought vs euery day as much as wee needed, both fish, Hens, venison and fruit, and at reasonable price, but there we could get no water.

The Amsterdam set on fire. The 11. of Ianuary when we had vnladen the Amsterdam we set her on fier, letting her burne, taking her men in our shippes.

The 12. of Ianuarie we set sayle again, some desiring to sayle Eastward, others Westward, but in fine wee set Westwarde to sayle once againe to Bantam, wherewith the Mauritius sayled Southeastwarde, to gette about the Island of Iaua, and we followed her. The 14. of Ianuary we once againe perceyued the East point of the Island of Madura, and held our course Southward: on that side of Madura there lyeth many small Islandes, through which we sayled.

The Pinace on ground. The 16. in the morning our Pinace fell on grounde vpon the coast of Iaua, not far from Pannorocan, where she shotte off three peeces, at the which warning wee made thither with our boates, and by the helpe of God got her off againe: There we saw a high hil that burnt, vnder and aboue the fire hauing a great smoake, most strange to behold.

The 18. of Ianuary we entered into the straight that runneth betweene Iaua and Baly, and by reason of the hard and contrary streame that ran therin, we were forced to anker vpon the coast of Iaua, where wee found good anker ground.

The 19. wee set sayle, and when wee came neere to the coast of Baly, we entered into a rough streame, and our shippes draue backeward, as swiftly as an arrow out of a bow, and there we found no anker ground, nor any anker could haue holden vs, but Molenaer got the coast of Iaua and ankered, which in the ende wee likewise did, and ankered at the least three miles from him, and so much we had driuen backe in the space of halfe an houre.

The 20. of Ianuarie wee went and lay by our other ships.

The 21. of Ianuarie there came two barkes to the Mauritius, wherein there was one that coulde speake good Portingall, who tolde vs that the towne of Ballaboam was besieged by a strange King, that had marryed the King of Ballaboams daughter, and after he had laine with her he caused her to bee slaine, and then came to besiege her father. This towne of Ballaboam lyeth on the East end of the Island of Iaua, and is the same towne where M. Candish was when hee passed that way, and the old King wherof he writeth was as then yet liuing, being at the least 160. years of age. There we saw great numbers of Battes, that flew ouer our shippes, and were as bigge as Crowes, which in that Countrey they vse to eat, as they say: About noone we came before the towne of Ballaboam, so neare vnto it, that we might easily see it, and there we lay behind a high point of lande, thinking to take in water.

The 22. of Ianuarie we tooke our Pinace, and sayled about the shore as neere the land as possible we might, to seeke for fresh water, but we found none, for the Riuer that ran through the towne was paled vp (by them that lay before it) so that no man might passe either out or in, but onely on the lande side, and that with great daunger: The same day there came 2. or 3. men abord our shippe, that stole out of the towne by night, and came from the King, to desire our help with our great shot, which wee could not doe; because that thereabouts it was very shallow, and we might not go neere it with our shippes; they tolde vs they had great want of victuailes within the towne, whereby many of them were already deade for hunger, and much desired our aide, but it was not in vs to doe. Those that besieged the towne were Mores, but they in the towne were heathens, and as yet had not receyued Mahomets lawe and that (as wee heard after) was the cause of their warre: There wee sawe many Storkes flying and sitting in the fielde: with vs we cannot imagine where the Storkes remaine in winter time, but here wee sawe them in the winter time.

The 24. of Ianuarie we sayled from thence, perceyuing nothing for vs to get, and tooke our course right ouer to the Island of Bally.

The 25. we came to Bally, where one of their barks borded vs, telling vs that there we should find a Riuer of fresh water, and of all thinges els sufficient to serue our necessities, wherevpon we ankered.

The 26. of Ianuarie our Pinace sent her boat to land, to see the Riuer, and there one of our men was sent on shore, but when he was on land he found nothing, but an armie of ten thousand men, that ment to relieue the towne of Ballaboam, and the Riuer was nothing worth to lade water, wherevpon our men came on borde againe: Their Generall thought to haue gotten some great pray out of our shippes.

The 27. of Ianuarie we set sayle to finde a conuenient place to refresh vs with water and other prouision, for wee were informed by a man of Bengala, that of his owne will sayled with vs, and that had beene in Bally, that there wee should finde water and other thinges to serue our necessities, so that by night wee ankered vnder a high pointe of lande on the South West ende of Bally.

The 28. of Ianuarie one of their boates borded vs with sixe or seuen men, saying that their King was desirious to deale with vs for such wares as hee had, and sent to know from whence we came, and we said wee came out of Holland.

The 29. and 30. there came more men aborde our shippes, but as wee suspected that was not the right hauen, for the people came rowing in great haste a far off, and the man of Bengala could not tell what to say, but the King was thereabout, and euery day sent vs some fruit.

The first of February wee had two hogges brought aborde our shippes, that wee bought for two Ryalles of eyght, and we eate them very sauerly.

The 2. of Februarie, we set saile that wee might get aboue the point, where wee thought to finde a better place for freshe water, but by reason the winde was contrary, wee could not doe it, but were forced to anker againe.

The 3. of February we set saile againe, and then wee had a storme, so that our saile blew euery way, and because of the contrarie winde we could not reach aboue the point, but were constrained to anker, but the Mauritius and the Pinace got past it, although thereby the Mauritius was in no little daunger, but because the Pilot had laid a wager of 6. Rialles of 8. that hee woulde get aboue it, hee would passe, what daunger soeuer it might be, and sayled close along by the cliffes, whereby wee lay at anker without companie.

The 4 and 5. we set saile once againe to get aboue the point but could not reach it.

The 6. we had a letter from Rodenburgh, that certified vs how the Mauritius lay at anker at the least 7. or 8. miles beyond the point, and he that brought the letter came with it ouer land; and at the same time there was a man sent on lande with a small present for the King, that we might winne his fauour.

The 7. our man came on borde againe, and brought vs newes how Rodenburgh with one of the Portingalles slaues, being on lande were against their willes led before the King, but the saylors of the Mauritius had gotten men for pledges.

The 8. of Ianuarie, the same man went on land out of our shippe with more presentes of veluet and a caliuer, the better to get the Kinges fauour, which liked him well, and desired vs to bring the ship nearer to the towne, saying he would send vs water, and other things sufficient to supply our wants.

The 9. we sayled into the cheeke with our shippe, and ankered about a small halfe mile from the land, and being ankered there came at the least 70. boates of the Countrey to see our ship, and the King sent vs word that hee was desirous to heare vs shoote off 5. or 6. of our great peeces, and the King stoode vppon the shore to see them.

The 10. we had a letter from Cornelis Houtman, to wil vs to come to them, for that there they had founde a good place for water, and all other necessaries, so that about euening wee set sayle, leauing two of our men and a Portingall slaue among the Indians, whome the King promised should come vnto vs ouer land, yet that night wee could not reach aboue the point, meane time we perceyued our Pinace that came to helpe vs.

The 16. we got by the Mauritius, that had already laden in her water, and hooped her vessels, wherevpon we began presently to do the like, and to visite our vessels that were almost spoyled.

The 17. our men whome wee left with the King came ouer land vnto our shippes, and then we bought great store of cattle and fruit.

The 18. 19. 20. and 21. wee imployed our time to lade water, which wee had verie easily, and refreshed our selues with Cattle, Hogges, fruit, and Lemons sufficient. There came one of the Kinges principall officers with our men ouer land, to pleasure vs in all things we desired, he was very desirous to haue some present of vs.

Two of our men stayed with the Indians. The 24. of Ianuarie two of our men that sayled in the Mauritius stayed on lande, but wee knewe not the cause: it should seeme some great promises had beene made vnto them, for as we vnderstoode the King was very desirous to haue all sortes of strange nations about him, but our people were therein much ouerseene, for there they liued among heathens, that neyther knewe God nor his commandements, it appeared that their youthes and wilde heades did not remember it, one of their names was Emanuel Rodenburgh of Amsterdam, the other Iacob Cuyper of Delft: within a day or two they sent vnto vs for their clothes, but wee sent them not.

The 23. 24. and 25. we made a voyage on land, and fetcht as many Hogges abord our shippes as we could eate.

The 25. of Februarie we hoysed ankers, minding to set saile and so go homeward, leauing our two men aforesaid on land, but because it was calme weather we ankered, and went once againe on lande, and the 26. of the same Month wee set saile and helde our course West South West, but we had a calme.

The situation of the Island of Baly

The Island of Baly lying at the East end of Iaua, is a verie fruitfull Islande of Ryce, Hennes, Hogges, that are very good, and great store of cattle: but they are very drie and leane beastes. They haue many horses: the inhabitants are heathens, and haue no religion, for some pray to Kine, others to the Sunne, and euerie man as hee thinketh good. How 50 women burnt them selues with one man. When a man dyeth his wife burneth her selfe with him: there were some of their men aborde our shippes, that told vs, that when some man dyeth in that Countrey, that sometimes there are at the least fifty women that will burne themselues with him, and she that doth not so is accounted for a dishonest woman: so that it is a common thing with them: The apparel both of men and women is for the most part like those of Bantam, nothing but a cloth about their middles: Their weapons is, each man a poinyarde at their backes, and a trunke with an iron point like a speare, about a fadom and a halfe long, out of the which they blowe certaine arrowes, whereof they haue a case full; it is an euil weapon for naked men: they are enemies to the Mores and Portingalles. This Iland yeeldeth no spice, nor any other costly ware, onely victuailes and clothes which they weare about their bodies, and slaues that are there to be solde. The King went with more state then the King of Bantam: all his garde had pikes with heades of fine gold, and he sate in a wagon that that was drawen by two white Buffles.

The first of March we had a calme.

The third we got a good wind, that blew Southeast, holding our course West South West.

The fourteenth the wind blew stil South East, sometimes more Southwarde, and sometimes Eastward, being vnder 14. degrees, and a good sharpe gale, holding our course West Southwest: The situation of Iaua. There we found that Iaua is not so broade, nor stretcheth it selfe not so much Southwarde, as it is set downe in the Carde: for if it were, we should haue passed clean through the middle of the land.

The 22. of March the winde helde as it did, being vnder 19. degrees, holding our course West South West.

The 19. of April our ship had no more bread left, but for our last partition euery man had seuen pound, both good and badde breade, and from that time forwarde our meate was Rice sodden in water, and euery man had a canne of water euery day, with three romers of wine, and weekely each man three romers or glasses of oyle and that very strong, and nothing els.

The 20. we had a calme, the 21. a calme with a Northerne aire.

The 23. a good wind that blew Southwest.

The 24. we saw the firme lande of Æthiopia, being vnder 33. degrees, and as wee gessed, wee were then about an hundred miles from the Cape de bona Sperance, yet we thought we had been at the least three hundred miles from it, so that wee may say, that God wrought wonderfully for vs: for that if wee had fallen by night vpon the land, we had surely runne vpon it: wee had a good winde out of the West, and West Southwest.

The 25. of Aprill in the morning wee had a calme, with a very hollow water, and at euening we had a good winde, that came North and Northeast, and although wee had so good a wind yet our shippe bare but little sayle, although the other two shippes of our company were at the least two mile before vs, for most part of the night wee sayled with our schouer saile, holding our course Southwest and by West.

The 26. of Aprill in the morning we coulde not see our shippes, which pleased not our men, besides that our shippe was very weake, whereby her ribs shoke, and her ioynts with the force of the water opened and shut, so that as then our shippe was very leake, hauing the winde Northwest, holding our course as neere as wee could West Southwest, and then we put out our maine sayles, at noone the winde came West, with a great storme, so that most of our sayles blew in peeces, and so wee draue forward with out sayles.

The 27. of Aprill still driuing without sayle with a West winde, wee were vnder thirty sixe degrees, so that we found that the streame draue vs South and South West.

The 28. of Aprill still driuing without sailes, we had the height of 36. degrees and 20. minutes, and about euening we hoised saile againe, the winde being West Southwest, and we held our course Northwest with very hollow water.

The 29. of April we could not as yet see our shippes, the wind being West.

The 30. of Aprill we had fayre weather with a West and West South West wind, and then we saw many great birdes with white billes, which is a signe not to bee far from the Cape de bona Sperance, we likewise saw certain small birdes, speckled on their backes, and white vpon their breastes.

The first of May wee had a South winde with fayre weather hauing 34 degrees and a halfe, holding our course West Southwest.

The seconde of May wee were vnder 35. degrees, and 1/2. holding our course West and West and by North.

The fourth of May we found our selues to be vnder 37. degrees South South East winde, our course being West and by North, and West North West.

The 5. and 6. of May we had all one winde at noone being vnder 35. degrees, wee thought wee had passed the Cape, and held our course Northwest, towardes Saint Helena, still without sight of our ships.

The 8. of May with a South wind wee helde North West and by West.

The 9. we had a calme with a gray sky, and were vnder 31. degrees and twentie minutes, and then our portion of oyle was increased a glasse more euery weeke, so that euery man had foure glasses.

The 10. we had stil South winds, and were vnder 29 deg.

Signes of the Cape de bona Speranza. The 14. of May twice or thrice we saw reedes, called Trombos driuing on the water, being such as driue about the the Cape de bona Speranza, which wee thought verie strange, for that the Portingals write, that they are seen but thirtie myles from the Cape, and wee gest our selues to be at the least 200. beyond it.

The 15. we still had a South East wind, and helde our course Northwest.

The 16. of May in the morning we saw two ships, whereat we much reioyced, thinking they had beene our companie, we made to leewarde of them, and the smallest of them comming somewhat neere vs, about the length of the shotte of a great peece, shee made presently toward her fellow, whereby we perceiued them to bee Frenchmen, yet we kept to leeward, thinking they would haue come and spoken with vs, but it should seeme they feared vs, and durst not come, but held their course Northeast; at noone we had the height of 22. degrees, and 50. minutes with a Southeast wind, holding our course Northwest.

The 17. of May wee were vnder 21. degrees and a halfe: the 18. the wind being Southerly, we were vnder 19. degrees and a halfe.

The 19. and 20. we had a calme with a Southern aire.

The 21. the ayre comming Southwest, we held our course Northwest: and were vnder 17. degrees and 2/3 partes: There we found the compasse to decline three quarters of a strike or line North eastward, after noone we had a Southeast wind, and our course West Northwest.

The 22. of May we had still a Southeast winde, and were vnder the height of 16. degrees and 40. minutes, holding our course West Northwest.

The 23. of May, by reason of the cloudy sky, about noone we could not take the height of the Sunne, but as we gest we had the height of the Island of S. Helena, and held our course West and by South to keepe vnder that height, for there the compasses decline a whole strike or line: in the euening we found that we were vnder 16. degrees.

The 24. of May in the morning wee discouered a Portingall ship, that stayed for vs, and put out a flagge of truce, and because our flagge of truce was not so readie as theirs, and we hauing the wind of him, therefore he shot two shootes at vs, and put forth a flagge out of his maine top, and we shot 5 or 6. times at him, and so held on our course without speaking to him, hauing a South East winde, holding our course West and by South to find the Island of S. Helena, which the Portugal likewise sought.

The 25. of May we discouered the Island of S. Helena, but we could not see the Portingal ship, still sayling with a stiffe Southeast wind, and about euening we were vnder the Island, which is very high lande, and may be seene at the least 14. or 15. miles off, and as we sayled about the North point, there lay three other great Portingal ships, we being not aboue half a mile from them, wherevpon wee helde in the weather and to seawarde Northeast as much as we might. The Portingalles perceyuing vs, the Admiral of their fleet shot off a peece to call their men that were on land to come aborde, Foure Portingal ships richly laden. and then wee saw foure of their shippes together, that were worth a great summe of money, at the least 300. tunnes of gold, for they were all laden with spices, precious stones, and other rich wares, and therefore wee durst not anker vnder the Island, but lay all night Northeastwarde, staying for our company.

The 26. of May in the morning wee made towardes the Island againe, with a good Southeast winde, and about noone or somewhat past we discried two shippes, and about euening as we made towards them, we knew them to be our company, which made vs to reioyce, for we had been asunder the space of a whole Month, and so we helde together and sayled homeward, holding our course Northwest: for as yet our men were well and in good health, and we found a good Southeast winde, and had water enough for foure or fiue monthes.

The 27. 28. 29. and 30. of May wee had a Southeast winde, with faire weather, and the 27. day we were vnder 14. degrees. The first of Iune we were vnder 6. degrees, with a Southeast wind, holding our course North West, but by means of the Compasse that yeelded North eastward, we kept about Northwest and by North. The 6. of Iune wee were vnder one degree on the South side of the line, there wee founde that the streame draue vs fast into the West, and therefore wee helde our course more Northernely and sayled Northwest and by North, with an East and South East wind. They passed the Equinoctiall line. The 7. of Iune wee past the Equinoctiall line, with an East winde, holding our course North Northwest.

The 10. of Iune in the euening we were vnder 5. degrees and a halfe on the North side of the line, and then we began again to see the North star, which for the space of 2. years we had not seene, holding our course North Northwest, there we began to haue smal blasts, and some times calmes, but the aire all South and South east.

The 11. of Iune we had a calme, and yet a darke sky, that came Southeastwarde.

The 12. of Iune wee had a close sky with raine, and the same euening our fore top maste fell downe.

The 13. we strake all our sailes and mended our ship.

The 14. we had the wind Northward, holding our course West Northwest as neare as we coulde, but by reason of the thick sky wee could not take height of the Sun. The 15. of Iune we had the wind North, and North Northwest.

The 16. of Iune wee had the height of 9. degrees and 10. minutes, the winde being Northeast and North Northeast. The 17. the winde was Northeast with fair weather, and we held Northwest, and Northwest and by North till after noone. They tooke a great fish. The 15. we tooke a great fish called an Aluercour, which served vs all for 3. meals, which wee had not tasted of long time before.

The 26. we had still a Northeast winde, and sometimes larger, holding our course North Northwest with large saile, and were vnder 17. degrees and 1/2.

The same day there came much dust flying into our shippe, as if we had past hard by some sandie towne, and we gest the nearest land to vs might be the Island of S. Anthony, and wee were as then at the least 40. or 50. miles from it: The same day likewise there came a flying fish into our shippe, which we eat.

The 28. of Iune wee had the height of 20. degrees, with a East Northeast wind and East and by West, with full sayle, there we saw much Sargosse, driuing on the water. The last of Iune we had the Sun right ouer our heades, and yet we felt no heat, for that by reason of the cold ayre we had a fine coole weather. The same day we passed Tropicus Cancri, still hauing the winde East Northeast, and in the euening we were vnder 24. degr.

The second of Iuly we saw Sargosse driuing vpon the water, and had the wind somewhat lower North Northeast with a calme. The thirde of Iuly the winde came againe East Northeast, and wee helde our course North and by West. The 8. of Iuly wee were vnder 33. degrees and 1/2. with an East wind, holding our course North and by East, and yet we saw much Sargosse driuing, but not so thicke as it did before.

The 10 of Iuly we had a good wind that blew south and South and by East, and hoysted vp our maine tops, that for the space of 26. daies were neuer touched, and held our course North Northeast, there we were in no little feare to fall among the Spanish fleet, which at that time of the yeare keepeth about the Flemmish Islands.

The same day one of our boyes fell ouer bord, and was carried away with a swift streame before the wind, but to his great good fortune, the Pinace saued him, that was at the least a quarter of a mile from vs: this euening we found the height of 36. degrees.

The 12. of Iuly we had a Southwest wind, holding our course Northeast and by North: Our Pilot and the Pilot of the Pinnace differed a degree in the height of the Sunne, for ours had 38. degrees, and theirs but 37. We gest to be about the Islands of Corbo and Flores, but the one held more easterly and the other more Westerly. The 13. of Iuly wee had still a Southwest winde, and after noone wee thought wee had seene land, but we were not assured thereof, for it was somewhat close. The 14. of Iuly we had a calme, and saw no land, and then our men began to be sicke.

The 17. of Iuly wee had a South Southeast winde, with faire weather, and were vnder 41. degrees, holding our course East Northeast.

The 18. 19. 20. and 21. it was calme. The 22. of Iuly the winde came North, and wee held our course East Southeast. The 23. of Iuly the wind was North North East and Northeast, and we held as near as we could East and East Southeast, the same day our steward found a barrell of stockfish in the roming, which if we had beene at home we would haue cast it on the dunghil, it stunke so filthily, and yet we eat it as sauerly as the best meat in the world.

The 24. we had a West wind, and that with so strong a gale, that wee were forced to set two men at helme, which pleased vs well.

The 25. of Iuly we had a storme that blew West and West Northwest, so that we bare but two sailes, holding our course Northeast and by East.

The first of August we were vnder 45. degrees with a North West wind, holding our course Northeast and by East.

The second of August one of our men called Gerrit Cornelison of Spijckenes died, being the first man that dyed in our voyage homeward.

The 4. of August we had a Northwest wind.

The 5. of August in the morning the winde came Southwest, and we were vnder 47. degrees, holding our course Northeast and the North Northeast, and wee gest that wee were not farre from the channell, those dayes aforesaid we had so great colde in our shippes, as if had beene in the middle of winter: We could not be warme with all the clothes wee had. The same day we saw Sargosse driue vpon the water.

They saw a shippe with the Prince of Oranges flagge. The 6. of August we had a West wind, in the morning we cast out our lead and found grounde at 80. fadome, and about noone we saw a shippe that bare the Princes flagge, yet durst not come neare vs, although we made signes vnto him, and after noone wee saw the land of Heissant, whereat we all reioyced.

The 7. of August in the morning we saw the land of Fraunce, and held our course North Northeast, and likewise we saw a small shippe, but spake not with it.

The 8. of August in the morning we saw the Kiskas, and had a South wind and somewhat West, holding our course East Northeast.

They saw a man of war. The 9. of August we entered the heades, and past them with a Southwest wind, sayling Northeast. After noone we past by a man of warre being a Hollander, that lay at anker, and he hoysed anker to follow vs, about euening wee spake with him, but because of the wind wee could hardly heare what hee said, yet hee sailed on with vs.

The man of war gaue them victuailes. The 10. of August the man of warre borded vs with his boat, and brought vs a barrell of beere, some bread and cheese, shewing vs what news he could touching the state of Holland, and presently wee sawe the land of Holland, and because it blew very stiffe and a great storme, after noone wee ankered about Petten to stay for better weather, and some new Pilots, and that was the first time we had cast anker for the space of 5. monthes together, about euening it beganne to blow so stifle, that wee lost both an anker and a cable.

They cut down their main mast. The 11. of August we had still a Southerly winde, and therefore about noone the Mauritius set saile, and wee thought likewise to saile, but our men were so weake that we could not hoyse vp our anker, so that we were constrained to lie still till men came out to helpe vs, about euening the winde came Southwest, and with so great a storme, that we thought to haue run vpon the strand, and were forced to cut downe our maine maste.

The 12. and 13. we had a hard South West wind, and sometimes West, so that no Pilots came abord our ship, but the 13. day about euening it began to be faire weather.

The 14. of August about breake of day in the morning, there came two boats with Pilots and men abord our ship, that were sent out by our owners, and brought vs some fresh victuailes, which done they hoysed vp our ankers, and about noone we sayled into the Tessel, and ankered in the channell, where we had fresh victuailes enough, for we were all weake.

This was a great noueltie to all the Marchantes and inhabitantes of Hollande, for that wee went out from thence the second of April 1595. and returned home again vpon the 14. of August 1597. there you might haue bought of the Pepper, Nutmegs, Cloues, and Mace, which wee brought with vs. Our saylors were most part sicke, being but 80. men in all, two third partes of their company being dead, and lost by diuers accidentes, and among those forescore such as were sicke, as soone as they were on land and at their ease presently recouered their healthes.

The copper money of Iaua commeth also out of China, and is almost as thicke, great and heauy, as a quarter of a Doller, and somewhat thicker, in the middle hauing a square hole, 2000. of them are worth a Riall of 8. but of these there are not ouer many, they vse to hang them vpon stringes, and pay them without telling, they stand not so narrowly vpon the number, for if they want but 25. or 50. it is nothing.

The leaden money of Iaua, (being of bad Leade is very rough) hath in the middle a foure square hole, they are hanged by two hundred vppon a string, they are commonly 10. 11. and 12. thousand to a Riall of 8. as there commeth great quantitie out of China, where they are made, and so as there is plentie or scarcitie they rise and fal.

A true report of the gainefull, prosperous, and speedy voiage to Iaua in the East Indies, performed by a fleete of 8. ships of Amsterdam: which set forth from Texell in Holland the first of Maie 1598. Stilo Nouo. Whereof foure returned againe the 19. of Iuly anno 1599. in lesse then 15. moneths; the other foure went forward from Iaua for the Moluccas. [Footnote: At London: printed by P. S. for W. Aspley, and are to be sold at the signe of the Tygers Head in Paules Church-yard, (1600).]

Whereas in the yeare of our Lord 1595. a certaine company of substantial merchants of Amsterdam in Holland did build and set forth for the East Indies four well appointed shippes, whereof three came home An. 1597. with small profit (as already in sundry languages is declared) [Footnote: See above.] Yet neuerthelesse the aforesaid company, in hope of better successe, made out the last years 1598. for a seconde voiage, a fleete of eight gallant ships, to wit. The shippe called the Mauritius, lately returned from that former voyage, being of burden two hundreth and thirty last, or foure hundreth and sixty tunnes, or thereabouts. This shippe was Admirall of the fleete. The master whereof was Godevart Iohnson, the Commissarie or factor Cornelius Heemskerck, and the Pilot Kees Collen.

The second ship called the Amsterdam, was of the burden of four hundreth and sixty tuns. The Master’s name was Claes Iohnson Melcknap; The factor or commissarie Iacob Heemskerck.

The third was named Hollandia, about the burden of sixe hundreth tuns: which had likewise been in the former voiage. The Master was Symon Lambertson or Mawe, the Factor Master Witte Nijn, who died in the voyage before Bantam, and in his roome succeeded Iohn Iohnson Smith.

The name of the fourth ship was Gelderland, of burden about foure hundreth tuns. Master wherof was Iohn Browne, factor or commissarie Hans Hendrickson.

The fift was called Zeelandia, of the burden of three hundreth and sixtie tuns. The Master was Iohn Cornelison, the Commissary or factor N. Brewer.

The sixt ship named Utrecht of the burden of two hundreth and sixtie tuns. The Master was Iohn Martsen, the Factor or commissary Adrian Veen.

The seuenth a pinnas called Frisland, of burden about seuenty tuns. The Master Iacob Cornelison, the Factor Walter Willekens.

The eighth a pinnas that had been in the former voiage called the Pidgeon, now the Ouerijssel, of the burden of fifty tuns. The Master Symon Iohnson. The Factor Arent Hermanson.

Of this fleete was General and Admirall Master Iacob Neck, Viceadmirall Wybrand van Warwick: and Rereadmirall Iacob Heemskerck.

With this fleet of eight ships we made saile from Texell the first of May 1598. Stilo Nouo, being the 21. of Aprill, after the account of England and sailed with good speed vnto the Cabo de bona Speranza: as further shal appeare by a Iournal annexed vnto the end of this discourse.

Being past the Cape, the 7. and 8. of August, by a storme of weather fiue ships were separated from the Admirall, who afterwardes came together againe before Bantam.

They meete with a ship of Zealand. The 26. of August with three shippes wee came within the view of Madagascar, and the 29. wee met with a ship of Zeeland, called the Long barke, which had put to sea before vs, and now kept aloofe from us, supposing we were enemies: but at length perceiuing by our flagges what we were, they sent their Pinnas aboord vs, reioycing greatly to haue met with vs, because that diuers of their men were sicke, and ten were already dead: and they had in all but seuen men aboord the shippe that were meat-whole, and eleuen mariners to guide the shippe. Wee agreed to relieue them with some supplie of men: but through darkenesse and great winde wee lost them againe.

The Isle of Santa Maria. After this, we the Admiral Mauritius, the Hollandia, and the pinnas Ouerijssel keeping together, came to the Island of Santa Maria, before the great bay of Antogil in Madagascar: where wee got a small quantity of Rice. We tooke the King prisoner, who paide for his ransome a Cow and a fat calfe.

In this Island we found no great commodity: for being the month of September, the season was not for any fruits: the Oranges had but flowers: Lemons were scant: of Sugarcanes and Hens there was some store, but the Inhabitants were not very forward in bringing them out.

Killing of the whale. Heere we sawe the hunting of the Whale, (a strange pastime) certaine Indians in a Canoa, or boate following a great Whale, and with a harping Iron, which they cast forth, piercing the whals body, which yron was fastned to a long rope made of the barkes of trees, and so tied fast to their Canoa. All this while pricking and wounding the whale so much as they could, they made him furiously to striue too and fro, swiftly swimming in the sea, plucking the canoa after him: sometimes tossing it vp and downe, as lightly as if it had been a strawe. The Indians in the meane time being cunning swimmers taking small care though they were cast ouerboord, tooke fast hold by the boat stil, and so after some continuance of this sport, the whale wearied and waxing faint, and staining the sea red with his bloud, they haled him toward the shore, and when they had gotten him so neare shore on the shallowe that the most part of him appeared aboue water, they drew him aland and hewed him in pieces, euery one taking thereof what pleased them, which was to vs a strange sight. It is reported that the Indians of Terra Florida vse the like fishing for the Whale. Our men might haue taken some part thereof, but refused it: the pieces thereof were so like larde or fat bacon.

The Bay of Antogill. From thence we made toward the great Bay of Antogill and ankered vnder the Island, where wee tooke in fresh water.

Our Indians that were brought from thence by them of the former voiage (the names of whome were Madagascar the one, and the other Laurence) wee offered to set there on land, but they refused, chusing rather to tarry with vs and to be apparelled, then to go naked in their owne countrey: working and moyling for a miserable liuing, opposing their bare skins to the vehemency of the sunne and weather: and their excuse was, that in that place they were strangers and had none acquaintance.

How long their beere continued good. Our beere continued good vntill we were passed the Cape de bona speranza: from thence we began to mingle it with water hauing a portion of wine allowed vs twise a day, and this allowance continued vntill our returne into Holland.

We went with our boates vp the riuer seeking refreshing: but the Inhabitants gaue vs to vnderstand by signes that wee might returne, for there was nothing to be had. Wee rowed into the riuer about three leagues, and found their report to bee true. The cause was, that the Kings made warre there one against an other, and so all the victuals were in manner destroied, insomuch that the Inhabitants themselues many of them perished for hunger, and in one of these battailes one of their Kings was lately slaine. Wherfore after fiue daies abode and no longer, we departed, and in Gods name made to sea again, directing our course the sixteenth of September for Iaua. They arriue at Bantam. About the nineteenth of Nouember we came within sight of Sumatra, and the 26. of the same moneth 1598. wee in the three shippes aforesaid, to wit, the Mauritius, our Admirall, the Hollandia, and the Ouerissell, arriued before the citty of Bantam in Iaua. Presently vpon this our arriuall, our Admirall and Generall Master Iacob Van Neck, sought with all friendship to traffique with the people of the saide towne of Bantam, sending Master Cornelis Heemskerck on land to shew them what we were, for they thought vs to be the very same men that had been there the yeare before, and al that while guarded the sea cost, as being assuredly persuaded that we were pirates and sea rouers. They present their letters and gifts. But we, to make them vnderstand the contrary, sent on lande one Abdoll of China, a captiue of theirs, whom we brought from them in our first voyage; by whose meanes we got audience and credite: and so we presented our gifts and presents to the King, which was but a childe: and the chiefe gouernour called Cephat, hauing the kingly authority, most thankfully receiued the same in the name of his King. The said presents were a faire couered cup of siluer and gilt, certaine veluets and clothes of silke, with very fine drinking glasses and excellent looking glasses, and such other gifts more. Likewise we presented our letters sealed very costly with the great seale of the noble and mighty lords the Estates generall of the united Prouinces, and of Prince Mauritz, whome they termed their Prince. Trade licensed. Which letters were by them receiued with great reuerence, creeping vpon their knees: and (the same being well perused, read and examined) they found thereby our honest intent and determination for traffike: insomuch that a mutuall league of friendship and alliance was concluded, and we were freely licensed to trade and traffike in such wise, that euen the fourth day of our arriuall we began to lade; and within foure or fiue weekes all our foure ships hauing taken in their full fraight, were ready to depart.

When our three shippes aforesaid had remained there welnigh a moneth, about Newyears-tide arriued the other fiue shippes of our company before mentioned in very good manner, and well conditioned. The whole fleet meet before Bantam. And so our whole fleete of eight ships ioyfully met together, and had none or very fewe sicke persons among them, hauing lost by death in the whole fleete but 35. men in all, of which number some perished through their own negligence. Vpon this happy meeting we displaied our flags, streamers and ensignes after the brauest manner, honouring and greeting one another with volleis of shot, making good cheere, and (which was no small matter) growing more deeply in fauour with the townesmen of Bantam. Vnto vs were daily brought aboord in Prauwes or Indian boats great quantity of hens, egs, Cocos, bonanos, sugar-canes, cakes, made of rice, and a certaine kinde of good drinke which is there made by the men of China. Thus the people daily bartered with vs for pewter and other wares, giuing so much victuals for a pewter spoone, as might well suffice one man for an whole weeke. Wee trucked likewise for diuers other things, as for porcellan dishes and such like. The price of pepper inhanced. Howbeit, that which our Indian Abdoll declared (namely, that more ships were comming besides the three aforesaid, and that others beside them were also sent out of Zeland) little tended to our commodity: for thereupon the Iauans tooke occasion to inhance the price of their pepper, insomuch that we were forced to pay for 55. pounds of pepper first three, and afterward four Reals of eight: neither did they demaund or call for any thing so much as for the said Reals of eight. Mercery or haberdashers wares were in no such request as money. Also we much marueiled, how the Iauans should tell vs of more shippes to come, making signes with their foure fingers and thumb, that foure Lyma (which word in their language signifieth shippes) were comming.

And here you are to vnderstand, that our Generall Master Van Neck, together with the commissaries or factors, thought good, besides the three forsaid ships that came first, to lade one other, to wit, the greater pinnasse called Frisland, whereof was Master Iacob Cornelison, and factor Walter Willekens. Foure ships laden. These foure ships hauing receiued their ful freight, and giuen notice on land of their departure (to the end that none of their creditours might bee vnpaid) and also having well prouided themselues of rice and water, departed the thirteenth of Ianuary 1599. and sayled to Sumatra, where they tooke in fresh water; for that the water of Bantam first waxeth white, and afterward crawleth full of magots.

Vpon the land of Sumatra we bartered kniues, spoones, looking-glasses, bels, needles and such like, for sundry fruits, to wit, melons, cucumbers, onions, garlike, and pepper though little in quantity, yet exceeding good.

We had to deale with a notable Merchant of Bantam, named Sasemolonke, whose father was a Castilian, which sold vs not much lesse then an hundreth last of pepper. He was most desirous to haue traueiled with vs into Holland: but misdoubting the displeasure and euil will of the king, and fearing least his goods might haue bin confiscated, he durst not aduenture vpon the voiage.

The four other ships sent to Moluccas. Certaine daies before our departure from Bantam were the other foure shippes dispatched to go for the Moluccas, and ouer them was appointed as Admirall and Generall Master Wybrant van Warwicke in the shippe called Amsterdam, and Iacob Heemskerck Viceadmirall in the shippe Gelderland, the other two shippes in consort with them being Zeland and Vtrecht before mentioned.

These foure made saile towards the Moluccas, and parted from vs the 8. of Ianuary in the night, and in taking of our leaues both of vs together, made such a terrible thundering noise with our ordinance, that the townsemen were vp in alarme, vntill they knewe the reason thereof. The people were glad of their departure, hauing some mistrust of vs, remaining there so strong with 8. ships. And they asked daily when we should depart, making great speed to help vs vnto our lading, and shewing themselues most seruiceable vnto vs.

The 11. of Ianuary 1599. we in the foure shippes laden with pepper departed from Bantam homeward. The 13. we arriued at Sumatra. The 19. we shaped our course directly for Holland. The 3. of April we had sight of Capo de buona esperanza. The 8. of Aprill we doubled the said Cape, proceeding on for the Isle of Saint Helena, whither we came the twenty sixt of the same month, and there refreshed our selues for the space of eight daies.

In this Island we found a church with certaine boothes or tents in it, and the image of Saint Helena, as likewise a holy water fat, and a sprinkle to cast or sprinkle the holy water: but we left all things in as good order as we found them.

Moreouer here we left behinde vs some remembrances in writing, in token of our being there. At this place died of the bloody flixe, the Pilot of our Admirall Kees Collen of Munickendam, a worthy man, to our great griefe.

This Island (as Iohn Huighen van Linschotten describeth it) is replenished with manifold commodities, as namely with goates, wilde swine, Turkies, partridges, pidgeons, &c. But by reason that those which arriue there vse to discharge their ordinance, and to hunt and pursue the saide beastes and fowles, they are now growen exceedingly wilde and hard to be come by. Certaine goates whereat we shotte fled vp to the high cliffes, so that it was impossible to get them. Likewise fishes wee could not catch so many as wee needed; but wee tooke in fresh water enough to serue vs till our arriuall in Holland.

A man left on land at Saint Helena. Here we left on land as a man banished out of our society, one Peter Gisbrecht the masters mate of the great pinasse, because hee had stroken the Master.

Very penitent hee was, and sorie for his misdemeanour, and all of vs did our best endeuour to obtain his pardon: but (the orders and ordinances wherevnto our whole company was sworne being read before vs) we were constrained to surcease our importunate suit, and he for the example of others to vndergo the seuere doome that was allotted him.

There was deliuered vnto him a certaine quantity of bread, oile, and rice, with hookes and instruments to fish withall, as also a hand gun and gunpowder.

Hereupon we bad him generally farewell, beseeching God to keepe and preserue him from misfortunes, and hoping that at some one time or other he should finde deliuerance; for that all shippes sailing to the West Indies must there of necessity refresh themselues.

Not far from this place we descried a saile which wee iudged to be some Frenchmen, by whom peraduenture the saide banished party might bee deliuered.

The fourth of May we set saile from Saint Helena, and the tenth of the same moneth wee passed by the Isle of Ascension. The 17. day wee passed the line. The 21. we saw the Polle-starre. The 10. and 11. of Iune we had sight of the Canaries. About the Azores wee stood in feare to meete with some Spanish Armada, because our men were growen faint and feeble by reason of their long voiage. The 27. of Iune we entered the Spanish sea. The 29. we found our selues to be in fortie foure degrees of northerly latitude. The 6. of Iuly our Admirall the Mauritius had two of his mastes blowne ouerboord: for which cause we were contrained to towe him along. The 11. of Iuly we passed the sorlings. The 13. we sayled by Falmouth, Dartmouth, and the Quasquets. The 17. we passed by Douer. The 19. meeting with some stormes and rainy weather we arriued at Texell in our owne native countrey, without any great misfortune, saue that the Mauritius once stroke on ground.

Thus hauing attained to our wished home, we gaue God thankes for this our so happy and prosperous voiage: because their neuer arriued in Holland any shippes so richly laden.

The particulars of their rich lading. Of pepper we brought eight hundreth tunnes, of Cloues two hundreth, besides great quantity of Mace, Nutmegs, Cinamom, and other principall commodities. To conclude this voiage was performed in one yeare, two monethes, and nineteene daies.

We were sailing outward from Texell to Bantam seuen moneths, we remained there sixe weekes to take in our lading, and in six monethes we returned from Bantam in Iaua to Holland.

The performance of this long and daungerous voiage in so short time we ascribed to Gods deuine and wonderfull prouidence, hauing sailed at the least 8000. leagues, that is to say, twenty four thousand English miles.

The ioye of the safe arriuall of these shippes in Holland was exceeding great: and postes were dispatched to euery principall towne and citty to publish these acceptable newes.

The merchants that were owners of these ships went straight toward Texell for the refreshing of their men, and for other necessary considerations. Friendly letters and presents from the King of Iaua. The Commissary or Factor master Cornelis Heemskerck together with Cornelis Knick, hied them with all speed towardes the Estates generall and prince Mauritz his excellency, not onely to carry the saide good newes, but withal to present the letters of the King of Iaua importing mutuall alliance, friendship and free intercourse of traffike in consideration of their honourable, liberal, and iust dealings: They brought gifts also from the said King of great price and value.

The 27. of Iuly the Mauritius our Admirall together with the Hollandia came before Amsterdam: where they were ioyfully saluted with the sound of eight trumpettes, with banqueting, with ringing of bels, and with peales of ordinance, the Generall and other men of command being honourably receiued and welcommed by the citty.

The merchants that aduentured in these voyages being in number sixeteene or seuenteene (notwithstanding the foure shippes gone from Iaua to the Moluccas, as it is before mentioned) haue sent this last spring 1599. A new supply of foure Hollandish ships sent this last spring 1599. to the East Indies. foure ships more to continue this their traffique so happely begun: intending moreouer the next spring to send a newe supply of other ships. An intent of the marchants of Amsterdam to send more ships the next spring 1600. And diuers other Marchants are likewise determined to enter into the same action.

Of them that departed from Zeland these bring no newes, otherwise then is aforesaide. Neither doe they report any thing of the two fleetes or companies, that went from Roterdam the last sommer 1598, shaping their course for the streites of Magellan.

Wee haue before made mention of an Indian called Abdoll, which was brought from Bantam, in the first voiage, and had continued an whole winter or some eight months at Amsterdam in Holland.

Where during that space (being a man of good obseruation and experience, and borne about China) hee was well entreated, cherished, and much made of.

The relation of Abdull an Indian, concerning the Netherlands. This Abdoll vpon his returne to Iaua being demanded concerning the state of the Netherlands, made vnto the principall men of Bantam a full declaration thereof, with all the rarities and singularities which he had there seen and obserued.

Which albeit to the greatest part of readers, who haue trauailed those countries may seeme nothing strange, and scarce worthy the relation: yet because the report was made by so meere a stranger, and with the Iauans that heard it wrought so good effect, I thought it not altogether impertinent here in this place to make rehearsall thereof.

First therefore he tolde them (to their great admiration in that hoat climate) That hee had seene aboue a thousand sleds drawen, and great numbers of horsemen riding vpon the frozen water in winter time, and that he had beheld more then two hundreth thousand people trauailing on foote and on horseback vpon the yce, as likewise that the said sleds were by horses drawen so swiftly, that they made more way in three houres than any man could go on foote in tenne. And also that himselfe for pleasure had beene so drawen, the horses being brauely adorned with bels and cymbals.

Howbeit they would hardly be induced to beleeue that those countries should be so extreamely colde, and the waters so mightely frozen, as to beare such a hugh waight.

Hee tolde them moreouer, that Holland was a free countrey, and that euery man there was his owne Master, and that there was not one slaue or captiue in the whole land.

Moreover, that the houses, in regarde of their beautifull and lofty building, resembled stately pallaces, their inward rich furniture being altogether answerable to their outward glorious shew.

Also, that the Churches (which he called Mesquitas), were of such bignesse and capacity, as they might receiue the people of any prety towne.

He affirmed likewise, that the Hollanders with the assistance of their confederates and friendes, maintained warres against the King of Spaine, whose mighty puissance is feared and redoubted of all the potentates of Europa.

And albeit the said warres had continued aboue thirty yeares, yet that during all that time the saide Hollanders increased both in might and wealth.

In like sort he informed them of the strange situation of Holland, as being a countrey driuing vpon the water, the earth or ground whereof, they vse instead of fewell, and that he had oft times warmed himselfe, and had seene meat dressed with fires made of the same earth.

In briefe, that it was a waterish and fenny countrey, and full of riuers, chanels, and ditches, and that therein was an innumerable multitude of boates and small shippes, as likewise great store of tall and seruiceable ships, wherewith they sailed vnto all quarters of the world, etc.

This man Abdoll wee found to bee a captiue or slaue, and sawe there his wife and children in very poore estate dwelling in a little cottage not so bigge as an hogsty: but by oure meanes he was made free and well rewarded.

Notwithstanding he did but euil recompence vs: for he was charged to be the cause why pepper was solde dearer than ordinary vnto vs by a penny in the pound: for hee tolde them that certaine shippes of Zeland and of other places were comming thitherwardes.

The Portugals go about to hinder the trade of the Hollanders. And here the reader is to vnderstand, that some foure moneths before the said three ships arriued at Bantam, the Portugales came with an Armada of gallies and fustes, being set foorth by the Viceroy of Goa and the gouernour of Molucca, to intercept the traffique of the Hollanders vnto those partes, and to made them loose all their expenses, labour, and time which they had bestowed: and also that their great and rich presentes which they gaue vnto the Iauans the yeare before, to bring them into vtter detestation of the Hollanders, might not be altogether in vaine.

The Generall of them that came from Goa was Don Luis, and of those that came from Molucca Don Emanuell: who brought their Armada before Bantam, intending to surprize the citty, vnder pretence that the same preparation was made to resist certaine pirates that came thither out of Holland the last yeare, and were determined this yeare also to come againe. Vnder these colours they sought to take the towne and to fortifie the same, and they built certaine sconces in the countrey, committing great outrages, rauishing the Women, with many other villanies. The Portugals vanquished. Hereupon the townsemen of Bantam very secretly provided certaine gallies and fustes in great hast, and sodainly assailed the Portugales before they were well aware of them: for which cause finding but small resistance, they tooke 3. Portugale gallies with certaine shippes, and slewe about 300. of them, taking 150. Portugales prisoners, of which we daily saw some going vp and downe the streetes of Bantam like slaues and captiues. Besides these they tooke about 900. gallie slaues prisoners.

Vpon this hard successe the rest of the Portugals betooke themselues to flight: but whither they bee arriued at Goa or Molucca, or what is become of them since, we are not able to auouch. The foresaid attempt and ouerthrowe, bred greater enmity betweene the Portugales and them of Bantam, and gaue an especiall occasion for the aduancement of our traffique.

The fiue ships (whereof we haue before signified that foure were dispatched by the whole companie for the Moluccas) being seuered beyonde the Cape of Buona Speranza The course which the fiue ships tooke after they were separated from their three consorts about the Cape of bouona esperanza. from the other three of their company, and hauing quite lost them, came all of them shortly after vnder an Island called (as it is thought) by the Portugals Isola de Don Galopes: but they named it the Island of Mauritius. Here they entered into an hauen, calling the same Warwicke, after the name of their Viceadmirall, wherin they found very good harborow in twenty degrees of southerly latitude.

The Isle of Mauritius described. This Island being situate to the East of Madagascar, and containing as much in compasse as all Holland, is a very high, goodly and pleasant land, full of green and fruitfull vallies, and replenished with Palmito-trees, from the which droppeth holesome wine. Great store of Ebenwood. Likewise here are very many trees of right Ebenwood as black as iet, and as smooth and hard as the very Iuory: and the quantity of this wood is so exceeding, that many ships may be laden herewith.

For to saile into this hauen you must bring the two highest mountaines one ouer the other, leauing sixe small Islands on your right hand, and so you may enter in vpon 30. fadomes of water. Lying within the bay, they had 10. 12. and 14. fadomes. On their left hand was a litle Island which they named Hemskerk Island, and the bay it selfe they called Warwick bay, as is before mentioned. Here they taried 12. daies to refresh themselues, finding in this place great quantity of foules twise as bigge as swans, which they called Walghstocks or Wallowbirdes being very good meat. But finding also aboundance of pidgeons and popiniayes, they disdained any more to eat of those great foules, calling them (as before) Wallowbirds, that is to say, lothsome or fulsome birdes.

Of the said Pidgeons and Popiniayes they found great plenty being very fat and good meate, which they could easily take and kil euen with little stickes: so tame they are by reason that the Isle is not inhabited, neither be the liuing creatures therein accustomed to the sight of men.

Here they found rauens also, and such abundance of fish, that two men were able to catch enough for all fiue ships.

Tortoises they found so huge, that tenne men might sit and dine in one of their shelles, and one of them would creepe away, while two men stood vpon the backe thereof.

Here was founde waxe also whiter then any of ours, lying about the strande, bleached (as it is like) by the sunne: and in some of this waxe there were Arabian letters or characters printed: whereby it is probable, that some Arabian ship might bee cast away thereabout, out of which the said waxe might be driuen on land.

They found likewise Corall on this land, and many trees which we call Palmitos, whereout droppeth wine as out of the Coco-tree: which wine being kept hath his operation as our new prest wine, but after some time it commeth vnto the ful vertue and perfection.

The said Palmitos they esteemed to bee a kinde of wilde date-trees.

We sought all the Island ouer for men, but could find none, for that it was wholly destitute of Inhabitants.

Vpon this Island we built an house with a pulpit therein, and left behind vs certaine writings as a token and remembrance of our being there, and vpon the pulpit we left a Bible and a psalter lying.

A good watering place. Thus after 12. daies aboad at this Island, being well refreshed, they tooke in excellent fresh water being easie to get, and very sweet and sauory to drinke, and then set saile, meeting the three other ships their consorts at the time and place before mentioned.

A briefe description of the voiage before handled, in manner of a Iournall.

The first of Maie 1598. with the eight shippes before mentioned, we set saile in the name of God from Texell in Holland.

The third of May we passed along the coast of England, descrying some of her Maiesties ships, and they vs, whom we honoured with discharge of our artillery.

The fourteenth we had sight of the Isle of Porto Santo lying in thirty two degrees.

The sixteenth, wee came within sight of the Canaries.

The twenty two, we first saw flying fishes.

The twenty three, we passed by the Isle Dell Sall.

The thirty one, we had a great storme, so that we lost sight one of another: but by night we came together againe.

The eighth of Iune wee crossed the Equinoctiall line.

The twenty foure we sayled by the sholdes of Brasile lying vnder eighteene degrees of Southerly Latitude.

The twenty one of Iuly we got to the height of the Cape of buona esperanza.

From the thirtith of Iuly till the second of August, we continually sayled in sight of the land of the aforesaid Cape.

The seuenth and eighth of August wee had such foule and stormy weather, that fiue ships of our company were separated from vs, whom we saw no more vntill they came to vs before Bantam.

The twenty sixt we descryed the Island of Madagascar.

The twenty nine came by us the ship called the Long barke of Zeland, hauing in her but nine sound men, tenne dead, and the rest all sicke: but the same night we lost the sight of her againe.

The seauenth of September, we came before the Island of Santa Maria, and afterward wee put into the great bay of Antogill.

The sixteenth of September, wee set saile from thence, directing our course for Iaua.

The first of October, wee got to the heighth of Bantam.

The fifteenth, died the first man in our Admirall.

The nineteenth of November, we came within sight of Sumatra.

The twenty-ninth, we road before the citty of Bantam: And the thirtieth, we payed our toll to the gouernour.

And vpon Newyeares daie 1599. Stilo Nouo, we began to take in our lading.

Then came vnto vs before Bantam, with great ioie and triumph, our fiue separated shippes, all the people standing vpon the shore gazing, and suspecting some harme intended against them.

The eighth of Ianuary, foure of the said 5. newcome shippes (God send them a prosperous voyage) set saile toward the Moluccas.

Moreouer our foure shippes being well and richly laden at Bantam made saile homewarde the eleuenth of Ianuary, and the thirteenth, wee were shot as farre as the Isles of Sumatra.

The nineteenth, we proceeded thence on our voige, and the same day, to the great griefe of vs all died the Pilot of our Admirall.

The third of Aprill, we descried the land of Capo de buona esperanza.

The eighth, wee doubled the same Cape, thence shaping our course for the Island of Saint Helena, where the twenty sixt we happily arriued, and departed from thence vpon the fourth of Maie.

The tenth of Maie, wee sailed by the Isle of Ascension.

The seuenteenth, we passed the Equinoctiall line.

The twenty one, we saw the North starre.

The ninth and tenth of Iune, we had sight of the Canaries.

The twenty seauen, wee sayled vpon the Spanish Sea.

The twenty nine, we were in fortie four degrees.

The fourth of Iuly, we saw behind vs two sailes, one before the other, which were the first that we had seene for a long time.

The sixt of Iuly our Admirall had both his foremast and mainemast blowne ouer boord.

The eleuenth, we passed the Sorlings, the thirteenth, Falmouth, Plimmouth and the Quasquets.

The seauenteenth, we came before Dover.

The nineteenth, wee had foule and stormy weather, at what time by Gods good blessing wee arriued in our natiue countrey at Texell in Holland, hauing performed in the short space of one yeare, two moneths and nineteene daies, almost as long a voiage, as if we should haue compassed the globe of the earth, and bringing home with vs our full fraight of rich and gainfull Marchandize.

This web edition published by:

eBooks@Adelaide
The University of Adelaide Library
University of Adelaide
South Australia 5005