Anatomy of Melancholy, by Robert Burton

Sect. ii. Memb. i.

Subsect. i.

Causes of Melancholy. God a cause.

“It is in vain to speak of cures, or think of remedies, until such time as we have considered of the causes,” so 1095Galen prescribes Glauco: and the common experience of others confirms that those cures must be imperfect, lame, and to no purpose, wherein the causes have not first been searched, as 1096Prosper Calenius well observes in his tract de atra bile to Cardinal Caesius. Insomuch that 1097“Fernelius puts a kind of necessity in the knowledge of the causes, and without which it is impossible to cure or prevent any manner of disease.” Empirics may ease, and sometimes help, but not thoroughly root out; sublata causa tollitur effectus as the saying is, if the cause be removed, the effect is likewise vanquished. It is a most difficult thing (I confess) to be able to discern these causes whence they are, and in such 1098variety to say what the beginning was. 1099He is happy that can perform it aright. I will adventure to guess as near as I can, and rip them all up, from the first to the last, general and particular, to every species, that so they may the better be described.

General causes, are either supernatural, or natural. “Supernatural are from God and his angels, or by God's permission from the devil” and his ministers. That God himself is a cause for the punishment of sin, and satisfaction of his justice, many examples and testimonies of holy Scriptures make evident unto us, Ps. cvii, 17. “Foolish men are plagued for their offence, and by reason of their wickedness.” Gehazi was stricken with leprosy, 2 Reg. v. 27. Jehoram with dysentery and flux, and great diseases of the bowels, 2 Chron. xxi. 15. David plagued for numbering his people, 1 Par. 21. Sodom and Gomorrah swallowed up. And this disease is peculiarly specified, Psalm cxxvii. 12. “He brought down their heart through heaviness.” Deut. xxviii. 28. “He struck them with madness, blindness, and astonishment of heart.” 1100“An evil spirit was sent by the Lord upon Saul, to vex him.” 1101Nebuchadnezzar did eat grass like an ox, and his “heart was made like the beasts of the field.” Heathen stories are full of such punishments. Lycurgus, because he cut down the vines in the country, was by Bacchus driven into madness: so was Pentheus and his mother Agave for neglecting their sacrifice. 1102Censor Fulvius ran mad for untiling Juno's temple, to cover a new one of his own, which he had dedicated to Fortune, 1103“and was confounded to death with grief and sorrow of heart.” When Xerxes would have spoiled 1104Apollo's temple at Delphos of those infinite riches it possessed, a terrible thunder came from heaven and struck four thousand men dead, the rest ran mad. 1105A little after, the like happened to Brennus, lightning, thunder, earthquakes, upon such a sacrilegious occasion. If we may believe our pontifical writers, they will relate unto us many strange and prodigious punishments in this kind, inflicted by their saints. How 1106Clodoveus, sometime king of France, the son of Dagobert, lost his wits for uncovering the body of St. Denis: and how a 1107sacrilegious Frenchman, that would have stolen a silver image of St. John, at Birgburge, became frantic on a sudden, raging, and tyrannising over his own flesh: of a 1108Lord of Rhadnor, that coming from hunting late at night, put his dogs into St. Avan's church, (Llan Avan they called it) and rising betimes next morning, as hunters use to do, found all his dogs mad, himself being suddenly strucken blind. Of Tyridates an 1109Armenian king, for violating some holy nuns, that was punished in like sort, with loss of his wits. But poets and papists may go together for fabulous tales; let them free their own credits: howsoever they feign of their Nemesis, and of their saints, or by the devil's means may be deluded; we find it true, that ultor a tergo Deus, 1110“He is God the avenger,” as David styles him; and that it is our crying sins that pull this and many other maladies on our own heads. That he can by his angels, which are his ministers, strike and heal (saith 1111Dionysius) whom he will; that he can plague us by his creatures, sun, moon, and stars, which he useth as his instruments, as a husbandman (saith Zanchius) doth a hatchet: hail, snow, winds, &c. 1112Et conjurati veniunt in classica venti: as in Joshua's time, as in Pharaoh's reign in Egypt; they are but as so many executioners of his justice. He can make the proudest spirits stoop, and cry out with Julian the Apostate, Vicisti Galilaee: or with Apollo's priest in 1113Chrysostom, O coelum! o terra! unde hostis hic? What an enemy is this? And pray with David, acknowledging his power, “I am weakened and sore broken, I roar for the grief of mine heart, mine heart panteth,” &c. Psalm xxxviii. 8. “O Lord, rebuke me not in thine anger, neither chastise me in thy wrath,” Psalm xxxviii. 1. “Make me to hear joy and gladness, that the bones which thou hast broken, may rejoice,” Psalm li. 8. and verse 12. “Restore to me the joy of thy salvation, and stablish me with thy free spirit.” For these causes belike 1114Hippocrates would have a physician take special notice whether the disease come not from a divine supernatural cause, or whether it follow the course of nature. But this is farther discussed by Fran. Valesius, de sacr. philos. cap. 8. 1115 Fernelius, and 1116J. Caesar Claudinus, to whom I refer you, how this place of Hippocrates is to be understood. Paracelsus is of opinion, that such spiritual diseases (for so he calls them) are spiritually to be cured, and not otherwise. Ordinary means in such cases will not avail: Non est reluctandum cum Deo (we must not struggle with God.) When that monster-taming Hercules overcame all in the Olympics, Jupiter at last in an unknown shape wrestled with him; the victory was uncertain, till at length Jupiter descried himself, and Hercules yielded. No striving with supreme powers. Nil juvat immensos Cratero promittere montes, physicians and physic can do no good, 1117“we must submit ourselves unto the mighty hand of God,” acknowledge our offences, call to him for mercy. If he strike us una eademque manus vulnus opemque feret, as it is with them that are wounded with the spear of Achilles, he alone must help; otherwise our diseases are incurable, and we not to be relieved.

1095. Primo artis curitivae.

1096. Nostri primum sit propositi affectionum causas indagare; res ipsa hortari videtur, nam alioqui earum curatio, manca et inutilis esset.

1097. Path. lib. 1. cap. 11. Rerum cognoscere causas, medicis imprimis necessarium, sine qua nec morbum curare, nec praecavere licet.

1098. Tanta enim morbi varietas ac differentia ut non facile dignoscatur, unde initium morbus sumpserit. Melanelius e Galeno.

1099. Felix qui potuit rerum cognoscere causas.

1100. 1 Sam. xvi. 14.

1101. Dan. v. 21.

1102. Lactant. instit. lib. 2. cap. 8.

1103. Mente captus, et summo animi moerore consumptus.

1104. Munster cosmog. lib. 4. cap. 43. De coelo substernebantur, tanquam insani de saxis praecipitati, &c.

1105. Livius lib. 38.

1106. Gaguin. l. 3. c. 4. Quod Dionysii corpus discooperuerat, in insanam incidit.

1107. Idem lib. 9. sub. Carol. 6. Sacrorum contemptor, templi foribus effractis, dum D. Johannis argenteum simulacrum rapere contendit, simulacrum aversa facie dorsum ei versat, nec mora sacrilegus mentis inops, atque in semet insaniens in proprios artus desaevit.

1108. Giraldus Cambrensis, lib 1. c. 1. Itinerar. Cambriae.

1109. Delrio, tom. 3. lib. 6. sect. 3. quaest. 3.

1110. Psal. xlvi. 1.

1111. Lib. 8. cap. de Hierar.

1112. Claudian.

1113. De Babila Martyre.

1114. Lib. cap. 5. prog.

1115. Lib. 1. de Abditis rerum causis.

1116. Respons. med. 12. resp.

1117. 1 Pet. v. 6.

Subsect. ii.

A Digression of the nature of Spirits, bad Angels, or Devils, and how they cause Melancholy.

How far the power of spirits and devils doth extend, and whether they can cause this, or any other disease, is a serious question, and worthy to be considered: for the better understanding of which, I will make a brief digression of the nature of spirits. And although the question be very obscure, according to 1118Postellus, “full of controversy and ambiguity,” beyond the reach of human capacity, fateor excedere vires intentionis meae, saith 1119Austin, I confess I am not able to understand it, finitum de infinito non potest statuere, we can sooner determine with Tully, de nat. deorum, quid non sint, quam quid sint, our subtle schoolmen, Cardans, Scaligers, profound Thomists, Fracastoriana and Ferneliana acies, are weak, dry, obscure, defective in these mysteries, and all our quickest wits, as an owl's eyes at the sun's light, wax dull, and are not sufficient to apprehend them; yet, as in the rest, I will adventure to say something to this point. In former times, as we read, Acts xxiii., the Sadducees denied that there were any such spirits, devils, or angels. So did Galen the physician, the Peripatetics, even Aristotle himself, as Pomponatius stoutly maintains, and Scaliger in some sort grants. Though Dandinus the Jesuit, com. in lib. 2. de anima, stiffly denies it; substantiae separatae and intelligences, are the same which Christians call angels, and Platonists devils, for they name all the spirits, daemones, be they good or bad angels, as Julius Pollux Onomasticon, lib. 1. cap. 1. observes. Epicures and atheists are of the same mind in general, because they never saw them. Plato, Plotinus, Porphyrius, Jamblichus, Proclus, insisting in the steps of Trismegistus, Pythagoras and Socrates, make no doubt of it: nor Stoics, but that there are such spirits, though much erring from the truth. Concerning the first beginning of them, the 1120Talmudists say that Adam had a wife called Lilis, before he married Eve, and of her he begat nothing but devils. The Turks' 1121Alcoran is altogether as absurd and ridiculous in this point: but the Scripture informs us Christians, how Lucifer, the chief of them, with his associates, 1122fell from heaven for his pride and ambition; created of God, placed in heaven, and sometimes an angel of light, now cast down into the lower aerial sublunary parts, or into hell, “and delivered into chains of darkness (2 Pet. ii. 4.) to be kept unto damnation.”

Nature of Devils.] There is a foolish opinion which some hold, that they are the souls of men departed, good and more noble were deified, the baser grovelled on the ground, or in the lower parts, and were devils, the which with Tertullian, Porphyrius the philosopher, M. Tyrius, ser. 27 maintains. “These spirits,” he 1123saith, “which we call angels and devils, are nought but souls of men departed, which either through love and pity of their friends yet living, help and assist them, or else persecute their enemies, whom they hated,” as Dido threatened to persecute Aeneas:

Omnibus umbra locis adero: dabis improbe poenas.

My angry ghost arising from the deep,

Shall haunt thee waking, and disturb thy sleep;

At least my shade thy punishment shall know,

And Fame shall spread the pleasing news below.

They are (as others suppose) appointed by those higher powers to keep men from their nativity, and to protect or punish them as they see cause: and are called boni et mali Genii by the Romans. Heroes, lares, if good, lemures or larvae if bad, by the stoics, governors of countries, men, cities, saith 1124Apuleius, Deos appellant qui ex hominum numero juste ac prudenter vitae curriculo gubernato, pro numine, postea ab hominibus praediti fanis et ceremoniis vulgo admittuntur, ut in Aegypto Osyris, &c. Praestites, Capella calls them, “which protected particular men as well as princes,” Socrates had his Daemonium Saturninum et ignium, which of all spirits is best, ad sublimes cogitationes animum erigentem, as the Platonists supposed; Plotinus his, and we Christians our assisting angel, as Andreas Victorellus, a copious writer of this subject, Lodovicus de La-Cerda, the Jesuit, in his voluminous tract de Angelo Custode, Zanchius, and some divines think. But this absurd tenet of Tyreus, Proclus confutes at large in his book de Anima et daemone.

Psellus 1125, a Christian, and sometimes tutor (saith Cuspinian) to Michael Parapinatius, Emperor of Greece, a great observer of the nature of devils, holds they are corporeal 1126, and have “aerial bodies, that they are mortal, live and die,” (which Martianus Capella likewise maintains, but our Christian philosophers explode) “that they 1127are nourished and have excrements, they feel pain if they be hurt” (which Cardan confirms, and Scaliger justly laughs him to scorn for; Si pascantur aere, cur non pugnant ob puriorem aera? &c.) “or stroken:” and if their bodies be cut, with admirable celerity they come together again. Austin, in Gen. lib. iii. lib. arbit., approves as much, mutata casu corpora in deteriorem qualitatem aeris spissioris, so doth Hierome. Comment. in epist. ad Ephes. cap. 3, Origen, Tertullian, Lactantius, and many ancient Fathers of the Church: that in their fall their bodies were changed into a more aerial and gross substance. Bodine, lib. 4, Theatri Naturae and David Crusius, Hermeticae Philosophiae, lib. 1. cap. 4, by several arguments proves angels and spirits to be corporeal: quicquid continetur in loco corporeum est; At spiritus continetur in loco, ergo. 1128Si spiritus sunt quanti, erunt corporei: At sunt quanti, ergo. sunt finiti, ergo. quanti, &c. Bodine 1129goes farther yet, and will have these, Animae separatae genii, spirits, angels, devils, and so likewise souls of men departed, if corporeal (which he most eagerly contends) to be of some shape, and that absolutely round, like Sun and Moon, because that is the most perfect form, quae nihil habet asperitatis, nihil angulis incisum, nihil anfractibus involutem, nihil eminens, sed inter corpora perfecta est perfectissimum; 1130therefore all spirits are corporeal he concludes, and in their proper shapes round. That they can assume other aerial bodies, all manner of shapes at their pleasures, appear in what likeness they will themselves, that they are most swift in motion, can pass many miles in an instant, and so likewise 1131transform bodies of others into what shape they please, and with admirable celerity remove them from place to place; (as the Angel did Habakkuk to Daniel, and as Philip the deacon was carried away by the Spirit, when he had baptised the eunuch; so did Pythagoras and Apollonius remove themselves and others, with many such feats) that they can represent castles in the air, palaces, armies, spectrums, prodigies, and such strange objects to mortal men's eyes, 1132cause smells, savours, &c., deceive all the senses; most writers of this subject credibly believe; and that they can foretell future events, and do many strange miracles. Juno's image spake to Camillus, and Fortune's statue to the Roman matrons, with many such. Zanchius, Bodine, Spondanus, and others, are of opinion that they cause a true metamorphosis, as Nebuchadnezzar was really translated into a beast, Lot's wife into a pillar of salt; Ulysses' companions into hogs and dogs, by Circe's charms; turn themselves and others, as they do witches into cats, dogs, hares, crows, &c. Strozzius Cicogna hath many examples, lib. iii. omnif. mag. cap. 4 and 5, which he there confutes, as Austin likewise doth, de civ. Dei lib. xviii. That they can be seen when and in what shape, and to whom they will, saith Psellus, Tametsi nil tale viderim, nec optem videre, though he himself never saw them nor desired it; and use sometimes carnal copulation (as elsewhere I shall 1133prove more at large) with women and men. Many will not believe they can be seen, and if any man shall say, swear, and stiffly maintain, though he be discreet and wise, judicious and learned, that he hath seen them, they account him a timorous fool, a melancholy dizzard, a weak fellow, a dreamer, a sick or a mad man, they contemn him, laugh him to scorn, and yet Marcus of his credit told Psellus that he had often seen them. And Leo Suavius, a Frenchman, c. 8, in Commentar. l. 1. Paracelsi de vita longa, out of some Platonists, will have the air to be as full of them as snow falling in the skies, and that they may be seen, and withal sets down the means how men may see them; Si irreverberatus oculis sole splendente versus caelum continuaverint obtutus, &c., 1134and saith moreover he tried it, praemissorum feci experimentum, and it was true, that the Platonists said. Paracelsus confesseth that he saw them divers times, and conferred with them, and so doth Alexander ab 1135Alexandro, “that he so found it by experience, when as before he doubted of it.” Many deny it, saith Lavater, de spectris, part 1. c. 2, and part 2. c. 11, “because they never saw them themselves;” but as he reports at large all over his book, especially c. 19. part 1, they are often seen and heard, and familiarly converse with men, as Lod. Vives assureth us, innumerable records, histories, and testimonies evince in all ages, times, places, and 1136all travellers besides; in the West Indies and our northern climes, Nihil familiarius quam in agris et urbibus spiritus videre, audire qui vetent, jubeant, &c. Hieronymus vita Pauli, Basil ser. 40, Nicephorus, Eusebius, Socrates, Sozomenus, 1137Jacobus Boissardus in his tract de spirituum apparitionibus, Petrus Loyerus l. de spectris, Wierus l. 1. have infinite variety of such examples of apparitions of spirits, for him to read that farther doubts, to his ample satisfaction. One alone I will briefly insert. A nobleman in Germany was sent ambassador to the King of Sweden (for his name, the time, and such circumstances, I refer you to Boissardus, mine 1138Author). After he had done his business, he sailed to Livonia, on set purpose to see those familiar spirits, which are there said to be conversant with men, and do their drudgery works. Amongst other matters, one of them told him where his wife was, in what room, in what clothes, what doing, and brought him a ring from her, which at his return, non sine omnium admiratione, he found to be true; and so believed that ever after, which before he doubted of. Cardan, l. 19. de subtil, relates of his father, Facius Cardan, that after the accustomed solemnities, An. 1491, 13 August, he conjured up seven devils, in Greek apparel, about forty years of age, some ruddy of complexion, and some pale, as he thought; he asked them many questions, and they made ready answer, that they were aerial devils, that they lived and died as men did, save that they were far longer lived (700 or 800 1139years); they did as much excel men in dignity as we do juments, and were as far excelled again of those that were above them; our 1140governors and keepers they are moreover, which 1141Plato in Critias delivered of old, and subordinate to one another, Ut enim homo homini sic daemon daemoni dominatur, they rule themselves as well as us, and the spirits of the meaner sort had commonly such offices, as we make horse-keepers, neat-herds, and the basest of us, overseers of our cattle; and that we can no more apprehend their natures and functions, than a horse a man's. They knew all things, but might not reveal them to men; and ruled and domineered over us, as we do over our horses; the best kings amongst us, and the most generous spirits, were not comparable to the basest of them. Sometimes they did instruct men, and communicate their skill, reward and cherish, and sometimes, again, terrify and punish, to keep them in awe, as they thought fit, Nihil magis cupientes (saith Lysius, Phis. Stoicorum) quam adorationem hominum. 1142The same Author, Cardan, in his Hyperchen, out of the doctrine of Stoics, will have some of these genii (for so he calls them) to be 1143desirous of men's company, very affable and familiar with them, as dogs are; others, again, to abhor as serpents, and care not for them. The same belike Tritemius calls Ignios et sublunares, qui nunquam demergunt ad inferiora, aut vix ullum habent in terris commercium: 1144“Generally they far excel men in worth, as a man the meanest worm; though some of them are inferior to those of their own rank in worth, as the blackguard in a prince's court, and to men again, as some degenerate, base, rational creatures, are excelled of brute beasts.”

That they are mortal, besides these testimonies of Cardan, Martianus, &c., many other divines and philosophers hold, post prolixum tempus moriuntur omnes; The 1145Platonists, and some Rabbins, Porphyrius and Plutarch, as appears by that relation of Thamus: 1146“The great God Pan is dead; Apollo Pythius ceased; and so the rest.” St. Hierome, in the life of Paul the Hermit, tells a story how one of them appeared to St. Anthony in the wilderness, and told him as much. 1147Paracelsus of our late writers stiffly maintains that they are mortal, live and die as other creatures do. Zozimus, l. 2, farther adds, that religion and policy dies and alters with them. The 1148Gentiles' gods, he saith, were expelled by Constantine, and together with them. Imperii Romani majestas, et fortuna interiit, et profligata est; The fortune and majesty of the Roman Empire decayed and vanished, as that heathen in 1149Minutius formerly bragged, when the Jews were overcome by the Romans, the Jew's God was likewise captivated by that of Rome; and Rabsakeh to the Israelites, no God should deliver them out of the hands of the Assyrians. But these paradoxes of their power, corporeity, mortality, taking of shapes, transposing bodies, and carnal copulations, are sufficiently confuted by Zanch. c. 10, l. 4. Pererius in his comment, and Tostatus questions on the 6th of Gen. Th. Aquin., St. Austin, Wierus, Th. Erastus, Delrio, tom. 2, l. 2, quaest. 29; Sebastian Michaelis, c. 2, de spiritibus, D. Reinolds Lect. 47. They may deceive the eyes of men, yet not take true bodies, or make a real metamorphosis; but as Cicogna proves at large, they are 1150Illusoriae, et praestigiatrices transformationes, omnif. mag. lib. 4. cap. 4, mere illusions and cozenings, like that tale of Pasetis obulus in Suidas, or that of Autolicus, Mercury's son, that dwelt in Parnassus, who got so much treasure by cozenage and stealth. His father Mercury, because he could leave him no wealth, taught him many fine tricks to get means, 1151for he could drive away men's cattle, and if any pursued him, turn them into what shapes he would, and so did mightily enrich himself, hoc astu maximam praedam est adsecutus. This, no doubt, is as true as the rest; yet thus much in general. Thomas, Durand, and others, grant that they have understanding far beyond men, can probably conjecture and 1152foretell many things; they can cause and cure most diseases, deceive our senses; they have excellent skill in all Arts and Sciences; and that the most illiterate devil is Quovis homine scientior (more knowing than any man), as 1153Cicogna maintains out of others. They know the virtues of herbs, plants, stones, minerals, &c.; of all creatures, birds, beasts, the four elements, stars, planets, can aptly apply and make use of them as they see good; perceiving the causes of all meteors, and the like: Dant se coloribus (as 1154 Austin hath it) accommodant se figuris, adhaerent sonis, subjiciunt se odoribus, infundunt se saporibus, omnes sensus etiam ipsam intelligentiam daemones fallunt, they deceive all our senses, even our understanding itself at once. 1155They can produce miraculous alterations in the air, and most wonderful effects, conquer armies, give victories, help, further, hurt, cross and alter human attempts and projects (Dei permissu) as they see good themselves. 1156When Charles the Great intended to make a channel betwixt the Rhine and the Danube, look what his workmen did in the day, these spirits flung down in the night, Ut conatu Rex desisteret, pervicere. Such feats can they do. But that which Bodine, l. 4, Theat. nat. thinks (following Tyrius belike, and the Platonists,) they can tell the secrets of a man's heart, aut cogitationes hominum, is most false; his reasons are weak, and sufficiently confuted by Zanch. lib. 4, cap. 9. Hierom. lib. 2, com. in Mat. ad cap. 15, Athanasius quaest. 27, ad Antiochum Principem, and others.

Orders. As for those orders of good and bad devils, which the Platonists hold, is altogether erroneous, and those Ethnics boni et mali Genii, are to be exploded: these heathen writers agree not in this point among themselves, as Dandinus notes, An sint 1157mali non conveniunt, some will have all spirits good or bad to us by a mistake, as if an Ox or Horse could discourse, he would say the Butcher was his enemy because he killed him, the grazier his friend because he fed him; a hunter preserves and yet kills his game, and is hated nevertheless of his game; nec piscatorem piscis amare potest, &c. But Jamblichus, Psellus, Plutarch, and most Platonists acknowledge bad, et ab eorum maleficiis cavendum, and we should beware of their wickedness, for they are enemies of mankind, and this Plato learned in Egypt, that they quarrelled with Jupiter, and were driven by him down to hell. 1158That which 1159Apuleius, Xenophon, and Plato contend of Socrates Daemonium, is most absurd: That which Plotinus of his, that he had likewise Deum pro Daemonio; and that which Porphyry concludes of them all in general, if they be neglected in their sacrifice they are angry; nay more, as Cardan in his Hipperchen will, they feed on men's souls, Elementa sunt plantis elementum, animalibus plantae, hominibus animalia, erunt et homines aliis, non autem diis, nimis enim remota est eorum natura a nostra, quapropter daemonibus: and so belike that we have so many battles fought in all ages, countries, is to make them a feast, and their sole delight: but to return to that I said before, if displeased they fret and chafe, (for they feed belike on the souls of beasts, as we do on their bodies) and send many plagues amongst us; but if pleased, then they do much good; is as vain as the rest and confuted by Austin, l. 9. c. 8. de Civ. Dei. Euseb. l. 4. praepar. Evang. c. 6. and others. Yet thus much I find, that our schoolmen and other 1160divines make nine kinds of bad spirits, as Dionysius hath done of angels. In the first rank are those false gods of the gentiles, which were adored heretofore in several idols, and gave oracles at Delphos, and elsewhere; whose prince is Beelzebub. The second rank is of liars and equivocators, as Apollo, Pythius, and the like. The third are those vessels of anger, inventors of all mischief; as that Theutus in Plato; Esay calls them 1161vessels of fury; their prince is Belial. The fourth are malicious revenging devils; and their prince is Asmodaeus. The fifth kind are cozeners, such as belong to magicians and witches; their prince is Satan. The sixth are those aerial devils that 1162corrupt the air and cause plagues, thunders, fires, &c.; spoken of in the Apocalypse, and Paul to the Ephesians names them the princes of the air; Meresin is their prince. The seventh is a destroyer, captain of the furies, causing wars, tumults, combustions, uproars, mentioned in the Apocalypse; and called Abaddon. The eighth is that accusing or calumniating devil, whom the Greeks call Διαβολος, that drives men to despair. The ninth are those tempters in several kinds, and their prince is Mammon. Psellus makes six kinds, yet none above the Moon: Wierus in his Pseudo-monarchia Daemonis, out of an old book, makes many more divisions and subordinations, with their several names, numbers, offices, &c., but Gazaeus cited by 1163Lipsius will have all places full of angels, spirits, and devils, above and beneath the Moon,1164ethereal and aerial, which Austin cites out of Varro l. 7. de Civ. Dei, c. 6. “The celestial devils above, and aerial beneath,” or, as some will, gods above, Semi-dei or half gods beneath, Lares, Heroes, Genii, which climb higher, if they lived well, as the Stoics held; but grovel on the ground as they were baser in their lives, nearer to the earth: and are Manes, Lemures, Lamiae, &c. 1165They will have no place but all full of spirits, devils, or some other inhabitants; Plenum Caelum, aer, aqua terra, et omnia sub terra, saith 1166Gazaeus; though Anthony Rusca in his book de Inferno, lib. v. cap. 7. would confine them to the middle region, yet they will have them everywhere. “Not so much as a hair-breadth empty in heaven, earth, or waters, above or under the earth.” The air is not so full of flies in summer, as it is at all times of invisible devils: this 1167Paracelsus stiffly maintains, and that they have every one their several chaos, others will have infinite worlds, and each world his peculiar spirits, gods, angels, and devils to govern and punish it.

Singula 1168nonnulli credunt quoque sidera posse

Dici orbes, terramque appellant sidus opacum,

Cui minimus divum praesit. ———

Some persons believe each star to be a world, and this earth an opaque star, over which the least of the gods presides.

1169Gregorius Tholsanus makes seven kinds of ethereal spirits or angels, according to the number of the seven planets, Saturnine, Jovial, Martial, of which Cardan discourseth lib. 20. de subtil. he calls them substantias primas, Olympicos daemones Tritemius, qui praesunt Zodiaco, &c., and will have them to be good angels above, devils beneath the Moon, their several names and offices he there sets down, and which Dionysius of Angels, will have several spirits for several countries, men, offices, &c., which live about them, and as so many assisting powers cause their operations, will have in a word, innumerable, as many of them as there be stars in the skies. 1170Marcilius Ficinus seems to second this opinion, out of Plato, or from himself, I know not, (still ruling their inferiors, as they do those under them again, all subordinate, and the nearest to the earth rule us, whom we subdivide into good and bad angels, call gods or devils, as they help or hurt us, and so adore, love or hate) but it is most likely from Plato, for he relying wholly on Socrates, quem mori potius quam mentiri voluisse scribit, whom he says would rather die than tell a falsehood, out of Socrates' authority alone, made nine kinds of them: which opinion belike Socrates took from Pythagoras, and he from Trismegistus, he from Zoroastes, first God, second idea, 3. Intelligences, 4. Arch-Angels, 5. Angels, 6. Devils, 7. Heroes, 8. Principalities, 9. Princes: of which some were absolutely good, as gods, some bad, some indifferent inter deos et homines, as heroes and daemons, which ruled men, and were called genii, or as 1171Proclus and Jamblichus will, the middle betwixt God and men. Principalities and princes, which commanded and swayed kings and countries; and had several places in the spheres perhaps, for as every sphere is higher, so hath it more excellent inhabitants: which belike is that Galilaeus a Galileo and Kepler aims at in his nuncio Syderio, when he will have 1172Saturnine and Jovial inhabitants: and which Tycho Brahe doth in some sort touch or insinuate in one of his epistles: but these things 1173Zanchius justly explodes, cap. 3. lib. 4. P. Martyr, in 4. Sam. 28.

So that according to these men the number of ethereal spirits must needs be infinite: for if that be true that some of our mathematicians say: if a stone could fall from the starry heaven, or eighth sphere, and should pass every hour an hundred miles, it would be 65 years, or more, before it would come to ground, by reason of the great distance of heaven from earth, which contains as some say 170 millions 800 miles, besides those other heavens, whether they be crystalline or watery which Maginus adds, which peradventure holds as much more, how many such spirits may it contain? And yet for all this 1174Thomas Albertus, and most hold that there be far more angels than devils.

Sublunary devils, and their kinds.] But be they more or less, Quod supra nos nihil ad nos (what is beyond our comprehension does not concern us). Howsoever as Martianus foolishly supposeth, Aetherii Daemones non curant res humanas, they care not for us, do not attend our actions, or look for us, those ethereal spirits have other worlds to reign in belike or business to follow. We are only now to speak in brief of these sublunary spirits or devils: for the rest, our divines determine that the devil had no power over stars, or heavens; 1175Carminibus coelo possunt deducere lunam, &C., (by their charms (verses) they can seduce the moon from the heavens). Those are poetical fictions, and that they can 1176sistere aquam fluviis, et vertere sidera retro, &c., (stop rivers and turn the stars backward in their courses) as Canadia in Horace, 'tis all false. 1177 They are confined until the day of judgment to this sublunary world, and can work no farther than the four elements, and as God permits them. Wherefore of these sublunary devils, though others divide them otherwise according to their several places and offices, Psellus makes six kinds, fiery, aerial, terrestrial, watery, and subterranean devils, besides those fairies, satyrs, nymphs, &c.

Fiery spirits or devils are such as commonly work by blazing stars, fire-drakes, or ignes fatui; which lead men often in flumina aut praecipitia, saith Bodine, lib. 2. Theat. Naturae, fol. 221. Quos inquit arcere si volunt viatores, clara voce Deum appellare aut pronam facie terram contingente adorare oportet, et hoc amuletum majoribus nostris acceptum ferre debemus, &c., (whom if travellers wish to keep off they must pronounce the name of God with a clear voice, or adore him with their faces in contact with the ground, &c.); likewise they counterfeit suns and moons, stars oftentimes, and sit on ship masts: In navigiorum summitatibus visuntur; and are called dioscuri, as Eusebius l. contra Philosophos, c. xlviii. informeth us, out of the authority of Zenophanes; or little clouds, ad motum nescio quem volantes; which never appear, saith Cardan, but they signify some mischief or other to come unto men, though some again will have them to pretend good, and victory to that side they come towards in sea fights, St. Elmo's fires they commonly call them, and they do likely appear after a sea storm; Radzivilius, the Polonian duke, calls this apparition, Sancti Germani sidus; and saith moreover that he saw the same after in a storm, as he was sailing, 1582, from Alexandria to Rhodes. 1178Our stories are full of such apparitions in all kinds. Some think they keep their residence in that Hecla, a mountain in Iceland, Aetna in Sicily, Lipari, Vesuvius, &c. These devils were worshipped heretofore by that superstitious Pyromanteia 1179and the like.

Aerial spirits or devils, are such as keep quarter most part in the 1180 air, cause many tempests, thunder, and lightnings, tear oaks, fire steeples, houses, strike men and beasts, make it rain stones, as in Livy's time, wool, frogs, &c. Counterfeit armies in the air, strange noises, swords, &c., as at Vienna before the coming of the Turks, and many times in Rome, as Scheretzius l. de spect. c. 1. part 1. Lavater de spect. part. 1. c. 17. Julius Obsequens, an old Roman, in his book of prodigies, ab urb. cond. 505. 1181Machiavel hath illustrated by many examples, and Josephus, in his book de bello Judaico, before the destruction of Jerusalem. All which Guil. Postellus, in his first book, c. 7, de orbis concordia, useth as an effectual argument (as indeed it is) to persuade them that will not believe there be spirits or devils. They cause whirlwinds on a sudden, and tempestuous storms; which though our meteorologists generally refer to natural causes, yet I am of Bodine's mind, Theat. Nat. l. 2. they are more often caused by those aerial devils, in their several quarters; for Tempestatibus se ingerunt, saith 1182 Rich. Argentine; as when a desperate man makes away with himself, which by hanging or drowning they frequently do, as Kommanus observes, de mirac. mort. part. 7, c. 76. tripudium agentes, dancing and rejoicing at the death of a sinner. These can corrupt the air, and cause plagues, sickness, storms, shipwrecks, fires, inundations. At Mons Draconis in Italy, there is a most memorable example in 1183Jovianus Pontanus: and nothing so familiar (if we may believe those relations of Saxo Grammaticus, Olaus Magnus, Damianus A. Goes) as for witches and sorcerers, in Lapland, Lithuania, and all over Scandia, to sell winds to mariners, and cause tempests, which Marcus Paulus the Venetian relates likewise of the Tartars. These kind of devils are much 1184delighted in sacrifices (saith Porphyry), held all the world in awe, and had several names, idols, sacrifices, in Rome, Greece, Egypt, and at this day tyrannise over, and deceive those Ethnics and Indians, being adored and worshipped for 1185 gods. For the Gentiles' gods were devils (as 1186Trismegistus confesseth in his Asclepius), and he himself could make them come to their images by magic spells: and are now as much “respected by our papists” (saith 1187 Pictorius) “under the name of saints.” These are they which Cardan thinks desire so much carnal copulation with witches (Incubi and Succubi), transform bodies, and are so very cold, if they be touched; and that serve magicians. His father had one of them (as he is not ashamed to relate), 1188an aerial devil, bound to him for twenty and eight years. As Agrippa's dog had a devil tied to his collar; some think that Paracelsus (or else Erastus belies him) had one confined to his sword pummel; others wear them in rings, &c. Jannes and Jambres did many things of old by their help; Simon Magus, Cinops, Apollonius Tianeus, Jamblichus, and Tritemius of late, that showed Maximilian the emperor his wife, after she was dead; Et verrucam in collo ejus (saith 1189Godolman) so much as the wart in her neck. Delrio, lib. 2. hath divers examples of their feats: Cicogna, lib. 3. cap. 3. and Wierus in his book de praestig. daemonum. Boissardus de magis et veneficis.

Water-devils are those Naiads or water nymphs which have been heretofore conversant about waters and rivers. The water (as Paracelsus thinks) is their chaos, wherein they live; some call them fairies, and say that Habundia is their queen; these cause inundations, many times shipwrecks, and deceive men divers ways, as Succuba, or otherwise, appearing most part (saith Tritemius) in women's shapes. 1190Paracelsus hath several stories of them that have lived and been married to mortal men, and so continued for certain years with them, and after, upon some dislike, have forsaken them. Such a one as Aegeria, with whom Numa was so familiar, Diana, Ceres, &c. 1191Olaus Magnus hath a long narration of one Hotherus, a king of Sweden, that having lost his company, as he was hunting one day, met with these water nymphs or fairies, and was feasted by them; and Hector Boethius, or Macbeth, and Banquo, two Scottish lords, that as they were wandering in the woods, had their fortunes told them by three strange women. To these, heretofore, they did use to sacrifice, by that ὑδρομαντέια, or divination by waters.

Terrestrial devils are those 1192Lares, genii, fauns, satyrs, 1193 wood-nymphs, foliots, fairies, Robin Goodfellows, trulli, &c., which as they are most conversant with men, so they do them most harm. Some think it was they alone that kept the heathen people in awe of old, and had so many idols and temples erected to them. Of this range was Dagon amongst the Philistines, Bel amongst the Babylonians, Astartes amongst the Sidonians, Baal amongst the Samaritans, Isis and Osiris amongst the Egyptians, &c.; some put our 1194fairies into this rank, which have been in former times adored with much superstition, with sweeping their houses, and setting of a pail of clean water, good victuals, and the like, and then they should not be pinched, but find money in their shoes, and be fortunate in their enterprises. These are they that dance on heaths and greens, as 1195 Lavater thinks with Tritemius, and as 1196Olaus Magnus adds, leave that green circle, which we commonly find in plain fields, which others hold to proceed from a meteor falling, or some accidental rankness of the ground, so nature sports herself; they are sometimes seen by old women and children. Hierom. Pauli, in his description of the city of Bercino in Spain, relates how they have been familiarly seen near that town, about fountains and hills; Nonnunquam (saith Tritemius) in sua latibula montium simpliciores homines ducant, stupenda mirantibus ostentes miracula, nolarum sonitus, spectacula, &c. 1197Giraldus Cambrensis gives instance in a monk of Wales that was so deluded. 1198Paracelsus reckons up many places in Germany, where they do usually walk in little coats, some two feet long. A bigger kind there is of them called with us hobgoblins, and Robin Goodfellows, that would in those superstitious times grind corn for a mess of milk, cut wood, or do any manner of drudgery work. They would mend old irons in those Aeolian isles of Lipari, in former ages, and have been often seen and heard. 1199Tholosanus calls them trullos and Getulos, and saith, that in his days they were common in many places of France. Dithmarus Bleskenius, in his description of Iceland, reports for a certainty, that almost in every family they have yet some such familiar spirits; and Felix Malleolus, in his book de crudel. daemon. affirms as much, that these trolli or telchines are very common in Norway, “and 1200 seen to do drudgery work;” to draw water, saith Wierus, lib. 1. cap. 22, dress meat, or any such thing. Another sort of these there are, which frequent forlorn 1201houses, which the Italians call foliots, most part innoxious, 1202Cardan holds; “They will make strange noises in the night, howl sometimes pitifully, and then laugh again, cause great flame and sudden lights, fling stones, rattle chains, shave men, open doors and shut them, fling down platters, stools, chests, sometimes appear in the likeness of hares, crows, black dogs,” &c. of which read 1203Pet Thyraeus the Jesuit, in his Tract, de locis infestis, part. 1. et cap. 4, who will have them to be devils or the souls of damned men that seek revenge, or else souls out of purgatory that seek ease; for such examples peruse 1204 Sigismundus Scheretzius, lib. de spectris, part 1. c. 1. which he saith he took out of Luther most part; there be many instances. 1205Plinius Secundus remembers such a house at Athens, which Athenodorus the philosopher hired, which no man durst inhabit for fear of devils. Austin, de Civ. Dei. lib. 22, cap. 1. relates as much of Hesperius the Tribune's house, at Zubeda, near their city of Hippos, vexed with evil spirits, to his great hindrance, Cum afflictione animalium et servorum suorum. Many such instances are to be read in Niderius Formicar, lib. 5. cap. xii. 3. &c. Whether I may call these Zim and Ochim, which Isaiah, cap. xiii. 21. speaks of, I make a doubt. See more of these in the said Scheretz. lib. 1. de spect. cap. 4. he is full of examples. These kind of devils many times appear to men, and affright them out of their wits, sometimes walking at 1206noonday, sometimes at nights, counterfeiting dead men's ghosts, as that of Caligula, which (saith Suetonius) was seen to walk in Lavinia's garden, where his body was buried, spirits haunted, and the house where he died, 1207Nulla nox sine terrore transacta, donec incendio consumpta; every night this happened, there was no quietness, till the house was burned. About Hecla, in Iceland, ghosts commonly walk, animas mortuorum simulantes, saith Joh. Anan, lib. 3. de nat. daem. Olaus. lib. 2. cap. 2. Natal Tallopid. lib. de apparit. spir. Kornmannus de mirac. mort. part. 1. cap. 44. such sights are frequently seen circa sepulchra et monasteria, saith Lavat. lib. 1. cap. 19. in monasteries and about churchyards, loca paludinosa, ampla aedificia, solitaria, et caede hominum notata, &c. (marshes, great buildings, solitary places, or remarkable as the scene of some murder.) Thyreus adds, ubi gravius peccatum est commissum, impii, pauperum oppressores et nequiter insignes habitant (where some very heinous crime was committed, there the impious and infamous generally dwell). These spirits often foretell men's deaths by several signs, as knocking, groanings, &c. 1208though Rich. Argentine, c. 18. de praestigiis daemonum, will ascribe these predictions to good angels, out of the authority of Ficinus and others; prodigia in obitu principum saepius contingunt, &c. (prodigies frequently occur at the deaths of illustrious men), as in the Lateran church in 1209Rome, the popes' deaths are foretold by Sylvester's tomb. Near Rupes Nova in Finland, in the kingdom of Sweden, there is a lake, in which, before the governor of the castle dies, a spectrum, in the habit of Arion with his harp, appears, and makes excellent music, like those blocks in Cheshire, which (they say) presage death to the master of the family; or that 1210oak in Lanthadran park in Cornwall, which foreshows as much. Many families in Europe are so put in mind of their last by such predictions, and many men are forewarned (if we may believe Paracelsus) by familiar spirits in divers shapes, as cocks, crows, owls, which often hover about sick men's chambers, vel quia morientium foeditatem sentiunt, as 1211Baracellus conjectures, et ideo super tectum infirmorum crocitant, because they smell a corse; or for that (as 1212Bernardinus de Bustis thinketh) God permits the devil to appear in the form of crows, and such like creatures, to scare such as live wickedly here on earth. A little before Tully's death (saith Plutarch) the crows made a mighty noise about him, tumultuose perstrepentes, they pulled the pillow from under his head. Rob. Gaguinus, hist. Franc. lib. 8, telleth such another wonderful story at the death of Johannes de Monteforti, a French lord, anno 1345, tanta corvorum multitudo aedibus morientis insedit, quantam esse in Gallia nemo judicasset (a multitude of crows alighted on the house of the dying man, such as no one imagined existed in France). Such prodigies are very frequent in authors. See more of these in the said Lavater, Thyreus de locis infestis, part 3, cap. 58. Pictorius, Delrio, Cicogna, lib. 3, cap. 9. Necromancers take upon them to raise and lay them at their pleasures: and so likewise, those which Mizaldus calls ambulones, that walk about midnight on great heaths and desert places, which (saith 1213Lavater) “draw men out of the way, and lead them all night a byway, or quite bar them of their way;” these have several names in several places; we commonly call them Pucks. In the deserts of Lop, in Asia, such illusions of walking spirits are often perceived, as you may read in M. Paulus the Venetian his travels; if one lose his company by chance, these devils will call him by his name, and counterfeit voices of his companions to seduce him. Hieronym. Pauli, in his book of the hills of Spain, relates of a great 1214mount in Cantabria, where such spectrums are to be seen; Lavater and Cicogna have variety of examples of spirits and walking devils in this kind. Sometimes they sit by the highway side, to give men falls, and make their horses stumble and start as they ride (if you will believe the relation of that holy man Ketellus in 1215Nubrigensis), that had an especial grace to see devils, Gratiam divinitus collatam, and talk with them, Et impavidus cum spiritibus sermonem miscere, without offence, and if a man curse or spur his horse for stumbling, they do heartily rejoice at it; with many such pretty feats.

Subterranean devils are as common as the rest, and do as much harm. Olaus Magnus, lib. 6, cap. 19, make six kinds of them; some bigger, some less. These (saith 1216Munster) are commonly seen about mines of metals, and are some of them noxious; some again do no harm. The metal-men in many places account it good luck, a sign of treasure and rich ore when they see them. Georgius Agricola, in his book de subterraneis animantibus, cap. 37, reckons two more notable kinds of them, which he calls 1217getuli and cobali, both “are clothed after the manner of metal-men, and will many times imitate their works.” Their office, as Pictorius and Paracelsus think, is to keep treasure in the earth, that it be not all at once revealed; and besides, 1218Cicogna avers that they are the frequent causes of those horrible earthquakes “which often swallow up, not only houses, but whole islands and cities;” in his third book, cap. 11, he gives many instances.

The last are conversant about the centre of the earth to torture the souls of damned men to the day of judgment; their egress and regress some suppose to be about Etna, Lipari, Mons Hecla in Iceland, Vesuvius, Terra del Fuego, &c., because many shrieks and fearful cries are continually heard thereabouts, and familiar apparitions of dead men, ghosts and goblins.

Their Offices, Operations, Study. Thus the devil reigns, and in a thousand several shapes, “as a roaring lion still seeks whom he may devour,” 1 Pet. v., by sea, land, air, as yet unconfined, though 1219 some will have his proper place the air; all that space between us and the moon for them that transgressed least, and hell for the wickedest of them, Hic velut in carcere ad finem mundi, tunc in locum funestiorum trudendi, as Austin holds de Civit. Dei, c. 22, lib. 14, cap. 3 et 23; but be where he will, he rageth while he may to comfort himself, as 1220 Lactantius thinks, with other men's falls, he labours all he can to bring them into the same pit of perdition with him. For 1221“men's miseries, calamities, and ruins are the devil's banqueting dishes.” By many temptations and several engines, he seeks to captivate our souls. The Lord of Lies, saith 1222Austin, “as he was deceived himself, he seeks to deceive others,” the ringleader to all naughtiness, as he did by Eve and Cain, Sodom and Gomorrah, so would he do by all the world. Sometimes he tempts by covetousness, drunkenness, pleasure, pride, &c., errs, dejects, saves, kills, protects, and rides some men, as they do their horses. He studies our overthrow, and generally seeks our destruction; and although he pretend many times human good, and vindicate himself for a god by curing of several diseases, aegris sanitatem, et caecis luminis usum restituendo, as Austin declares, lib. 10, de civit Dei, cap. 6, as Apollo, Aesculapius, Isis, of old have done; divert plagues, assist them in wars, pretend their happiness, yet nihil his impurius, scelestius, nihil humano generi infestius, nothing so impure, nothing so pernicious, as may well appear by their tyrannical and bloody sacrifices of men to Saturn and Moloch, which are still in use among those barbarous Indians, their several deceits and cozenings to keep men in obedience, their false oracles, sacrifices, their superstitious impositions of fasts, penury, &c. Heresies, superstitious observations of meats, times, &c., by which they 1223 crucify the souls of mortal men, as shall be showed in our Treatise of Religious Melancholy. Modico adhuc tempore sinitur malignari, as 1224 Bernard expresseth it, by God's permission he rageth a while, hereafter to be confined to hell and darkness, “which is prepared for him and his angels,” Mat. xxv.

How far their power doth extend it is hard to determine; what the ancients held of their effects, force and operations, I will briefly show you: Plato in Critias, and after him his followers, gave out that these spirits or devils, “were men's governors and keepers, our lords and masters, as we are of our cattle.” 1225“They govern provinces and kingdoms by oracles, auguries,” dreams, rewards and punishments, prophecies, inspirations, sacrifices, and religious superstitions, varied in as many forms as there be diversity of spirits; they send wars, plagues, peace, sickness, health, dearth, plenty, 1226Adstantes hic jam nobis, spectantes, et arbitrantes, &c. as appears by those histories of Thucydides, Livius, Dionysius Halicarnassus, with many others that are full of their wonderful stratagems, and were therefore by those Roman and Greek commonwealths adored and worshipped for gods with prayers and sacrifices, &c. 1227In a word, Nihil magis quaerunt quam metum et admirationem hominum; 1228and as another hath it, Dici non potest, quam impotenti ardore in homines dominium, et Divinos cultus maligni spiritus affectent. 1229Tritemius in his book de septem secundis, assigns names to such angels as are governors of particular provinces, by what authority I know not, and gives them several jurisdictions. Asclepiades a Grecian, Rabbi Achiba the Jew, Abraham Avenezra, and Rabbi Azariel, Arabians, (as I find them cited by 1230Cicogna) farther add, that they are not our governors only, Sed ex eorum concordia et discordia, boni et mali affectus promanant, but as they agree, so do we and our princes, or disagree; stand or fall. Juno was a bitter enemy to Troy, Apollo a good friend, Jupiter indifferent, Aequa Venus Teucris, Pallas iniqua fuit; some are for us still, some against us, Premente Deo, fert Deus alter opem. Religion, policy, public and private quarrels, wars are procured by them, and they are 1231delighted perhaps to see men fight, as men are with cocks, bulls and dogs, bears, &c., plagues, dearths depend on them, our bene and male esse, and almost all our other peculiar actions, (for as Anthony Rusea contends, lib. 5, cap. 18, every man hath a good and a bad angel attending on him in particular, all his life long, which Jamblichus calls daemonem,) preferments, losses, weddings, deaths, rewards and punishments, and as 1232Proclus will, all offices whatsoever, alii genetricem, alii opificem potestatem habent, &c. and several names they give them according to their offices, as Lares, Indegites, Praestites, &c. When the Arcades in that battle at Cheronae, which was fought against King Philip for the liberty of Greece, had deceitfully carried themselves, long after, in the very same place, Diis Graeciae, ultoribus (saith mine author) they were miserably slain by Metellus the Roman: so likewise, in smaller matters, they will have things fall out, as these boni and mali genii favour or dislike us: Saturni non conveniunt Jovialibus, &c. He that is Saturninus shall never likely be preferred. 1233That base fellows are often advanced, undeserving Gnathoes, and vicious parasites, whereas discreet, wise, virtuous and worthy men are neglected and unrewarded; they refer to those domineering spirits, or subordinate Genii; as they are inclined, or favour men, so they thrive, are ruled and overcome; for as 1234Libanius supposeth in our ordinary conflicts and contentions, Genius Genio cedit et obtemperat, one genius yields and is overcome by another. All particular events almost they refer to these private spirits; and (as Paracelsus adds) they direct, teach, inspire, and instruct men. Never was any man extraordinary famous in any art, action, or great commander, that had not familiarem daemonem to inform him, as Numa, Socrates, and many such, as Cardan illustrates, cap. 128, Arcanis prudentiae civilis, 1235 Speciali siquidem gratia, se a Deo donari asserunt magi, a Geniis caelestibus instrui, ab iis doceri. But these are most erroneous paradoxes, ineptae et fabulosae nugae, rejected by our divines and Christian churches. 'Tis true they have, by God's permission, power over us, and we find by experience, that they can 1236hurt not our fields only, cattle, goods, but our bodies and minds. At Hammel in Saxony, An. 1484. 20 Junii, the devil, in likeness of a pied piper, carried away 130 children that were never after seen. Many times men are 1237affrighted out of their wits, carried away quite, as Scheretzius illustrates, lib. 1, c. iv., and severally molested by his means, Plotinus the Platonist, lib. 14, advers. Gnos. laughs them to scorn, that hold the devil or spirits can cause any such diseases. Many think he can work upon the body, but not upon the mind. But experience pronounceth otherwise, that he can work both upon body and mind. Tertullian is of this opinion, c. 22. 1238“That he can cause both sickness and health,” and that secretly. 1239Taurellus adds “by clancular poisons he can infect the bodies, and hinder the operations of the bowels, though we perceive it not, closely creeping into them,” saith 1240Lipsius, and so crucify our souls: Et nociva melancholia furiosos efficit. For being a spiritual body, he struggles with our spirits, saith Rogers, and suggests (according to 1241Cardan, verba sine voce, species sine visu, envy, lust, anger, &c.) as he sees men inclined.

The manner how he performs it, Biarmannus in his Oration against Bodine, sufficiently declares. 1242“He begins first with the phantasy, and moves that so strongly, that no reason is able to resist.” Now the phantasy he moves by mediation of humours; although many physicians are of opinion, that the devil can alter the mind, and produce this disease of himself. Quibusdam medicorum visum, saith 1243Avicenna, quod Melancholia contingat a daemonio. Of the same mind is Psellus and Rhasis the Arab. lib. 1. Tract. 9. Cont. 1244“That this disease proceeds especially from the devil, and from him alone.” Arculanus, cap. 6. in 9. Rhasis, Aelianus Montaltus, in his 9. cap. Daniel Sennertus, lib. 1. part. 2. cap. 11. confirm as much, that the devil can cause this disease; by reason many times that the parties affected prophesy, speak strange language, but non sine interventu humoris, not without the humour, as he interprets himself; no more doth Avicenna, si contingat a daemonio, sufficit nobis ut convertat complexionem ad choleram nigram, et sit causa ejus propinqua cholera nigra; the immediate cause is choler adust, which 1245 Pomponatius likewise labours to make good: Galgerandus of Mantua, a famous physician, so cured a demoniacal woman in his time, that spake all languages, by purging black choler, and thereupon belike this humour of melancholy is called balneum diaboli, the devil's bath; the devil spying his opportunity of such humours drives them many times to despair, fury, rage, &c., mingling himself among these humours. This is that which Tertullian avers, Corporibus infligunt acerbos casus, animaeque repentinos, membra distorquent, occulte repentes, &c. and which Lemnius goes about to prove, Immiscent se mali Genii pravis humoribus, atque atrae, bili, &c. And 1246Jason Pratensis, “that the devil, being a slender incomprehensible spirit, can easily insinuate and wind himself into human bodies, and cunningly couched in our bowels vitiate our healths, terrify our souls with fearful dreams, and shake our minds with furies.” And in another place, “These unclean spirits settled in our bodies, and now mixed with our melancholy humours, do triumph as it were, and sport themselves as in another heaven.” Thus he argues, and that they go in and out of our bodies, as bees do in a hive, and so provoke and tempt us as they perceive our temperature inclined of itself, and most apt to be deluded. 1247 Agrippa and 1248Lavater are persuaded, that this humour invites the devil to it, wheresoever it is in extremity, and of all other, melancholy persons are most subject to diabolical temptations and illusions, and most apt to entertain them, and the Devil best able to work upon them. But whether by obsession, or possession, or otherwise, I will not determine; 'tis a difficult question. Delrio the Jesuit, Tom. 3. lib. 6. Springer and his colleague, mall. malef. Pet. Thyreus the Jesuit, lib. de daemoniacis, de locis infestis, de Terrificationibus nocturnis, Hieronymus Mengus Flagel. daem. and others of that rank of pontifical writers, it seems, by their exorcisms and conjurations approve of it, having forged many stories to that purpose. A nun did eat a lettuce 1249without grace, or signing it with the sign of the cross, and was instantly possessed. Durand. lib. 6. Rationall. c. 86. numb. 8. relates that he saw a wench possessed in Bononia with two devils, by eating an unhallowed pomegranate, as she did afterwards confess, when she was cured by exorcisms. And therefore our Papists do sign themselves so often with the sign of the cross, Ne daemon ingredi ausit, and exorcise all manner of meats, as being unclean or accursed otherwise, as Bellarmine defends. Many such stories I find amongst pontifical writers, to prove their assertions, let them free their own credits; some few I will recite in this kind out of most approved physicians. Cornelius Gemma, lib. 2. de nat. mirac. c. 4. relates of a young maid, called Katherine Gualter, a cooper's daughter, an. 1571. that had such strange passions and convulsions, three men could not sometimes hold her; she purged a live eel, which he saw, a foot and a half long, and touched it himself; but the eel afterwards vanished; she vomited some twenty-four pounds of fulsome stuff of all colours, twice a day for fourteen days; and after that she voided great balls of hair, pieces of wood, pigeon's dung, parchment, goose dung, coals; and after them two pounds of pure blood, and then again coals and stones, or which some had inscriptions bigger than a walnut, some of them pieces of glass, brass, &c. besides paroxysms of laughing, weeping and ecstasies, &c. Et hoc (inquit) cum horore vidi, this I saw with horror. They could do no good on her by physic, but left her to the clergy. Marcellus Donatus, lib. 2. c. 1. de med. mirab. hath such another story of a country fellow, that had four knives in his belly, Instar serrae dentatos, indented like a saw, every one a span long, and a wreath of hair like a globe, with much baggage of like sort, wonderful to behold: how it should come into his guts, he concludes, Certe non alio quam daemonis astutia et dolo, (could assuredly only have been through the artifice of the devil). Langius, Epist. med. lib. 1. Epist. 38. hath many relations to this effect, and so hath Christophorus a Vega: Wierus, Skenkius, Scribanius, all agree that they are done by the subtlety and illusion of the devil. If you shall ask a reason of this, 'tis to exercise our patience; for as 1250Tertullian holds, Virtus non est virtus, nisi comparem habet aliquem, in quo superando vim suam ostendat 'tis to try us and our faith, 'tis for our offences, and for the punishment of our sins, by God's permission they do it, Carnifices vindictae justae Dei, as 1251Tolosanus styles them, Executioners of his will; or rather as David, Ps. 78. ver. 49. “He cast upon them the fierceness of his anger, indignation, wrath, and vexation, by sending out of evil angels:” so did he afflict Job, Saul, the Lunatics and demoniacal persons whom Christ cured, Mat. iv. 8. Luke iv. 11. Luke xiii. Mark ix. Tobit. viii. 3. &c. This, I say, happeneth for a punishment of sin, for their want of faith, incredulity, weakness, distrust, &c.

1118. Lib. 1. c. 7. de orbis concordia. In nulla re major fuit altercatio, major obscuritas, minor opinionum concordia, quam de daemonibus et substantiis separatis.

1119. Lib. 3. de Trinit. cap. 1.

1120. Pererius in Genesin. lib. 4. in cap. 3. v. 23.

1121. See Strozzius Cicogna omnifariae. Mag. lib. 2. c. 15. Jo. Aubanus, Bredenbachius.

1122. Angelus per superbiam separatus a Deo, qui in veritate non stetit. Austin.

1123. Nihil aliud sunt Daemones quam nudae animae quae corpore deposito priorem miserati vitam, cognatis succurrunt commoti misericordia, &c.

1124. De Deo Socratis. All those mortals are called Gods, who, the course of life being prudently guided and governed, are honoured by men with temples and sacrifices, as Osiris in Aegypt, &c.

1125. He lived 500 years since.

1126. Apuleius: spiritus animalia sunt animo passibilia, mente rationalia, corpore aeria, tempore sempiterna.

1127. Nutriuntur, et excrementa habent, quod pulsata doleant solido percussa corpore.

1128. Whatever occupies space is corporeal:— spirit occupies space, therefore, &c. &c.

1129. 4 lib. 4. Theol. nat. fol. 535.

1130. Which has no roughness, angles, fractures, prominences, but is the most perfect amongst perfect bodies.

1131. Cyprianus in Epist. montes etiam et animalia transferri possunt: as the devil did Christ to the top of the pinnacle; and witches are often translated. See more in Strozzius Cicogna, lib. 3. cap. 4. omnif. mag. Per aera subducere et in sublime corpora ferre possunt, Biarmanus. Percussi dolent et uruntur in conspicuos cineres. Agrippa, lib. 3. cap. de occul. Philos.

1132. Agrippa, de occult. Philos. lib. 3. cap. 18.

1133. Part. 3. Sect. 2. Mem. 1. Subs. 1. Love Melancholy.

1134. “By gazing steadfastly on the sun illuminated with his brightest rays.”

1135. Genial. dierum. Ita sibi visum et compertum quum prius an essent ambigeret Fidem suam liberet.

1136. Lib. 1. de verit. Fidei. Benzo, &c.

1137. Lib. de Divinatione et magia.

1138. Cap. 8. Transportavit in Livoniam cupiditate videndi, &c.

1139. Sic Hesiodus de Nymphis vivere dicit. 10. aetates phaenicum vel. 9. 7. 20.

1140. Custodes hominum et provinciarum, &c. tanto meliores hominibus, quanto hi brutis animantibus.

1141. Praesides Pastores, Gubernatores hominum, et illi animalium.

1142. “Coveting nothing more than the admiration of mankind.”

1143. Natura familiares ut canes hominibus multi aversantur et abhorrent.

1144. Ab nomine plus distant quam homo ab ignobilissimo verne, et tamen quidam ex his ab hominibus superantur ut homines a feris, &c.

1145. Cibo et potu uti et venere cum hominibus ac tandem mori, Cicogna. l. part. lib. 2. c. 3.

1146. Plutarch. de defect. oraculorum.

1147. Lib. de Zilphis et Pigmeis.

1148. Dii gentium a Constantio prostigati sunt, &c.

1149. Octovian. dial. Judaeorum deum fuisse Romanorum numinibus una cum gente captivum.

1150. Omnia spiritibus plena, et ex eorum concordia et discordia omnes boni et mali effectus promanant, omnia humana reguntur: paradoxa veterum de quo Cicogna. omnif. mag. l. 2. c. 3.

1151. Oves quas abacturus erat in quascunque formas vertebat Pausanias, Hyginus.

1152. Austin in l. 2. de Gen. ad literam cap. 17. Partim quia subtilioris sensus acumine, partim scientia calidiore vigent et experientia propter magnam longitudinem vitae, partim ab Angelis discunt, &c.

1153. Lib. 3. omnif. mag. cap. 3.

1154. L. 18. quest.

1155. Quum tanti sit et tam profunda spiritum scientia, mirum non est tot tantasque res visu admirabiles ab ipsis patrari, et quidem rerum naturalium ope quas multo melius intelligunt, multoque peritius suis locis et temporibus applicare norunt, quam homo, Cicogna.

1156. Aventinus, quicquid interdiu exhauriebatur, noctu explebatur. Inde pavefacti cura tores, &c.

1157. In lib. 2. de Anima text 29. Homerus discriminatim omnes spiritus daemones vocat.

1158. A Jove ad inferos pulsi, &c.

1159. De Deo Socratis adest mihi divina sorte Daemonium quoddam a prima pueritia me secutum, saepe dissuadet, impellit nonnunquam instar ovis, Plato.

1160. Agrippa lib. 3. de occul. ph. c. 18. Zancb. Pictorus, Pererius Cicogna. l. 3. cap. 1.

1161. Vasa irae. c. 13.

1162. Quibus datum est nocere terrae et mari, &c.

1163. Physiol. Stoicorum e Senec. lib. 1. cap. 28.

1164. Usque ad lunam animas esse aethereas vocarique heroas, lares, genios.

1165. Mart. Capella.

1166. Nihil vacuum ab his ubi vel capillum in aere vel aqua jaceas.

1167. Lib. de Zilp.

1168. Palingenius.

1169. Lib. 7. cap. 34 et 5. Syntax. art. mirab.

1170. Comment in dial. Plat. de amore, cap. 5. Ut sphaera quaelibet super nos, ita praestantiores habent habitatores suae sphaerae consortes, ut habet nostra.

1171. Lib. de Amica. et daemone med. inter deos et homines, dica ad nos et nostra aequaliter ad deos ferunt.

1172. Saturninas et Joviales accolas.

1173. In loca detrusi sunt infra caelestes orbes in aerem scilicet et infra ubi Judicio generali reservantur.

1174. q. 36. art. 9.

1175. Virg. 8. Eg.

1176. Aen. 4.

1177. Austin: hoc dixi, ne quis existimet habitare ibimala daemonia ubi Solem et Lunam et Stellas Deus ordinavit, et alibi nemo arbitraretur Daemonom coelis habitare cum Angelis suis unde lapsum credimus. Idem. Zanch. l. 4. c. 3. de Angel. mails. Pererius in Gen. cap. 6. lib. 8. in ver. 2.

1178. Perigram. Hierosol.

1179. Fire worship, or divination by fire.

1180. Domus Diruunt, muros dejiciunt, immiscent se turbinibus et procellis et pulverem instar columnae evehunt. Cicogna l. 5. c. 5.

1181. Quest. in Liv.

1182. De praestigiis daemonum. c. 16. Convelli culmina videmus, prosterni sata, &c.

1183. De bello Neapolitano, lib. 5.

1184. Suffitibus gaudent. Idem Just. Mart. Apol. pro Christianis.

1185. In Dei imitationem, saith Eusebius.

1186. Dii gentium Daemonia, &c. ego in eorum statuas pellexi.

1187. Et nunc sub divorum nomine coluntur a Pontificiis.

1188. Lib. 11. de rerum ver.

1189. Lib. 3. cap. 3. De magis et veneficis, &c. Nereides.

1190. Lib. de Zilphis.

1191. Lib. 3.

1192. Pro salute hominum excubare se simulant, sed in eorum perniciem omnia moliuntur. Aust.

1193. Dryades, Oriades, Hamadryades.

1194. Elvas Olaus voc. at lib. 3.

1195. Part 1. cap. 19.

1196. Lib. 3. cap. 11. Elvarum choreas Olaus lib. 3. vocat saltum adeo profunde in terras imprimunt, ut locus insigni deinceps virore orbicularis sit, et gramen non pereat.

1197. Sometimes they seduce too simple men into their mountain retreats, where they exhibit wonderful sights to their marvelling eyes, and astonish their ears by the sound of bells, &c.

1198. Lib. de Zilph. et Pigmaeus Olaus lib. 3.

1199. Lib. 7. cap. 14. Qui et in famulitio viris et feminis inserviunt, conclavia scopis purgant, patinas mundant, ligna portant, equos curant, &c.

1200. Ad ministeria utuntur.

1201. Where treasure is hid (as some think) or some murder, or such like villainy committed.

1202. Lib. 16. de rerum varietat.

1203. Vel spiritus sunt hujusmodi damnatorum, vel e purgatorio, vel ipsi daemones, c. 4.

1204. Quidam lemures domesticis instrumentis noctu ludunt: patinas, ollas, cantharas, et alia vasa dejiciunt, et quidam voces emittunt, ejulant, risum emittunt, &c. ut canes nigri, feles, variis formis, &c.

1205. Epist. lib. 7.

1206. Meridionales Daemones Cicogna calls them, or Alastores, l. 3. cap. 9.

1207. Sueton. c. 69. in Caligula.

1208. Strozzius Cicogna. lib. 3. mag. cap. 5.

1209. Idem. c. 18.

1210. M. Carew. Survey of Cornwall, lib. 2. folio 140.

1211. Horto Geniali, folio 137.

1212. Part 1. c. 19. Abducunt eos a recta via, et viam iter facientibus intercludunt.

1213. Lib. 1. cap. 44. Daemonum cernuntur et audiuntur ibi frequentes illusiones, unde viatoribus cavendum ne ce dissocient, aut a tergo maneant, voces enim fingunt sociorum, ut a recto itinere abducant, &c.

1214. Mons sterilis et nivosus, ubi intempesta nocte umbrae apparent.

1215. Lib. 2. cap. 21. Offendicula faciunt transeuntibus in via et petulanter ridet cum vel hominem vel jumentum ejus pedes atterere faciant, et maxime si homo maledictus et calcaribus saevint.

1216. In Cosmogr.

1217. Vestiti more metallicorum, gestus et opera eorum imitantur.

1218. Immisso in terrae carceres vento horribiles terrae motus efficiunt, quibus saepe non domus modo et turres, sed civitates integrae et insulae haustae sunt.

1219. Hierom. in 3. Ephes. Idem Michaelis. c. 4. de spiritibus. Idem Thyreus de locis infestis.

1220. Lactantius 2. de origins erroris cap. 15. hi maligni spiritus per omnem terram vagantur, et solatium perditionis suae perdendis hominibus operantur.

1221. Mortalium calamitates epulae sunt malorum daemonum, Synesius.

1222. Daminus mendacii a seipso deceptus, alios decipere cupit, adversarius humani generis, Inventor mortis, superbiae institutor, radix malitiae, scelerum caput, princeps omnium vitiorum, fuit inde in Dei contumeliam, hominum perniciem: de horum conatibus et operationibus lege Epiphanium. 2. Tom. lib. 2. Dionysium. c. 4. Ambros. Epistol. lib. 10. ep. et 84. August. de civ. Dei lib. 5. c. 9., lib. 8. cap. 22. lib. 9. 18. lib. 10. 21. Theophil. in 12. Mat. Pasil. ep. 141. Leonem Ser. Theodoret. in 11. Cor. ep. 22. Chrys. hom. 53. in 12. Gen. Greg. in 1. c. John. Barthol. de prop. l. 2. c. 20. Zanch. l. 4. de malis angelis. Perer. in Gen. l. 8. in c. 6. 2. Origen. saepe praeliis intersunt, itinera et negotia nostra quaecumque dirigunt, clandestinis subsidiis optatos saepe praebent successus, Pet. Mar. in Sam. &c. Ruscam de Inferno.

1223. Et velut mancipia circumfert Psellus.

1224. Lib. de trans. mut. Malac. ep.

1225. Custodes sunt hominum, et eorum, ut nos animalium: tum et provinciis praepositi regunt auguriis, somniis, oraculis, pramiis, &c.

1226. Lipsius, Physiol. Stoic, lib. 1. cap. 19.

1227. Leo Suavis. idem et Tritemius.

1228. “They seek nothing more earnestly than the fear and admiration of men.”

1229. “It is scarcely possible to describe the impotent ardour with which these malignant spirits aspire to the honour of being divinely worshipped.”

1230. Omnif. mag. lib. 2. cap. 23.

1231. Ludus deorum sumus.

1232. Lib. de anima et daemone.

1233. Quoties sit, ut Principes novitium aulicum divitiis et dignitatibus pene obruant, et multorum annorum ministrum, qui non semel pro hero periculum subiit, ne teruntio donent, &c. Idem. Quod Philosophi non remunerentur, cum scurra et ineptus ob insulsum jocum saepe praemium reportet, inde fit, &c.

1234. Lib de cruelt. Cadaver.

1235. Boissardus, c. 6 magia.

1236. Godelmanus, cap. 3. lib. 1 de Magis. idem Zanchius, lib. 4. cap. 10 et 11. de malis angelis.

1237. Nociva Melancholia furiosos efficit, et quandoque penitus interficit. G. Picolominens Idemque Zanch. cap. 10. lib. 4. si Deus permittat, corpora nostra movere possunt, alterare, quovis morborum et malorum genere afficere, imo et in ipsa penetrare et saevire.

1238. Inducere potest morbos et sanitates.

1239. Viscerum actiones potest inhibere latenter, et venenis nobis ignotis corpus inficere.

1240. Irrepentes corporibus occulto morbos fingunt, mentes terrent, membra distorquent. Lips. Phil. Stoic. l. 1. c. 19.

1241. De rerum ver. l. 16. c. 93.

1242. Quum mens immediate decipi nequit, premum movit phantasiam, et ita obfirmat vanis conceptibus aut ut ne quem facultati aestimativae rationi locum relinquat. Spiritus malus invadit animam, turbat sensus, in furorem conjicit. Austin. de vit. Beat.

1243. Lib. 3. Fen. 1. Tract. 4. c. 18.

1244. A Daemone maxime proficisci, et saepe solo.

1245. Lib. de incant.

1246. Caep. de mania lib. de morbis cerebri; Daemones, quum sint tenues et incomprehensibiles spiritus, se insinuare corporibus humanis possunt, et occulte in viscerribus operti, valetudinem vitiare, somniis animas terrere et mentes furoribus quatere. Insinuant se melancholicorum penetralibus, intus ibique considunt et deliciantur tanquam in regione clarissimorum siderum, coguntque animum furere.

1247. Lib. 1. cap. 6. occult. Philos. part 1. cap. 1. de spectris.

1248. Sine cruce et sanctificatione sic & daemone obsessa. dial.

1249. Greg. pag. c. 9.

1250. Penult. de opific. Dei.

1251. Lib. 28. cap. 26. tom. 9.

Subsect. iii.

Of Witches and Magicians, how they cause Melancholy.

You have heard what the devil can do of himself, now you shall hear what he can perform by his instruments, who are many times worse (if it be possible) than he himself, and to satisfy their revenge and lust cause more mischief, Multa enim mala non egisset daemon, nisi provocatus a sagis, as 1252Erastus thinks; much harm had never been done, had he not been provoked by witches to it. He had not appeared in Samuel's shape, if the Witch of Endor had let him alone; or represented those serpents in Pharaoh's presence, had not the magicians urged him unto it; Nec morbos vel hominibus, vel brutis infligeret (Erastus maintains) si sagae quiescerent; men and cattle might go free, if the witches would let him alone. Many deny witches at all, or if there be any they can do no harm; of this opinion is Wierus, lib. 3. cap. 53. de praestig. daem. Austin Lerchemer a Dutch writer, Biarmanus, Ewichius, Euwaldus, our countryman Scot; with him in Horace,

Somnia, terrores Magicos, miracula, sagas,

Nocturnos Lemures, portentaque Thessala risu

Excipiunt. ———

Say, can you laugh indignant at the schemes

Of magic terrors, visionary dreams,

Portentous wonders, witching imps of Hell,

The nightly goblin, and enchanting spell?

They laugh at all such stories; but on the contrary are most lawyers, divines, physicians, philosophers, Austin, Hemingius, Danaeus, Chytraeus, Zanchius, Aretius, &c. Delrio, Springer, 1253Niderius, lib. 5. Fornicar. Guiatius, Bartolus, consil. 6. tom. 1. Bodine, daemoniant. lib 2. cap. 8. Godelman, Damhoderius, &c. Paracelsus, Erastus, Scribanius, Camerarius, &c. The parties by whom the devil deals, may be reduced to these two, such as command him in show at least, as conjurors, and magicians, whose detestable and horrid mysteries are contained in their book called 1254Arbatell; daemonis enim advocati praesto sunt, seque exorcismis et conjurationibus quasi cogi patiuntur, ut miserum magorum genus, in impietate detineant. Or such as are commanded, as witches, that deal ex parte implicite, or explicite, as the 1255king hath well defined; many subdivisions there are, and many several species of sorcerers, witches, enchanters, charmers, &c. They have been tolerated heretofore some of them; and magic hath been publicly professed in former times, in 1256Salamanca, 1257Krakow, and other places, though after censured by several 1258Universities, and now generally contradicted, though practised by some still, maintained and excused, Tanquam res secreta quae non nisi viris magnis et peculiari beneficio de Coelo instructis communicatur (I use 1259Boesartus his words) and so far approved by some princes, Ut nihil ausi aggredi in politicis, in sacris, in consiliis, sine eorum arbitrio; they consult still with them, and dare indeed do nothing without their advice. Nero and Heliogabalus, Maxentius, and Julianus Apostata, were never so much addicted to magic of old, as some of our modern princes and popes themselves are nowadays. Erricus, King of Sweden, had an 1260enchanted cap, by virtue of which, and some magical murmur or whispering terms, he could command spirits, trouble the air, and make the wind stand which way he would, insomuch that when there was any great wind or storm, the common people were wont to say, the king now had on his conjuring cap. But such examples are infinite. That which they can do, is as much almost as the devil himself, who is still ready to satisfy their desires, to oblige them the more unto him. They can cause tempests, storms, which is familiarly practised by witches in Norway, Iceland, as I have proved. They can make friends enemies, and enemies friends by philters; 1261Turpes amores conciliare, enforce love, tell any man where his friends are, about what employed, though in the most remote places; and if they will, 1262“bring their sweethearts to them by night, upon a goat's back flying in the air.” Sigismund Scheretzius, part. 1. cap. 9. de spect. reports confidently, that he conferred with sundry such, that had been so carried many miles, and that he heard witches themselves confess as much; hurt and infect men and beasts, vines, corn, cattle, plants, make women abortive, not to conceive, 1263barren, men and women unapt and unable, married and unmarried, fifty several ways, saith Bodine, lib. 2. c. 2. fly in the air, meet when and where they will, as Cicogna proves, and Lavat. de spec. part. 2. c. 17. “steal young children out of their cradles, ministerio daemonum, and put deformed in their rooms, which we call changelings,” saith 1264Scheretzius, part. 1. c. 6. make men victorious, fortunate, eloquent; and therefore in those ancient monomachies and combats they were searched of old, 1265they had no magical charms; they can make 1266stick frees, such as shall endure a rapier's point, musket shot, and never be wounded: of which read more in Boissardus, cap. 6. de Magia, the manner of the adjuration, and by whom 'tis made, where and how to be used in expeditionibus bellicis, praeliis, duellis, &c., with many peculiar instances and examples; they can walk in fiery furnaces, make men feel no pain on the rack, aut alias torturas sentire; they can stanch blood, 1267represent dead men's shapes, alter and turn themselves and others into several forms, at their pleasures. 1268Agaberta, a famous witch in Lapland, would do as much publicly to all spectators, Modo Pusilla, modo anus, modo procera ut quercus, modo vacca, avis, coluber, &c. Now young, now old, high, low, like a cow, like a bird, a snake, and what not? She could represent to others what forms they most desired to see, show them friends absent, reveal secrets, maxima omnium admiratione, &c. And yet for all this subtlety of theirs, as Lipsius well observes, Physiolog. Stoicor. lib. 1. cap. 17. neither these magicians nor devils themselves can take away gold or letters out of mine or Crassus' chest, et Clientelis suis largiri, for they are base, poor, contemptible fellows most part; as 1269Bodine notes, they can do nothing in Judicum decreta aut poenas, in regum concilia vel arcana, nihil in rem nummariam aut thesauros, they cannot give money to their clients, alter judges' decrees, or councils of kings, these minuti Genii cannot do it, altiores Genii hoc sibi adservarunt, the higher powers reserve these things to themselves. Now and then peradventure there may be some more famous magicians like Simon Magus, 1270Apollonius Tyaneus, Pasetes, Jamblichus, 1271Odo de Stellis, that for a time can build castles in the air, represent armies, &c., as they are 1272said to have done, command wealth and treasure, feed thousands with all variety of meats upon a sudden, protect themselves and their followers from all princes' persecutions, by removing from place to place in an instant, reveal secrets, future events, tell what is done in far countries, make them appear that died long since, and do many such miracles, to the world's terror, admiration and opinion of deity to themselves, yet the devil forsakes them at last, they come to wicked ends, and raro aut nunquam such impostors are to be found. The vulgar sort of them can work no such feats. But to my purpose, they can, last of all, cure and cause most diseases to such as they love or hate, and this of 1273melancholy amongst the rest. Paracelsus, Tom. 4. de morbis amentium, Tract. 1. in express words affirms; Multi fascinantur in melancholiam, many are bewitched into melancholy, out of his experience. The same saith Danaeus, lib. 3. de sortiariis. Vidi, inquit, qui Melancholicos morbos gravissimos induxerunt: I have seen those that have caused melancholy in the most grievous manner, 1274dried up women's paps, cured gout, palsy; this and apoplexy, falling sickness, which no physic could help, solu tactu, by touch alone. Ruland in his 3 Cent. Cura 91. gives an instance of one David Helde, a young man, who by eating cakes which a witch gave him, mox delirare coepit, began to dote on a sudden, and was instantly mad: F. H. D. in 1275Hildesheim, consulted about a melancholy man, thought his disease was partly magical, and partly natural, because he vomited pieces of iron and lead, and spake such languages as he had never been taught; but such examples are common in Scribanius, Hercules de Saxonia, and others. The means by which they work are usually charms, images, as that in Hector Boethius of King Duffe; characters stamped of sundry metals, and at such and such constellations, knots, amulets, words, philters, &c., which generally make the parties affected, melancholy; as 1276Monavius discourseth at large in an epistle of his to Acolsius, giving instance in a Bohemian baron that was so troubled by a philter taken. Not that there is any power at all in those spells, charms, characters, and barbarous words; but that the devil doth use such means to delude them. Ut fideles inde magos (saith 1277Libanius) in officio retineat, tum in consortium malefactorum vocet.

1252. De Lamiis.

1253. Et quomodo venefici fiant enarrat.

1254. De quo plura legas in Boissardo, lib. 1. de praestig.

1255. Rex Jacobus, Daemonol. l. 1. c. 3.

1256. An university in Spain in old Castile.

1257. The chief town in Poland.

1258. Oxford and Paris, see finem P. Lombardi.

1259. Praefat. de magis et veneficis.

1260. Rotatum Pileum habebat, quo ventos violentos cieret, aerem turbaret, et in quam partem, &c.

1261. Erastus.

1262. Ministerio hirci nocturni.

1263. Steriles nuptos et inhabiles, vide Petrum de Pallude, lib. 4. distinct. 34. Paulum Guiclandum.

1264. Infantes matribus suffurantur, aliis suppositivis in locum verorum conjectis.

1265. Milles.

1266. D. Luther, in primum praeceptum, et Leon. Varius, lib. 1. de Fascino.

1267. Lavat. Cicog.

1268. Boissardus de Magis.

1269. Daemon. lib. 3. cap. 3.

1270. Vide Philostratum, vita ejus; Boissardum de Magis.

1271. Nubrigenses lege lib. 1. c. 19. Vide Suidam de Paset. De Cruent. Cadaver.

1272. Erastus. Adolphus Scribanius.

1273. Virg. Aeneid. 4. Incantatricem describens: Haec se carminibus promittit solvere mentes. Quas velit, ast aliis duras immittere curas.

1274. Godelmanus, cap. 7. lib. 1. Nutricum mammas praesiccant, solo tactu podagram, Apoplexiam, Paralysin, et alios morbos, quos medicina curare non poterat.

1275. Factus inde Maniacus, spic. 2. fol. 147.

1276. Omnia philtra etsi inter se differant, hoc habent commune, quod hominem efficiant melancholicum. epist. 231. Scholtzii.

1277. De cruent. Cadaver.

Subsect. iv.

Stars a cause. Signs from Physiognomy, Metoposcopy, Chiromancy.

Natural causes are either primary and universal, or secondary and more particular. Primary causes are the heavens, planets, stars, &c., by their influence (as our astrologers hold) producing this and such like effects. I will not here stand to discuss obiter, whether stars be causes, or signs; or to apologise for judical astrology. If either Sextus Empericus, Picus Mirandula, Sextus ab Heminga, Pererius, Erastus, Chambers, &c., have so far prevailed with any man, that he will attribute no virtue at all to the heavens, or to sun, or moon, more than he doth to their signs at an innkeeper's post, or tradesman's shop, or generally condemn all such astrological aphorisms approved by experience: I refer him to Bellantius, Pirovanus, Marascallerus, Goclenius, Sir Christopher Heidon, &c. If thou shalt ask me what I think, I must answer, nam et doctis hisce erroribus versatus sum, (for I am conversant with these learned errors,) they do incline, but not compel; no necessity at all: 1278agunt non cogunt: and so gently incline, that a wise man may resist them; sapiens dominabitur astris: they rule us, but God rules them. All this (methinks) 1279Joh. de Indagine hath comprised in brief, Quaeris a me quantum in nobis operantur astra? &c. “Wilt thou know how far the stars work upon us? I say they do but incline, and that so gently, that if we will be ruled by reason, they have no power over us; but if we follow our own nature, and be led by sense, they do as much in us as in brute beasts, and we are no better.” So that, I hope, I may justly conclude with 1280Cajetan, Coelum est vehiculum divinae virtutis, &c., that the heaven is God's instrument, by mediation of which he governs and disposeth these elementary bodies; or a great book, whose letters are the stars, (as one calls it,) wherein are written many strange things for such as can read, 1281“or an excellent harp, made by an eminent workman, on which, he that can but play, will make most admirable music.” But to the purpose.

1282Paracelsus is of opinion, “that a physician without the knowledge of stars can neither understand the cause or cure of any disease, either of this or gout, not so much as toothache; except he see the peculiar geniture and scheme of the party effected.” And for this proper malady, he will have the principal and primary cause of it proceed from the heaven, ascribing more to stars than humours, 1283“and that the constellation alone many times produceth melancholy, all other causes set apart.” He gives instance in lunatic persons, that are deprived of their wits by the moon's motion; and in another place refers all to the ascendant, and will have the true and chief cause of it to be sought from the stars. Neither is it his opinion only, but of many Galenists and philosophers, though they do not so peremptorily maintain as much. “This variety of melancholy symptoms proceeds from the stars,” saith 1284Melancthon: the most generous melancholy, as that of Augustus, comes from the conjunction of Saturn and Jupiter in Libra: the bad, as that of Catiline's, from the meeting of Saturn and the moon in Scorpio. Jovianus Pontanus, in his tenth book, and thirteenth chapter de rebus coelestibus, discourseth to this purpose at large, Ex atra bile varii generantur morbi, &c., 1285“many diseases proceed from black choler, as it shall be hot or cold; and though it be cold in its own nature, yet it is apt to be heated, as water may be made to boil, and burn as bad as fire; or made cold as ice: and thence proceed such variety of symptoms, some mad, some solitary, some laugh, some rage,” &c. The cause of all which intemperance he will have chiefly and primarily proceed from the heavens, 1286“from the position of Mars, Saturn, and Mercury.” His aphorisms be these, 1287“Mercury in any geniture, if he shall be found in Virgo, or Pisces his opposite sign, and that in the horoscope, irradiated by those quartile aspects of Saturn or Mars, the child shall be mad or melancholy.” Again, 1288“He that shall have Saturn and Mars, the one culminating, the other in the fourth house, when he shall be born, shall be melancholy, of which he shall be cured in time, if Mercury behold them. 1289If the moon be in conjunction or opposition at the birth time with the sun, Saturn or Mars, or in a quartile aspect with them,” (e malo coeli loco, Leovitius adds,) “many diseases are signified, especially the head and brain is like to be misaffected with pernicious humours, to be melancholy, lunatic, or mad,” Cardan adds, quarta luna natos, eclipses, earthquakes. Garcaeus and Leovitius will have the chief judgment to be taken from the lord of the geniture, or where there is an aspect between the moon and Mercury, and neither behold the horoscope, or Saturn and Mars shall be lord of the present conjunction or opposition in Sagittarius or Pisces, of the sun or moon, such persons are commonly epileptic, dote, demoniacal, melancholy: but see more of these aphorisms in the above-named Pontanus. Garcaeus, cap. 23. de Jud. genitur. Schoner. lib. 1. cap. 8, which he hath gathered out of 1290Ptolemy, Albubater, and some other Arabians, Junctine, Ranzovius, Lindhout, Origen, &c. But these men you will reject peradventure, as astrologers, and therefore partial judges; then hear the testimony of physicians, Galenists themselves. 1291Carto confesseth the influence of stars to have a great hand to this peculiar disease, so doth Jason Pratensis, Lonicerius praefat. de Apoplexia, Ficinus, Fernelius, &c. 1292P. Cnemander acknowledgeth the stars an universal cause, the particular from parents, and the use of the six non-natural things. Baptista Port. mag. l. 1. c. 10, 12, 15, will have them causes to every particular individium. Instances and examples, to evince the truth of those aphorisms, are common amongst those astrologian treatises. Cardan, in his thirty-seventh geniture, gives instance in Matth. Bolognius. Camerar. hor. natalit. centur. 7. genit. 6. et 7. of Daniel Gare, and others; but see Garcaeus, cap. 33. Luc. Gauricus, Tract. 6. de Azemenis, &c. The time of this melancholy is, when the significators of any geniture are directed according to art, as the hor: moon, hylech, &c. to the hostile beams or terms of &♄ and ♂ especially, or any fixed star of their nature, or if &♄ by his revolution or transitus, shall offend any of those radical promissors in the geniture.

Other signs there are taken from physiognomy, metoposcopy, chiromancy, which because Joh. de Indagine, and Rotman, the landgrave of Hesse his mathematician, not long since in his Chiromancy; Baptista Porta, in his celestial Physiognomy, have proved to hold great affinity with astrology, to satisfy the curious, I am the more willing to insert.

The general notions 1293physiognomers give, be these; “black colour argues natural melancholy; so doth leanness, hirsuteness, broad veins, much hair on the brows,” saith 1294Gratanarolus, cap. 7, and a little head, out of Aristotle, high sanguine, red colour, shows head melancholy; they that stutter and are bald, will be soonest melancholy, (as Avicenna supposeth,) by reason of the dryness of their brains; but he that will know more of the several signs of humour and wits out of physiognomy, let him consult with old Adamantus and Polemus, that comment, or rather paraphrase upon Aristotle's Physiognomy, Baptista Porta's four pleasant books, Michael Scot de secretis naturae, John de Indagine, Montaltus, Antony Zara. anat. ingeniorum, sect. 1. memb. 13. et lib. 4.

Chiromancy hath these aphorisms to foretell melancholy, Tasneir. lib. 5. cap. 2, who hath comprehended the sum of John de Indagine: Tricassus, Corvinus, and others in his book, thus hath it; 1295“The Saturnine line going from the rascetta through the hand, to Saturn's mount, and there intersected by certain little lines, argues melancholy; so if the vital and natural make an acute angle, Aphorism 100. The saturnine, hepatic, and natural lines, making a gross triangle in the hand, argue as much;” which Goclenius, cap. 5. Chiros. repeats verbatim out of him. In general they conclude all, that if Saturn's mount be full of many small lines and intersections, 1296“such men are most part melancholy, miserable and full of disquietness, care and trouble, continually vexed with anxious and bitter thoughts, always sorrowful, fearful, suspicious; they delight in husbandry, buildings, pools, marshes, springs, woods, walks,” &c. Thaddaeus Haggesius, in his Metoposcopia, hath certain aphorisms derived from Saturn's lines in the forehead, by which he collects a melancholy disposition; and 1297Baptista Porta makes observations from those other parts of the body, as if a spot be over the spleen; 1298“or in the nails; if it appear black, it signifieth much care, grief, contention, and melancholy;” the reason he refers to the humours, and gives instance in himself, that for seven years space he had such black spots in his nails, and all that while was in perpetual lawsuits, controversies for his inheritance, fear, loss of honour, banishment, grief, care, &c. and when his miseries ended, the black spots vanished. Cardan, in his book de libris propriis, tells such a story of his own person, that a little before his son's death, he had a black spot, which appeared in one of his nails; and dilated itself as he came nearer to his end. But I am over tedious in these toys, which howsoever, in some men's too severe censures, they may be held absurd and ridiculous, I am the bolder to insert, as not borrowed from circumforanean rogues and gipsies, but out of the writings of worthy philosophers and physicians, yet living some of them, and religious professors in famous universities, who are able to patronise that which they have said, and vindicate themselves from all cavillers and ignorant persons.

1278. Astra regunt homines, et regit astra Deus.

1279. Chirom. lib. Quaeris a me quantum operantur astra? dico, in nos nihil astra urgere, sed animos praeclives trahere: qui sic tamen liberi sunt, ut si ducem sequantur rationem, nihil efficiant, sin vero naturam, id agere quod in brutis fere.

1280. Coelum vehiculum divinae virtutis, cujus mediante motu, lumine et influentia, Deus! elementaria corpora ordinat et disponit Th. de Vio. Cajetanus in Psa. 104.

1281. Mundus iste quasi lyra ab excellentissimo quodam artifice concinnata, quem qui norit mirabiles eliciet harmonias. J. Dee. Aphorismo 11.

1282. Medicus sine coeli peritia nihil est, &c. nisi genesim sciverit, ne tantillum poterit. lib. de podag.

1283. Constellatio in causa est; et influentia coeli morbum hunc movet, interdum omnibus aliis amotis. Et alibi. Origo ejus a Coelo petenda est. Tr. de morbis amentium.

1284. Lib. de anima, cap. de humorib. Ea varietas in Melancholia, habet caelestes causas ☌ ♄ et ♃ in □ ☌ ♂ et ☾ in ♏.

1285. Ex atra bile varii generantur morbi perinde ut ipse multum calidi aut frigidi in se habuerit, quum utrique suscipiendo quam aptissima sit, tametsi suapte natura frigida sit. Annon aqua sic afficitur a calore ut ardeat; et a frigore, ut in glaciem concrescat? et haec varietas distinctionum, alii flent, rident, &c.

1286. Hanc ad intemperantiam gignendam plurimum confert ♂ et ♄ positus, &c.

1287. ☿ Quoties alicujus genitura in ♏ et ♓ adverso signo positus, horoscopum partiliter tenueret atque etiam a ♂ vel ♄ □ radio percussus fuerit, natus ab insania vexabitur.

1288. Qui ♄ et ♂ habet, alterum in culmine, alterum imo coelo, cum in lucem venerit, melancholicus erit, a qua sanebitur, si ☿ illos irradiarit.

1289. Hac configuratione natus, Aut Lunaticus, aut mente captus.

1290. Ptolomaeus centiloquio, et quadripartito tribuit omnium melancholicorum symptoma siderum influentis.

1291. Arte Medica. accedunt ad has causas affectiones siderum. Plurimum incitant et provocant influentiae caelestes. Velcurio, lib. 4. cap. 15.

1292. Hildesheim, spicel. 2. de mel.

1293. Joh. de Indag. cap. 9. Montaltus, cap. 22.

1294. Caput parvum qui habent cerebrum et spiritus plerumque angustos, facile incident in Melancholiam rubicundi. Aetius. Idem Montaltus, c. 21. e Galeno.

1295. Saturnina a Rascetta per mediam manum decurrens, usque ad radicem montis Saturni, a parvis lineis intersecta, arguit melancholicos. Aphoris. 78.

1296. Agitantur miseriis, continuis inquietudinibus, neque unquam a solitudine liberi sunt, anxie affiguntur amarissimis intra cogitationibus, semper tristes, suspitiosi, meticulosi: cogitationes sunt, velle agrum colere, stagna amant et paludes, &c. Jo. de Indagine, lib. 1.

1297. Caelestis Physiognom. lib. 10.

1298. Cap. 14. lib. 5. Idem maculae in ungulis nigrae, lites, rixas, melancholiam significant, ab humore in corde tali.

Subsect. v.

Old age a cause.

Secondary peculiar causes efficient, so called in respect of the other precedent, are either congenitae, internae, innatae, as they term them, inward, innate, inbred; or else outward and adventitious, which happen to us after we are born: congenite or born with us, are either natural, as old age, or praeter naturam (as 1299Fernelius calls it) that distemperature, which we have from our parent's seed, it being an hereditary disease. The first of these, which is natural to all, and which no man living can avoid, is 1300old age, which being cold and dry, and of the same quality as melancholy is, must needs cause it, by diminution of spirits and substance, and increasing of adust humours; therefore 1301 Melancthon avers out of Aristotle, as an undoubted truth, Senes plerunque delirasse in senecta, that old men familiarly dote, ob atram bilem, for black choler, which is then superabundant in them: and Rhasis, that Arabian physician, in his Cont. lib. 1. cap. 9, calls it 1302“a necessary and inseparable accident,” to all old and decrepit persons. After seventy years (as the Psalmist saith) 1303“all is trouble and sorrow;” and common experience confirms the truth of it in weak and old persons, especially such as have lived in action all their lives, had great employment, much business, much command, and many servants to oversee, and leave off ex abrupto; as 1304Charles the Fifth did to King Philip, resign up all on a sudden; they are overcome with melancholy in an instant: or if they do continue in such courses, they dote at last, (senex bis puer,) and are not able to manage their estates through common infirmities incident in their age; full of ache, sorrow and grief, children again, dizzards, they carl many times as they sit, and talk to themselves, they are angry, waspish, displeased with every thing, “suspicious of all, wayward, covetous, hard” (saith Tully,) “self-willed, superstitious, self-conceited, braggers and admirers of themselves,” as 1305Balthazar Castilio hath truly noted of them.1306This natural infirmity is most eminent in old women, and such as are poor, solitary, live in most base esteem and beggary, or such as are witches; insomuch that Wierus, Baptista Porta, Ulricus Molitor, Edwicus, do refer all that witches are said to do, to imagination alone, and this humour of melancholy. And whereas it is controverted, whether they can bewitch cattle to death, ride in the air upon a cowl-staff out of a chimney-top, transform themselves into cats, dogs, &c., translate bodies from place to place, meet in companies, and dance, as they do, or have carnal copulation with the devil, they ascribe all to this redundant melancholy, which domineers in them, to 1307 somniferous potions, and natural causes, the devil's policy. Non laedunt omnino (saith Wierus) aut quid mirum faciunt, (de Lamiis, lib. 3. cap. 36), ut putatur, solam vitiatam habent phantasiam; they do no such wonders at all, only their 1308brains are crazed. 1309“They think they are witches, and can do hurt, but do not.” But this opinion Bodine, Erastus, Danaeus, Scribanius, Sebastian Michaelis, Campanella de Sensu rerum, lib. 4. cap. 9. 1310Dandinus the Jesuit, lib. 2. de Animae explode; 1311Cicogna confutes at large. That witches are melancholy, they deny not, but not out of corrupt phantasy alone, so to delude themselves and others, or to produce such effects.

1299. Lib. 1. Path. cap. 11.

1300. Venit enim properata malis inopina senectus: et dolor aetatem jussit inesse meam. Boethius, met. 1. de consol. Philos.

1301. Cap. de humoribus, lib. de Anima.

1302. Necessarium accidens decrepitis, et inseparabile.

1303. Psal. xc. 10.

1304. Meteran. Belg. hist. lib. 1.

1305. Sunt morosi anxii, et iracundi et difficiles senes, si quaerimus, etiam avari, Tull. de senectute.

1306. Lib. 2. de Aulico. Senes avari, morosi, jactabundi, philauti, deliri, superstitiosi, auspiciosi, &c. Lib. 3. de Lamiis, cap. 17. et 18.

1307. Solarium, opium lupiadeps, lacr. asini, &c. sanguis infantum, &c.

1308. Corrupta est iis ab humore Melancholico phantasia. Nymanus.

1309. Putant se laedere quando non laedunt.

1310. Qui haec in imaginationis vim referre conati sunt, atrae bilis, inanem prorsus laborem susceperunt.

1311. Lib. 3. cap. 4. omnif. mag.

Subsect. vi.

Parents a cause by Propagation.

That other inward inbred cause of Melancholy is our temperature, in whole or part, which we receive from our parents, which 1312Fernelius calls Praeter naturam, or unnatural, it being an hereditary disease; for as he justifies 1313Quale parentum maxime patris semen obtigerit, tales evadunt similares spermaticaeque paries, quocunque etiam morbo Pater quum generat tenetur, cum semine transfert, in Prolem; such as the temperature of the father is, such is the son's, and look what disease the father had when he begot him, his son will have after him; 1314“and is as well inheritor of his infirmities, as of his lands. And where the complexion and constitution of the father is corrupt, there (1315saith Roger Bacon) the complexion and constitution of the son must needs be corrupt, and so the corruption is derived from the father to the son.” Now this doth not so much appear in the composition of the body, according to that of Hippocrates, 1316“in habit, proportion, scars, and other lineaments; but in manners and conditions of the mind,” Et patrum in natos abeunt cum semine mores.

Seleucus had an anchor on his thigh, so had his posterity, as Trogus records, lib. 15. Lepidus, in Pliny l. 7. c. 17, was purblind, so was his son. That famous family of Aenobarbi were known of old, and so surnamed from their red beards; the Austrian lip, and those Indian flat noses are propagated, the Bavarian chin, and goggle eyes amongst the Jews, as 1317 Buxtorfius observes; their voice, pace, gesture, looks, are likewise derived with all the rest of their conditions and infirmities; such a mother, such a daughter; their very 1318affections Lemnius contends “to follow their seed, and the malice and bad conditions of children are many times wholly to be imputed to their parents;” I need not therefore make any doubt of Melancholy, but that it is an hereditary disease. 1319 Paracelsus in express words affirms it, lib. de morb. amentium to. 4. tr. 1; so doth 1320Crato in an Epistle of his to Monavius. So doth Bruno Seidelius in his book de morbo incurab. Montaltus proves, cap. 11, out of Hippocrates and Plutarch, that such hereditary dispositions are frequent, et hanc (inquit) fieri reor ob participatam melancholicam intemperantiam (speaking of a patient) I think he became so by participation of Melancholy. Daniel Sennertus, lib. 1. part 2. cap. 9, will have his melancholy constitution derived not only from the father to the son, but to the whole family sometimes; Quandoque totis familiis hereditativam, 1321Forestus, in his medicinal observations, illustrates this point, with an example of a merchant, his patient, that had this infirmity by inheritance; so doth Rodericus a Fonseca, tom. 1. consul. 69, by an instance of a young man that was so affected ex matre melancholica, had a melancholy mother, et victu melancholico, and bad diet together. Ludovicus Mercatus, a Spanish physician, in that excellent Tract which he hath lately written of hereditary diseases, tom. 2. oper. lib. 5, reckons up leprosy, as those 1322Galbots in Gascony, hereditary lepers, pox, stone, gout, epilepsy, &c. Amongst the rest, this and madness after a set time comes to many, which he calls a miraculous thing in nature, and sticks for ever to them as an incurable habit. And that which is more to be wondered at, it skips in some families the father, and goes to the son, 1323“or takes every other, and sometimes every third in a lineal descent, and doth not always produce the same, but some like, and a symbolizing disease.” These secondary causes hence derived, are commonly so powerful, that (as 1324Wolfius holds) saepe mutant decreta siderum, they do often alter the primary causes, and decrees of the heavens. For these reasons, belike, the Church and commonwealth, human and Divine laws, have conspired to avoid hereditary diseases, forbidding such marriages as are any whit allied; and as Mercatus adviseth all families to take such, si fieri possit quae maxime distant natura, and to make choice of those that are most differing in complexion from them; if they love their own, and respect the common good. And sure, I think, it hath been ordered by God's especial providence, that in all ages there should be (as usually there is) once in 1325600 years, a transmigration of nations, to amend and purify their blood, as we alter seed upon our land, and that there should be as it were an inundation of those northern Goths and Vandals, and many such like people which came out of that continent of Scandia and Sarmatia (as some suppose) and overran, as a deluge, most part of Europe and Africa, to alter for our good, our complexions, which were much defaced with hereditary infirmities, which by our lust and intemperance we had contracted. A sound generation of strong and able men were sent amongst us, as those northern men usually are, innocuous, free from riot, and free from diseases; to qualify and make us as those poor naked Indians are generally at this day; and those about Brazil (as a late 1326writer observes), in the Isle of Maragnan, free from all hereditary diseases, or other contagion, whereas without help of physic they live commonly 120 years or more, as in the Orcades and many other places. Such are the common effects of temperance and intemperance, but I will descend to particular, and show by what means, and by whom especially, this infirmity is derived unto us.

Filii ex senibus nati, raro sunt firmi temperamenti, old men's children are seldom of a good temperament, as Scoltzius supposeth, consult. 177, and therefore most apt to this disease; and as 1327Levinus Lemnius farther adds, old men beget most part wayward, peevish, sad, melancholy sons, and seldom merry. He that begets a child on a full stomach, will either have a sick child, or a crazed son (as 1328Cardan thinks), contradict. med. lib. 1. contradict. 18, or if the parents be sick, or have any great pain of the head, or megrim, headache, (Hieronymus Wolfius 1329doth instance in a child of Sebastian Castalio's); if a drunken man get a child, it will never likely have a good brain, as Gellius argues, lib. 12. cap. 1. Ebrii gignunt Ebrios, one drunkard begets another, saith 1330Plutarch, symp. lib. 1. quest. 5, whose sentence 1331Lemnius approves, l. 1. c. 4. Alsarius Crutius, Gen. de qui sit med. cent. 3. fol. 182. Macrobius, lib. 1. Avicenna, lib. 3. Fen. 21. Tract 1. cap. 8, and Aristotle himself, sect. 2. prob. 4, foolish, drunken, or hair-brain women, most part bring forth children like unto themselves, morosos et languidos, and so likewise he that lies with a menstruous woman. Intemperantia veneris, quam in nautis praesertim insectatur 1332 Lemnius, qui uxores ineunt, nulla menstrui decursus ratione habita nec observato interlunio, praecipua causa est, noxia, pernitiosa, concubitum hunc exitialem ideo, et pestiferum vocat. 1333Rodoricus a Castro Lucitanus, detestantur ad unum omnes medici, tum et quarta luna concepti, infelices plerumque et amentes, deliri, stolidi, morbosi, impuri, invalidi, tetra lue sordidi minime vitales, omnibus bonis corporis atque animi destituti: ad laborem nati, si seniores, inquit Eustathius, ut Hercules, et alii. 1334Judaei maxime insectantur foedum hunc, et immundum apud Christianas Concubitum, ut illicitum abhorrent, et apud suos prohibent; et quod Christiani toties leprosi, amentes, tot morbili, impetigines, alphi, psorae, cutis et faciei decolorationes, tam multi morbi epidemici, acerbi, et venenosi sint, in hunc immundum concubitum rejiciunt, et crudeles in pignora vocant, qui quarta, luna profluente hac mensium illuvie concubitum hunc non perhorrescunt. Damnavit olim divina Lex et morte mulctavit hujusmodi homines, Lev. 18, 20, et inde nati, siqui deformes aut mutili, pater dilapidatus, quod non contineret ab 1335 immunda muliere. Gregorius Magnus, petenti Augustino nunquid apud 1336Britannos hujusmodi concubitum toleraret, severe prohibuit viris suis tum misceri foeminas in consuetis suis menstruis, &c. I spare to English this which I have said. Another cause some give, inordinate diet, as if a man eat garlic, onions, fast overmuch, study too hard, be over-sorrowful, dull, heavy, dejected in mind, perplexed in his thoughts, fearful, &c., “their children” (saith 1337Cardan subtil. lib. 18) “will be much subject to madness and melancholy; for if the spirits of the brain be fuzzled, or misaffected by such means, at such a time, their children will be fuzzled in the brain: they will be dull, heavy, timorous, discontented all their lives.” Some are of opinion, and maintain that paradox or problem, that wise men beget commonly fools; Suidas gives instance in Aristarchus the Grammarian, duos reliquit Filios Aristarchum et Aristachorum, ambos stultos; and which 1338Erasmus urgeth in his Moria, fools beget wise men. Card. subt. l. 12, gives this cause, Quoniam spiritus sapientum ob studium resolvuntur, et in cerebrum feruntur a corde: because their natural spirits are resolved by study, and turned into animal; drawn from the heart, and those other parts to the brain. Lemnius subscribes to that of Cardan, and assigns this reason, Quod persolvant debitum languide, et obscitanter, unde foetus a parentum generositate desciscit: they pay their debt (as Paul calls it) to their wives remissly, by which means their children are weaklings, and many times idiots and fools.

Some other causes are given, which properly pertain, and do proceed from the mother: if she be over-dull, heavy, angry, peevish, discontented, and melancholy, not only at the time of conception, but even all the while she carries the child in her womb (saith Fernelius, path. l. 1, 11) her son will be so likewise affected, and worse, as 1339Lemnius adds, l. 4. c. 7, if she grieve overmuch, be disquieted, or by any casualty be affrighted and terrified by some fearful object, heard or seen, she endangers her child, and spoils the temperature of it; for the strange imagination of a woman works effectually upon her infant, that as Baptista Porta proves, Physiog. caelestis l. 5. c. 2, she leaves a mark upon it, which is most especially seen in such as prodigiously long for such and such meats, the child will love those meats, saith Fernelius, and be addicted to like humours: 1340“if a great-bellied woman see a hare, her child will often have a harelip,” as we call it. Garcaeus, de Judiciis geniturarum, cap. 33, hath a memorable example of one Thomas Nickell, born in the city of Brandeburg, 1551, 1341“that went reeling and staggering all the days of his life, as if he would fall to the ground, because his mother being great with child saw a drunken man reeling in the street.” Such another I find in Martin Wenrichius, com. de ortu monstrorum, c. 17, I saw (saith he) at Wittenberg, in Germany, a citizen that looked like a carcass; I asked him the cause, he replied, 1342“His mother, when she bore him in her womb, saw a carcass by chance, and was so sore affrighted with it, that ex eo foetus ei assimilatus, from a ghastly impression the child was like it.”

So many several ways are we plagued and punished for our father's defaults; insomuch that as Fernelius truly saith, 1343“It is the greatest part of our felicity to be well born, and it were happy for human kind, if only such parents as are sound of body and mind should be suffered to marry.” An husbandman will sow none but the best and choicest seed upon his land, he will not rear a bull or a horse, except he be right shapen in all parts, or permit him to cover a mare, except he be well assured of his breed; we make choice of the best rams for our sheep, rear the neatest kine, and keep the best dogs, Quanto id diligentius in procreandis liberis observandum? And how careful then should we be in begetting of our children? In former times some 1344countries have been so chary in this behalf, so stern, that if a child were crooked or deformed in body or mind, they made him away; so did the Indians of old by the relation of Curtius, and many other well-governed commonwealths, according to the discipline of those times. Heretofore in Scotland, saith 1345Hect. Boethius, “if any were visited with the falling sickness, madness, gout, leprosy, or any such dangerous disease, which was likely to be propagated from the father to the son, he was instantly gelded; a woman kept from all company of men; and if by chance having some such disease, she were found to be with child, she with her brood were buried alive:” and this was done for the common good, lest the whole nation should be injured or corrupted. A severe doom you will say, and not to be used amongst Christians, yet more to be looked into than it is. For now by our too much facility in this kind, in giving way for all to marry that will, too much liberty and indulgence in tolerating all sorts, there is a vast confusion of hereditary diseases, no family secure, no man almost free from some grievous infirmity or other, when no choice is had, but still the eldest must marry, as so many stallions of the race; or if rich, be they fools or dizzards, lame or maimed, unable, intemperate, dissolute, exhaust through riot, as he said, 1346jura haereditario sapere jubentur; they must be wise and able by inheritance: it comes to pass that our generation is corrupt, we have many weak persons, both in body and mind, many feral diseases raging amongst us, crazed families, parentes, peremptores; our fathers bad, and we are like to be worse.

1312. Lib. 1. cap. 11. path.

1313. Ut arthritici Epilep. &c.

1314. Ut filii non tam possessionum quam morborum baeredes sint.

1315. Epist. de secretis artis et naturae, c. 7. Nam in hoc quod patres corrupti sunt, generant filios corruptae complexionis, et compositionis, et filii eorum eadem de causa se corrumpunt, et sic derivatur corruptio a patribus ad filios.

1316. Non tam (inquit Hippocrates) gibbos et cicatrices oris et corporis habitum agnoscis ex iis, sed verum incessum gestus, mores, morbos, &c.

1317. Synagog. Jud.

1318. Affectus parentum in foetus transeunt, et puerorum malicia parentibus imputanda, lib. 4. cap. 3. de occult, nat. mirae.

1319. Ex pituitosis pituitosi, ex biliosis biliosi, ex lienosis et melancholicis melancholici.

1320. Epist. 174. in Scoltz. Nascitur nobiscum illa aliturque et una cum parentibus habemus malum hunc assem. Jo. Pelesius, lib. 2. de cura humanorum affectuum.

1321. Lib. 10. observat.

1322. Maginus Geog.

1323. Saepe non eundem, sed similem producit effectum, et illaeso parente transit. in nepotem.

1324. Dial. praefix. genituris Leovitii.

1325. Bodin. de rep. cap. de periodis reip.

1326. Claudius Abaville, Capuchion, in his voyage to Maragnan. 1614. cap. 45. Nemo fere aegrotus, sano omnes et robusto corpore, vivunt annos. 120, 140. sine Medicina. Idem Hector Boethius de insulis Orchad. et Damianus a Goes de Scandia.

1327. Lib. 4. c. 3. de occult. nat. mir. Tetricos plerumque filios senes progenerant et tristes, rarios exhilaratos.

1328. Coitus super repletionem pessimus, et filii qui tum gignuntur, aut morbosi sunt, aut stolidi.

1329. dial, praefix. Leovito.

1330. L. de ed. liberis.

1331. De occult. nat. mir. temulentae et stolidae mulieres liberos plerumque producunt sibi similes.

1332. Lib. 2, c. 8. de occult, nat. mir. Good Master Schoolmaster do not English this.

1333. De nat. mul. lib. 3. cap. 4.

1334. Buxdorphius, c. 31. Synag. Jud. Ezek. 18.

1335. Drusius obs. lib. 3. cap. 20.

1336. Beda. Eccl. hist. lib. 1. c. 27. respons. 10.

1337. Nam spiritus cerebri si tum male afficiantur, tales procreant, et quales fuerint affectus, tales filiorum: ex tristibus tristes, ex jucundis jucundi nascuntur, &c.

1338. Fol. 129. mer. Socrates' children were fools. Sabel.

1339. De occul. nat. mir. Pica morbus mulierum.

1340. Baptista Porta, loco praed. Ex leporum intuitu plerique infantes edunt bifido superiore labello.

1341. Quasi mox in terram collapsurus, per omne vitam incedebat cum mater gravia ebrium hominem sic incedentem viderat.

1342. Civem facie cadaverosa, qui dixit, &c.

1343. Optimum bene nasci, maxima para felicitatis nostrae bene nasci; quamobrem praeclere humano generi consultam videretur, si solis parentis bene habiti et sani, liberis operam darent.

1344. Infantes infirmi praecipitio necati. Bohemus, lib. 3. c. 3. Apud Lacones olim. Lipsius, epist. 85. cent. ad Belgas, Dionysio Villerio, si quos aliqua membrorum parte inutiles notaverint, necari jubent.

1345. Lib. 1. De veterum Scotorum moribus. Morbo comitiali, dementia, mania, lepra, &c. aut simila labe, quae facile in prolem transmittitur, laborantes inter eos, ingenti facta indagine, inventos, ne gens foeda contagione laederetur, ex iis nata, castraverunt, mulieres hujusmodi procul a virorum consortio abregarunt, quod si harum aliqua concepisse inveniebatur, simul cum foetu nondum edito, defodiebatur viva.

1346. Euphormio Satyr.

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