Britannia

or a

Chorographical Description

of

GREAT BRITAIN

and

IRELAND,

Together with the Adjacent Islands.

Written in Latin by

WILLIAM CAMDEN

And Translated into English, with Additions and Improvements .

Revised, Digested, and Published, with Large Additions, by

EDMUND GIBSON

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Table of Contents

Preliminaries.

Great Britain.

The General Heads, of the Introduction, and Counties of England.
Britain.

The Counties of England and Wales.

The Union Of England And Scotland.

Preamble to The Union Of England And Scotland.

Scotland, Or, North-Britain.

The General Heads in Scotland, or North-Britain.
Preamble to Scotland.
Of Scotland, in general.
Gadeni or Ladeni.
Selgovæ.
Novantes.
Damnii.
Caledonia.
An Additional Description of the Roman Wall, in Scotland.

Ireland.

The General Heads in Ireland.
Preamble to Ireland. The British Ocean.
Ireland, in General.
Momonia, or Mounster.
Lagenia, or Leinster.
Meth.
Conaght.
Ulster.

The Smaller Islands in the British Ocean.

General Heads in the British Islands.
Preamble to The Smaller Islands in the British Ocean.

Appendix.

The Preface To The Annals of Ireland.
The Annals of Ireland.
The O-Neals, And Their Rebellions.
A Chronicle Of The Kings of Man.

The Insertions.

The Insertions Made by Dr. Holland, in his English Translation of Mr. Camden’s Britannia.

Index.

Errata.

Frontispiece portrait of William Camden
Title page for Volume I
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TO THE
KING.

Most Gracious Sovereign,

I I Humbly present to your Majesty a Description of your Kingdoms of Great-Britain and Ireland; in a true sense of the signal Deliverance they receiv’d, and of the manifold Blessings deriv’d to them by coming under a succession of Protestant Princes in your Illustrious House. And in these Acknowledgments, I am sure to be join’d by every Subject in your Majesty’s Dominions; except such, who are capable of sacrificing the Religion and Liberties of their Country to their own Ambition and Interest, and such, who are misled by them to serve those unworthy and unnatural Ends.

When we consider the terrible Storm which threaten’d these Protestant Kingdoms a few years ago, and that, humanly speaking, nothing could have preserv’d us from Destruction, but your Majesty’s Relation to the Royal Family founded on a Marriage above a Hundred years since; We cannot but adore the Wisdom and Goodness of God, in laying such a Train of Providences, for our Deliverance in that Hour of Extremity. But yet even this Alliance it self might not have preserv’d us, had not the Crown stood entail’d upon a person, whose Character for Wisdom, Courage and Steadiness, did at once dispirit the Enemies of the Protestant Succession, and animate the true Patriots of their Country in their Endeavours and Resolutions to maintain it.

It is this Alliance which has made Us happy in your Majesty and your Royal Family, and which entitles You to the Love of every Subject, as a Prince of our own Blood; especially, when that Endearment of Blood is enforc’d by so much Graciousness of Temper and Disposition. But the ensuing Work points out a Relation between your Majesty and these Kingdoms, of a far more Ancient Date. Not only our Histories, but our Language, our Laws, our Customs, our Names of Persons and Names of Places, do all abundantly testify, that the greatest part of your Majesty’s Subjects here, are of Saxon Original. And if we enquire from whence our Saxon Ancestors came, we shall find, that it was from your Majesty’s Dominions in Germany, where their Brethren who staid behind, spread themselves through a noble and spacious Country, which still retains their Name. So that the main Body of your People in both Nations, are really descended from one and the same common Stock; and now, after a Disunion of so many Ages, they live again under the Protection and Influence of the same common Parent.

But this Influence is not confin’d to your own Dominions; To your immortal Honour, it extends to every quarter where the Protestant Religion is profess’d, in the Protection whereof against the Tyrannies of Popery, your Majesty has exerted your Power and Interest in a most distinguishing manner; for which you have the Prayers of the present Age, and your Memory will be bless’d to all Posterity.

May God Almighty prosper your Majesty in all your Endeavours and Undertakings for the Good of Mankind, and particularly in the Defence and Support of our Church and Religion! May the glorious character, Of being the Head and Heart of the Protestant Cause in Europe, which your Majesty has asserted with so much Zeal and Honour, never be separated from the British Diadem! May your Example, and those publick Testimonies which you have given of your general Care over the Whole Protestant Body, teach that whole Body the necessary Lesson of Union, against all the Attempts and Stratagems of Popery and Superstition! And, finally (as the just Reward of a mild and merciful Government, and of a zealous and tender concern for the Truth of the Gospel and the Professors of it) may your Majesty enjoy a long, happy, and peaceful Reign here upon Earth, and after that be recompens’d with an Immortal Crown of Glory in Heaven.

These are the sincere and hearty Prayers of,

May it please your Majesty,
Your Majesty’s most faithful,
and devoted Servant
,
Edm. Lincoln.

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THE
PREFACE.

Embellished I IT is now six and twenty years, since Mr. Camden’s BRITANNIA, written originally in Latin, was published in an English Translation, with large Additions and Improvements. And though Enquiries of this nature may seem less proper for the Character and Function of a Divine, and especially for one of my Age and Station; yet I hope I shall not be censured for having continued this Work under my Care and Inspection, when it is consider’d, that all Ages and Stations must be allowed their Diversions, and that no Diversion can be more innocent or laudable, than the History and Antiquities of our Native Country: The Love of which being grafted in our Nature; it follows from thence, that the debarring any Part or Circumstance of Life from employing it’s leisure hours in those pleasing and innocent Amusements, would be an Unnatural Restraint.

Wherefore, about twelve Years since, I turn’d my Thoughts in earnest, towards the farther Improvement and Perfecting of this Work; and now, being about to send abroad another Impression of it, the Reader is to be acquainted, in what particulars, and to what degrees, this Second Edition is further Enlarged and Improved.

I. The TRANSLATION, from beginning to end, hath been collated with the original Latin, and, it is hoped, will be found much better accommodated, than before, to the Author’s Sense, and the English Idiom. The English Translation also hath been separately perused with another View, namely, Eavenness and Uniformity of Style; the want of which (not to be well avoided in a translation by several hands) was taken notice of in the former Edition, but is to a good degree supplied and remedied in this. In which Collation, and Revisal, the rule hath been, not to aim-at or affect Politeness and Elegancy, but (what was conceived to be more agreeable to the Subject) to see that the Author’s meaning was expressed in plain and proper Language, and, as much as might be, in the same Style.

I must add one thing more, concerning the Translation of this Work; That the adjusting it exactly to the Latin, will always lay it under one disadvantage with English Readers, which is this: The Original, as written in Latin, was chiefly intended for the Instruction of Foreigners; and this made it necessary for the Judicious and Learned Author, to insert particular Explications of many Terms, Customs, and Methods: Which being Peculiar to the English, could not otherwise have been understood by Foreigners; but being of vulgar and common use among Us, they are known before-hand to the meanest and most illiterate English Reader, and may therefore, in an English Translation calculated for English Readers, seem not only useless, but in many cases trifling. Notwithstanding which, it was judg’d most advisable in this as well as the former Edition, to translate Mr. Camden entire; and although such passages, as they stand in the English Tongue, may at first sight appear mean and low, yet can they be no diminution of Mr. Camden’s Judgment, or the Dignity of the Work, in the account of any Reader, who will be so fair and just, as to remember that they are Explications originally intended for the benefit of Foreigners.

The like Excuse must be made for the Translation, if in some places there appear more of the Poetical Style, than is usual in Prose; which could not be avoided without deviating from the Original, because in truth Mr. Camden’s Style, especially in the Britannia, leans much to the Poetical way; rising to a greater heighth, and abounding more with Epithets and Allusions, than Writings of that kind generally do.

II. The ADDITIONS, which in the former Impression were placed at the end of each County, and others which have been since made by way of Improvement in this, and which are very numerous; are now inserted at the Places to which they belong, and Incorporated with Mr. Camden’s Text, but with proper marks of distinction ( viz, this ⌈ at the beginning, and this ⌉ at the end, of every Addition, throughout the Work;) so plain, as to be discerned at first sight by any Reader who is attending to those Distinctions, and not plain enough to disfigure the page, or offend the eye. By which, the Reader is now eased of the frequent trouble of turning from place to place, and sees the full Account of every particular, at one view, and without the least Interruption; and yet has the Text, in effect, as entire and separate, as he had before.

III. Of the Additions so incorporated with the Text, very many (as hath been intimated) are New Discoveries and Observations, such, I mean, as have been made since the former Edition: the publication whereof conduced much to excite the Curiosity of many persons in this way, and led learned and judicious men, in their several Countries, to farther Enquiries and Observations; which (it must be said for their honour) they have communicated, with great freedom and readiness, towards the Improvement of this Work.

IV. That it might not be unknown or forgotten, to whose Assistance the Improvements in the former Impression were chiefly owing; it was reckoned a point of justice to repeat in this Edition a particular Account of their * * See at the end of this Preface.Names, as it stood in the former: Especially, since many of them have been pleased to revise and enlarge their Observations, in order to perfect the present Work; so far as a Subject, in its nature perpetually growing and varying, is capable of Perfection. And although the Learned Mr. Llwyd (to whom Britannia stands indebted for those most useful Additions in Wales) is since dead, to the great detriment of Natural History and Antiquities; yet it fell out Providentially for this Work, that before his death he had Revised the whole Principality, in order to this new Impression.

musaeum museum V. Some of those Curious and Learned Persons, who contributed to the Improvement of particular Counties in the last Edition, have, in order to this, extended their Enquiries to other Counties also: The Right Reverend Father in God, William, Lord Bishop of * * Now of Derry, in Ireland.Carlisle, to Cumberland and Westmorland (mostly, his Lordship’s own Diocese:) Dr. Kennet, Dean, and now Bishop, of Peterburrow, to Buckinghamshire, as bordering upon Oxfordshire, and, in part, the subject of his Parochial Antiquities: Dr. Tanner, Chancellor of Norwich, to Norfolk and Suffolk, the two Counties, of which that Diocese consists: Mr. Thoresby, to the East and North-Ridings of Yorkshire, as having carried his Enquiries and Observations throughout that County in a general way, while he was making more particular Preparations for his useful and accurate Account of the Antiquities of Leeds. The same worthy person hath also enrich’d this Impression with additional Annotations upon Mr. Camden’s four Tables of Saxon Coins, and hath join’d to them a fifth Table out of his own excellent Musæum, with Remarks upon it.

VI. Besides the Assistances from former Benefactors; this Edition hath also receiv’d great Improvement from several other persons, of known Skill in the Subject of Antiquities. Cornwall, Dorsetshire, and Somersetshire, have been greatly enlarged from Observations communicated by Dr. Musgrave; Dorsetshire, by Mr. Bennett; Leicestershire, by Mr. Rogers late Archdeacon of Leicester; Huntingdonshire, by Mr. Astry; Worcestershire, by Mr. Oliver; the Bishoprick of Durham, by Dr. Smith Prebendary of that Church; the Account of the Picts-wall, by another very worthy person of the same Name and Country, whose accurate Survey of it is here printed at large; the Isle of Man, by the Right Reverend the present Lord Bishop of Man, in a Description of it, entirely new; and the Islands of Jersey, Guernsey &c. in a like Description by the Reverend Mr. Fall.

VII. Mr. Camden had furnish’d his Reader with some General Rules for discovering the Original and Import of the ancient English names of Persons; but it seem’d to be a Defect in the Undertaking, that there was no Help of the like kind, to discover the Original and Import of the names of Places; especially, in a Topographical Work. Which defect is now supply’d, by the addition of a like Scheme of General Rules concerning the names of Places; whereby the Reader is directed to the genuin meaning and signification of them in the Saxon tongue, from whence they were taken. And because, since the former Edition of this Work, England and Scotland have receiv’d a mutual Increase of Peace, Happiness, and Strength, by being united and incorporated into one Kingdom; it was judg’d proper and convenient to connect the Descriptions of those two Countries, with an Historical Account of that happy Union.

VIII. When Mr. Camden enters upon the Description of Scotland, he makes a general Apology for all Defects, as being much a Stranger to the Affairs of that Kingdom; and for the same reason, a like Apology is still more needful, when we pass over into Ireland. But it is to be hop’d, that even these Defects will have one good fruit, namely, to Provoke some learned Persons in those two Countries to undertake separate Surveys of them, and to give us a full and perfect Account of their ancient and modern State. More particularly, it is to be wish’d, that some able hand in Ireland, would do the same justice to the Nobility of that Nation, that Mr. Crawford has lately done to the Nobility of Scotland; to whose Accounts, and to Sir James Dalrymple’s Edition of the Britannia for Scotland, this Work stands greatly indebted; as doth Ireland to the kind and useful Assistances of Sir Richard Cox.

IX. At the end of the whole, are the Additions which were made by Philemon Holland, in his English Translation of the Britannia; together with the pages and lines of the present Edition, to which those Interpolations relate. And if it be ask’d, why these also were not inserted in their proper places, with some mark of distinction; the Answer is, That the Translator appears not to have been skill’d in the Subject of Antiquities, but seems to have undertaken that Work merely as a person who found much delight in the translating of Latin Authors into English; That his receiving those Interpolations from Mr. Camden (however conjectur’d by some) is neither pretended by himself, nor shown by others to any degree of satisfaction; and, That he has not thought fit to acquaint us, upon what Information or Authority those Additions were made. For which reasons, it was judged most advisable to dispose of them in a middle way, that is, neither wholly to reject them, nor yet to incorporate them with the Text; but (leaving every one to his own Opinion, concerning the value and usefulness of them,) to print them separately at the end of this Work, and, by distinct references, to make the recourse to their proper places as easy to the Reader, as was possible in that Separate State.

X. Having said thus much of the present Edition, and of the Improvements made in it, first, in the Translation and Method, and then in a multitude of Additions and Enlargements; it remains to be observ’d, that the Maps also have been revised by knowing and skilful Persons in each County, and the Errors in the Spellings carefully amended in the Plates, according to the Corrections return’d, so far as they appear’d to be needful; that is, where the Name of the Place, as it stood in the former Edition of the Map, did not answer either the way of writing or the common way of pronouncing among the People. If it answer’d either of these, it was judged sufficient; if neither, it is corrected.

But tho’ the Maps thus amended, serve the purposes of the present Work, by carrying the eye of the Reader from place to place as he peruses the Descriptions, and do also, in the main, answer the other purposes of such Topographical Surveys; and tho’, of late years, particular Surveys have been taken of some few Counties, and Maps of them publish’d with good degrees of Care and Accuracy: Yet it is much to be wish’d, for the honour of these Nations, that due Encouragement might be found for some skilful and diligent hands, to take New Surveys of the several Counties of Great Britain and Ireland, in order to one uniform Body of Maps; so fair, with regard to the Letter, and so disentangled with regard to the distances of the Names from each other, as to be not only useful, but easy and delightful to the Eye.

XI. But tho’ so great Care and Pains has been taken in Revising, Augmenting, and Digesting this Work, in order to send it to the Press, accurate and complete; and tho’ most of the Counties, after they were printed off, have been transmitted to skilful hands for their perusal, and their Corrections and Amendments (so far as was judg’d necessary) are inserted at the end; yet are we not to suppose, that a Work of so great Compass and Extent, and consisting of such a variety of Matter, can be without it’s Errors and Mistakes. This was by no means the case of Mr. Camden’s own Performance, even after it had receiv’d his last hand; and much less will it be the case of any other person. And therefore there is great need, on this occasion, to bespeak the Reader’s Candour, and favourable Allowance; which, being granted, will be no more than a just and equitable Return, for the great Pains that has been taken to provide for his Instruction and Entertainment. But if any Errors which were originally in Mr. Camden’s Text, or in the Additions to the former Impression, shall happen to be repeated in this; so far, the Reader must be content to take the blame to himself, for having neglected to give timely notice of such Errors, when notice was given to him, in the most publick manner, of the design of a new Edition.

XII. After so particular an Account of the present Work; I will observe but one thing more. It is usual with Mr. Camden, to bestow proper marks of Respect upon Persons who liv’d in his own time, and whose eminent Abilities, and Services to their Country, had either acquir’d them new Honours from their Prince, or were an Ornament to those which they had receiv’d from their Ancestors. And he vindicates this, as an act of Justice, which was due not only to the Persons, but to the Age; that Posterity might see how fruitful it was in Virtue, Wisdom, Learning, Eloquence, and other great and laudable Attainments. The like liberty is taken, here and there, in the Additional parts of this Work; as well by way of accommodation to Mr. Camden’s method, as to let Posterity see that the present Age had it’s Share of worthy and honourable Accomplishments in all kinds; and this, the Reader will find to be done with great Justice and Impartiality.

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Part of the
PREFACE
To the Former
EDITION;

Setting forth the Names of the Persons who assisted therein.

Big A AFTER the Method, the Reader is to be inform’d to whose assistance he owes these Improvements. And this is a justice both to the Persons and to the Work. For, as it is fit that each County should understand to whom it is more particularly oblig’d; so ought it also to be understood by others, that we have not built upon slight grounds, nor deliver’d matters upon trifling informations. Mr. Anthony Etrick communicated what he thought most remarkable in Dorsetshire: as Mr. Worsley of Lincolns-Inn transmitted several Notices relating to Hamshire; Mr. Evelyn, to Surrey; and Mr. Harris to Sussex. The DiscoveriesDr. Tanner, now Chancellor of Norwich. in Wiltshire depend upon the authority of Mr. Tanner, who has made considerable progress in the Antiquities of that County. A Survey of Kent and Middlesex was made upon this occasion by Dr. Plot. The account of the Arsenals for the Royal Navy in Kent, with the Additions to Portsmouth and Harwich, so far as they relate to the Royal Navy, were communicated by Mr. Pepys. From Glocestershire informations were communicated by Dr. Parsons Chancellor of that Church; and from Oxfordshire, by † † Now, Dr. Kennet, Ld. Bp. of Peterborough; who hath since publish’d his Parochial Antiquities.Mr. White Kennet, who will shortly publish the Antiquities of some part of that Country. In settling the ancient Stations in Essex, we were particularly assisted by Mr. Oosley, who ¦ ¦ Since dead.is writing the Antiquities of the whole County; and in the description of Norfolk, by a Survey of that County in * * Now printed, among his Remains.Manuscript, written by Sir Henry Spelman, and now in the Bodleian-Library. Mr. Thomas Newsham of Warwick transmitted several very useful Particulars relating to Warwickshire; and an accurate Account of the Antiquities of Worcestershire was communicated by Dr. ¦ ¦ Since dead.William Hopkins, Prebendary of the Church of Worcester. Some Observations upon the Bishoprick of Durham, were extracted by Mr. Rudd, out of the Postumous Papers of Mr. Mickleton (a curious Antiquary) at the request of the Reverend Mr. † † Since dead.John Smith, a member of that Church; and others were transmitted by Dr. Cay of New-castle. The West-riding of Yorkshire is indebted to Mr. Ralph Thoresby of Leeds, of whose abilities and exactness the large collection of Curiosities he has made himself Master of, is a sufficient argument. In the East-Riding, Mr. John Burnsall of Hull, contributed many things very remarkable; and Dr. Jonston (from whom ¦ we expect the Antiquities of Yorkshire) communicated several particulars throughout that whole County. Westmorland is engag’d to Mr. * * Since dead.Thomas Machel for many useful Discoveries; as its neighbour Cumberland is to Dr. Hugh Todd, Prebendary of the Church of Carlisle: and lastly, Northumberland to * * Since, Bp. of Carlisle, and now of Derry.Mr. William Nicolson, Archdeacon of the same Church, eminent for his knowledge in the Languages and Antiquities of the Northern Nations. The same worthy Person was also pleas’d to improve this Work by observations throughout the whole Province of York, towards the Antiquities whereof he has made large † † Now in the Library of the Dean and Chapter of Carlisle.Collections.

When I tell you, that the whole Care of the Counties of Wales was committed to Mr. Edward Lhwyd, Keeper of the Musæum in Oxford, no one will doubt the justness and accuracy of the Observations. musaeum museum His diligence, and known ability both in Natural History and Antiquities, as they remove all Suspicions of that kind, so † † Since dead.might they do great honour either to his native Country, or to any particular County in England, in which he should meet with Encouragement answerable to the Undertaking.

Nor can the additional Remarks in Scotland be question’d, since they are grounded upon the authority of Sir Robert Sibbalds; whose Natural History already publish’d, and the model he has given us of his intended Antiquities, are a sufficient evidence how great a master he is in the History and Antiquities of that Kingdom. The Remarks upon Ireland were also communicated by a Person very well acquainted with the Affairs of that Kingdom, Sir Richard Cox Knight. ¦¦ Revis’d again by the same hand, for this Edition.

The Catalogues of Plants at the end of each County were communicated by the Great Botanist of our age, Mr. Ray. They are the effect of many years Observation; and that * * Since dead.excellent Person was willing to take this opportunity of handing them to the Publick.

The Verses which occur in Mr. Camden’s Text, were translated by † † Afterwards Dr. Kennet, and Head of that College; but now dead.Mr. Kennet of Corpus Christi College in Oxford. —Of all the Poetry which is quoted by our Author, the Wedding of Tame and Isis runs in the best vein; whether we regard the Thought, or the Composition. Who the Author of it was, is not certainly known; but if we fix upon Mr. Camden himself, I verily believe there will be no occasion for a second Conjecture. One Argument for this, is, that he never names the Author; whereas he could not but know him, since the Poem was publish’d in his own Time. Then, if we compare the subject matter of this Poem with his own Description of the several Places which it touches upon, we shall find them to be much the same. And, which in my opinion puts it beyond all Exception, he never quotes the Poem with any the least Commendation, but always ushers it in with Coldness, Let it not be thought troublesome to run over these Verses If you can relish them — If you vouchsafe to read them — You may read or omit them as you please — Expressions, becoming Mr. Camden’s Modesty when he speaks of himself; but very disagreeable to his known Candour in the Characters of other Men and their Works.—

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THE
LIFE
OF
Mr. CAMDEN.

Small W WILLIAM CAMDEN was born in the Old-Baily, in London, May 2, 1551 ** Diary.. His Father, Sampson Camden, was a Painter in London; whither he was sent very young, from Lichfield, the place of his birth and education. His mother was of the ancient Family of the † † See that County under the title Workinton; and a MS. in Cott. Lib. sub Effigie Jul. F. 6.Curwens of Workinton, in the County of Cumberland.

When Mr. Camden was twelve years of age, he was seiz’d by the Plague ** Peste correptus Islingtoniæ. Diar., and remov’d to Islington, near London; and being fully recover’d, he was sent to Paul’s School, where he laid the foundation of that accuracy in the Latin and Greek Tongues, to which he afterwards arriv’d.

About that time, Dr. Cooper (successively promoted, first to the Bishoprick of Lincoln) and then to that of Winchester) was Fellow of Magdalen-College in Oxford, and Master of the School belonging to it. To his care he was recommended; and by his means, probably, admitted Chorister; but missing of a Demy’s Place, and being thereby disappointed of his hopes in that rich and ample Foundation, he was oblig’d to seek a new Patron, and to frame a new Scheme for his future Fortunes.

The next Encouragement that he found, was from Dr. Thomas Thornton. By him he was invited to Broad-gate Hall (since call’d Pembroke-College,) where he prosecuted his Studies with great application; and the Latin Graces, us’d by the College at this day, are said to be of his compiling. Among his other Acquaintance, he was particularly happy in the two Carews, Richard and George; both of this Hall, and both addicted to the Study of Antiquities. For although the first was a Member of Christ-church, * * Wood’s Athen. vol.1. p.384.he had his Chamber in Broad-gate hall; and Sir † † Baronage, T.3. p.419.
Brown’s additional notes to a catalogue of Scholars in University-College.
William Dugdale’s affirming the second to have been University-College, might be occasion’d by two of the sirname being Members of this house, about the same time. And it is very probable, that Mr. Camden’s more settl’d inclination to Antiquities, is to be dated from this lucky familiarity and correspondence; mankind being generally determin’d by some such accidents to the particular Studies and Professions of their Lives.

Here he continu’d almost three years: in which time he had, by his diligence and probity, establish’d himself so far in the good opinion of his Patron, Doctor Thornton, that when he was advanc’d to a Canonry of Christ-church, * * See his Britannia, p.164.he carry’d Mr. Camden along with him, and entertain’d him in his own Lodgings. He was then scarce twenty Years old; an age, at which the study of Arts and Sciences usually excuse young persons from concerning themselves in Religious Controversies. And yet then, the Knowledge which he had attain’d in those matters, cost him a remarkable disappointment. For, being a Candidate for a Fellowship of All-Souls College; the Popish party (such, at least, whose inclinations lay that way, whatever their Profession was) apprehending that his advancement would not make for their cause, oppos’d it so zealously, that it was carry’d against him. Many years after, upon an imputation of Popery (which we shall have occasion to speak to by and by,) † † Epist. 195.among other testimonies of his fidelity to the Church of England, he urg’d that instance as one; and for the truth of it, he appeal’d to Sir Daniel Dun, then Fellow of the College, and a person, whose prudence and integrity recommended him more than once to the choice of the University, in their Elections for Members of Parliament.

After five Years spent in the University, and two remarkable disappointments in his endeavours to settle himself there; his Circumstances put him under a necessity of leaving that place. Whether he had taken the Degree of Batchelor of Arts, does not certainly appear. That in June, 1570, he supplicated for it, is evident from the * * KK. fol. 95. b.Register of the University; but no mention is there made, of what followed upon it. 1573.Three Years after, he supplicated again for the same Degree, and seems to have taken it, but never compleated it by Determinations. However, in the year 1588. † † Wood’s Athen. vol.1. p.409.we find him supplicating the Convocation (by the name of William Camden, Batchelor of Arts of Christ-Church) That whereas from the time he had taken the Degree of Batchelor, he had spent sixteen years in the study of Philosophy and other Liberal Arts, he might be dispens’d with for the reading of three solemn Lectures, and be admitted to Proceed. His Supplication was granted,1613. on condition that he stood in the following Act; which, it seems, his other occasions would not permit him to do, nothing appearing of it in the Publick Records of that time. When he attended the Funeral of Sir Thomas Bodley, he had the Degree of Master of Arts voluntarily offer’d him by the University, but whether he declined, or accepted it, does not appear.

This was the relation that Mr. Camden bore to the University of Oxford, which he left in the year 1571. From thence, he removed immediately to London; but with what prospect he went, or what encouragement he found there, we have no distinct account. It should seem, that he did not presently fall into any particular Employment; because himself has told us, that, upon his leaving the University, he survey’d a considerable part of England: Relictâ Academiâ, studio incitato, satis magnam Angliæ partem fide oculatâ obivi, are his own words, in his * * In the beginning of that Treatise.Answer to Mr. Brook. relicta academia angliae oculata By which, he must probably mean that interval of four or five years, between his bidding-adieu to Oxford, and his advancement to the second Mastership of Westminster School. His natural genius lay so strong towards the Study of Antiquities, (a) that even when he was a Schoolboy (as himself tells us) he could neither hear nor see any thing of an antique appearance, without more than ordinary attention and notice. While he was in the University, all his spare hours were employ’d in the same way. After he came to be engag’d in the laborious business of teaching School, (b) he would fain have weaned himself from those Enquiries, and have confin’d his thoughts entirely to the business he had undertaken. But whenever a Vacation gave him liberty to look abroad, the thirst returned, and he declares it was not in his power to restrain himself from making Excursions into one quarter or another, in quest of Antiquities.

(a) Ex quo primùm animum studiis excolere coepi, inclinatione nescio quâ ad investigandam Antiquitatem totus propendi: velim nolim huc me natura tulit; adeò ut puer in Schola, quæcunque huc spectare videbantur avidè arripuerim; adolescens in Academiâ cum Philosophicis pensis vacuus essem, omnes cogitationes motusque animi huc contulerim. Answer to Brooke, pag. 1.

(b) Posteà ad urbem accessi; ubi etsi laboriosissimo docendi munere fungebar, & hoc Antiquarium Studium exuere volebam, minimè tamen potui. Neque enim potest quisque nostrûm subito fingi, aut natura converti. Animum semper in hæc tanquam arcum intentum habui: cùm feriarer, non potui non hæc studia recolere, & subinde in has vel illas Angliæ partes exspatiari. Ibid.

This propensity of nature was seconded by the importunity of Friends, and receiv’d very early encouragement from persons of the best rank. † † Answer to Brooke.The noble Sir Philip Sidney was ever engaging him in those Pursuits, whilst in Oxford; and, after his removal, (c) the two Goodmans (Gabriel and Godfrey, Doctors in Divinity) supplied him with Books and Money. The interest also which the former of these had in the Collegiate Church of Westminster, procur’d him the place of second Master in that School.

(c) Britannia in Middlesex.

We may well imagine, that his Fame spread throughout the Kingdom, in proportion to his knowledge of it; and cannot doubt but a person of so great attainments in that way, had applications from many hands to undertake the Antiquities of his native Country. But the difficulties, on one hand, appear’d so great, and the helps, on the other, so inconsiderable, that nothing could prevail with him to engage in an Undertaking, which (all things considered) seemed almost insuperable. So that the Collections and Observations which he had hitherto made, seem only design’d for private satisfaction, and to satisfy a secret Thirst, which he had brought with him into the World. In the mean time, Ortelius ( * * Answer to Brooke.the great restorer of Geography, as he terms him) came over into England, and apply’d himself particularly to Mr. Camden, as the best Oracle he could consult, in relation to the History of these Kingdoms; and the regard which he had for the Honour of his Country, seconded with the authority and perswasions of this great Man, wrought him by degrees into some sort of compliance; and at last, over-rul’d him into a resolution to improve and digest his Collections.

He enter’d upon it with all the disadvantages, that could attend an Undertaking. It was a sort of Learning, that was then but just appearing in the world; when that heat and vehemence of Philosophy and School-Divinity (which had possess’d all hearts and hands for so many hundred years) began to cool.

Italy was the place, where these Topographical Surveys were first attempted, for the more easie and delightful Reading of the Roman Histories; and there the difficulty was very inconsiderable. The express remains of the old names, preserved in the new ones, was a sufficient direction in many cases; and, where that guide fail’d, they were led to them by their Histories, as by a thread; which being so many, and withal so minute in every the least circumstance, point out the Places in the plainest manner, and render all Geographical Enquiries a very easy task. France, Spain, and Germany had not this advantage in so high a degree; but, as they were subdued by the Roman Arms, so had they the good fortune to fall under the notice of the Roman Historians; who being sufficiently acquainted with their Affairs, by their nearness to Italy and their long subjection to the Roman Empire, did describe them with tolerable exactness. But Britain was another world to them; and accordingly when they undertook to write of our Affairs, and to give descriptions either of People, or Places, their Accounts were unavoidably confused and imperfect. In the case before us, the best direction seems to be the Itinerary of Antoninus; and yet this, as a heap of bare names without any circumstances of Action, is but a poor guide, in such Enquiries.

However, it had been a much more comfortable bottom to embark on, had it been sound and entire. But he found it so mangled, by the Transcribers negligence, or ignorance, or both, that he plainly saw he must rectifie that, before he could possibly proceed. Most of the ancient Writings of any note, have been sufferers in this way; but that kind (in which miles and distances are compendiously express’d by figures) is particularly expos’d to the ill treatment of Librarians.

To remedy this Evil, he left no corner unsearch’d, from which he might reasonably promise himself any Manuscript or printed Copy, of Antoninus’s Itinerary, Ptolemy’s Geography, or the Notitia; so far as they related to Britain. His Learned Acquaintance at home were desired to make diligent search every where; and we find his Correspondents abroad,1 Ep.25.  2 Ep.64. 3 Ep.129. 4 Ep.147, 155, 193, 218, 247. 5 Ep.55. 1Ortelius, 2Merula, 3Sweertius, 4Puteanus, and 5others, earnestly sollicited to contribute their assistance. He had also heard of some Itinerary Tables in the Library of Conrade Peutinger, a Noble-man of Auspurg; and he rested not till he had obtained that part of them, which belongs to Britain. These are since published by Velser, under the name of the Peutingerian-Tables; the Authority of which, Mr. Camden makes use of where-ever they afford help, throughout the Britannia.

After he had fix’d that point, and begun to trace the ancient Towns and Stations; he consider’d, that the Romans did not frame a new name for every place they conquer’d, but generally contented themselves with the name they found; only filing off the roughness, and giving it a Roman Termination; so that, in truth, the names and places mention’d in Britain by Latin-Authors, as easie and elegant as they sounded, were generally barbarous, and of a pure British extraction. This was a language, which he had no knowledge of; and so, in settling the ancient places, he must be continually jealous that something was lodg’d in the meaning and import of the name, which (if known) might either destroy the notion he had advanc’d, or confirm him in his present opinion. This brought a new task upon him, and a very heavy one; the learning a Tongue which had no relation to any of those that he was master of before: However, he had the comfort to think, that it was a living language, and that he wanted not Friends, who were Criticks in it.

At his entrance upon the Saxon-affairs, he must soon be convinced, that the knowledge of this Language also was necessary to his design; as much, if not more than that of the British. These later Conquerours were not so modest, as the former. The glory and extent of the Empire, was what the Romans aim’d at; and if the Britains would be content to submit, they might enjoy what they had, and live as quietly as they pleas’d. But the Saxons (whatever they pretended) came over on another errand: their business was not Dominion, but Possession; and when they had gain’d their end, by driving out the poor Britains, their next business was, to root out all memorials of them. The ancient names were chang’d, new methods of Government fram’d, and in a short time every thing had a Saxon appearance. So that now, almost all our names of Places are originally Saxon; and Mr. Camden must be sensible, that it was as vain an attempt to write the Geography of Britain without this help, as to take a Survey of Greece, or Italy, and all the while be an utter stranger to their ancient Language.

The Britains carried their Language with them into the Western parts of the Island, and there defended both it and themselves against any mixture of foreigners. It was only transplanted, and the change of Soil made little alteration in it; so that to this day it is preserv’d entire, except some few words of Latin original, which had crept in by their long intercourse with the Romans. Had the Saxons taken the same course upon the Norman Invasion, and, when they found themselves out-match’d, had resolv’d upon a retreat, and stood it out to the last; their’s also might have been a living Language, and learnt (as we do French, Spanish, or Italian) with a little study and conversation. But their submission to the Norman, was the loss of their Language as well as their Liberty. William, after he had wrought himself in to a kind of Settlement, and thought he might practise upon the English with safety, expressly order’d, That all Publick Pleadings should be in French, That their Charters and Writings should run in the same Language, and, that Children should not be instructed in their Mother tongue, but in the Norman only. And the reign of Edward the Confessor had in some measure prepared the Nation for this change. For the Normans bore such a sway even in his Court, as to give the Customs and Language of their own Country some sort of Credit and Authority in England: and it began to be thought a point of good breeding, to be Master of the French Modes and Language, and to despise the English, as rough and barbarous. When the way was thus prepared and open’d before-hand; we need not be surpriz’d, to find in the next reign so very few † † Ingulph. p. 98.who could even read the Saxon Character; or to hear, that it was the great objection against Wolstan, Bishop of Worcester, * * Mat. Par. sub An. 1095.that he did not understand the French Tongue. In short, the Saxon Language grew out of request a-pace: and * * Chron. Sax.their writings about the latter end of Henry the second’s reign, might pass even at this day for broken English.

After it was disus’d in Conversation we cannot suppose that the Books in that Language could be much regarded. The Monks indeed were concern’d to preserve their Charters; but they who seiz’d their Lands at the Dissolution of Monasteries, were as much concern’d to destroy them. And to do it more effectually, they burnt whole Libraries together; or, if they sav’d them from the fire, it was with no other design, than to send them into the Shops of Mechanicks.

A Language then, which had lain dead for above four Hundred Years, was to be reviv’d; the Books, wherein it was bury’d, to be (as it were) rak’d out of the ashes, and (which was still worse) those Fragments, such as they were, exceeding hard to be met with. Almost all the Remains came into three Collections; that of Archbishop Parker, given to Bennet-College in Cambridge; Archbishop Laud’s, given to the Bodleian Library; and Sir Robert Cotton’s, now the richest and most valuable Treasure of that noble Library.

Nor was this peculiar to the Saxon Monuments: for, in truth, our English Historians were left in the same condition upon the Dissolution of Monasteries, i.e. dispersed, and unregarded; and yet these were of absolute necessity to the Design in view.

It was a true sense of the usefulness of such Histories, and of his own great misfortune in not being better furnish’d, that induced him afterwards to publish an entire Volume of them. Sir Henry Savil collected another: and these two have been since follow’d by the learned Editors of the Decem Scriptores, and by Dr. Wats, Mr. Fulman, Dr. Gale, and Mr. Wharton. Had he enter’d upon his Work with these advantages, he had met with his Materials in a much narrower compass, and found his Task infinitely more easie.

The old Itinerary being settled, the British and Saxon Tongues in a good measure conquer’d, our ancient Historians perus’d, (d) and several parts of England survey’d; he now began to think of reducing his Collections to method and order. It had been above ten years in growing, when the first Edition came out, An. 1586. dedicated to that eminent Statesman William Lord Burghley, Treasurer to Queen Elizabeth. How well it was receiv’d, we may gather from the number of Editions; for, in the compass of four years, there were no less than three at London, besides one at Francfort in 1590; another also in Germany; and again another in London in the year 1594.

(d) Besides his Travels before he came to Westminster, and his frequent Excursions, so often as his business in the School would give him leave; in April 1582. he took a Journey into Yorkshire through Suffolk, and return’d through Lancashire. See his Diary.

Most of these Editions had been revised, enlarged, and corrected by the Author: but after that of 1594, he resolv’d the Work should rest for some time, in order to the larger Improvements which he had in view. In order to these, he took a journey to Sarum, and Wells, and return’d by Oxford; and two years after, he travell’d as far as Carlisle, accompany’d by his learned and dear friend, Sir Robert Cotton. But in the midst of those preparations for a more compleat Edition, he was unexpectedly interrupted; and, instead of laying out his Endeavours after new discoveries, was call’d to a defence of what he had already publish’d.

The occasion of it was this. * * Dr. Smith’s Life of Camden, p. 34.In the year 1597. upon the death of Richard Leigh Clarenceux King at Arms, Sir Fulk Grevil recommended Mr. Camden to the Queen, as a person every way qualified for that Office, and one who had highly deserv’d of Her Majesty and Her Kingdoms. The Queen immediately gave him the grant of it, and Mr. Camden was created, Octob. 23. in the same year; having the day before been made Richmond-Herald, because, by the Constitution, none can be King at Arms, but who has been first Herald. At that time, Mr. Brooke was York-Herald, who, upon Leigh’s death, doubted not but the station which he had already in the College, would entitle him to the Succession. But, having miss’d of it; his first business was, instead of acquiescing in Her Majesty’s Choice, to find a fair opportunity to show his Resentment. Mr. Camden, at the end of each County had drawn the History of the respective Earls; and Brooke thought, probably, that if any Errors could be found in his Accounts of Families, an Accusation upon that head would be most suitable to his present purpose. As it would have shown Mr. Camden’s forwardness in engaging on a subject which he was not Master of; so would it have convinc’d the Government of their unreasonable choice, in preferring a person who knew little, and rejecting another who was a Critick in the work. After two years study, he publish’d1599. a Book with this title, A Discovery of certain Errors publish’d in print in the much commended Britannia, &c. without licence, and without name, either of Printer or Bookseller.

Before we enter into the merits of this Cause, be pleas’d to observe, by the way, the different temper and behaviour of these two Persons. It seems to have been some opinion of merit, that rais’d in Mr. Brooke a confidence of succeeding, and then an uneasiness when his expectation was not answer’d. But so far was Mr. Camden from this, that, till the whole business was over, he did not so much as think of the thing, but the news of his Success was a surprise to him. And when the Lord Burleigh (who was his great Patron) express’d his dissatisfaction, that he had not apply’d to him upon that occasion; he return’d this answer, That it was purely a thought of Sir Fulk Grevil, without so much as his knowledge.

It was not for the reputation of Mr. Brooke, to lay aside his true name, BrokesmouthIbid., and to take that of Brooke, as one of greater vogue and dignity. Perhaps, Mr. Camden had as little temptation to be fond of a Family, on account of any Eminence it could pretend to; especially on the Father’s side. And yet so far was he from being asham’d of his Name or Parentage, that even out of respect to his Father’s Calling, he left a gilt Bowl of sixteen Pounds to the Company of Painter-stainers in London, with this Inscription, Gul. Camdenus Clarenceux, filius Sampson’s, Pictoris Londinensis, dono dedit.

After Mr. Camden became a member of the College, he discharged his Office with great integrity, and maintain’d an amicable correspondence with all his Brethren.

How far his Adversary had a claim to this Character, let the following instance witness. * * Ibid.Upon a private pique against one of the College, he contrived such a malicious piece of revenge, as is not commonly heard of. He employ’d a person to carry a Coat of Arms to him ready drawn, who was to pretend that it belong’d to one Gregory Brandon (a Gentleman who had formerly liv’d in London, but was then in Spain,) and to desire he would set his hand to it. The man does his errand; and, that there might be no time for consideration, pretends that the Vessel that was to carry it, was just ready to sail. He, not in the least suspecting any design, without more ado receives his Fee, and puts the Seal of the Office, with his own Name, to the Paper. Presently, Brooke carried it to Thomas Earl of Arundel (then one of the Commissioners for the Office of Earl Marshal) and assured him that these were the Arms of the Kingdom of Arragon with a Canton of Brabant; and that that Brandon, to whom he had granted them, was a mean inconsiderable man. The Earl acquainted the King with the whole matter; and His Majesty resolv’d, that the Person who had set-to the Seal, should be turn’d out of his place, and, upon a hearing in the Star-chamber, be severely fin’d for his affront to the Crown of Spain; but, at the intercession of the Earl of Pembroke, his Majesty grew more calm, and was prevail’d with to refer it to the Commissioners. When they came to a hearing, the Gentleman who had been thus impos’d on, submitted himself entirely to the mercy of the Court; but withall, desir’d their Lordships to consider, that it was a mere over-sight, and that it was the importunity of the messenger which led him, contrary to his usual method, to pass it without deliberation. Brooke, on the other hand, declar’d openly in Court, that it was from beginning to end a contrivance of his own, to gain an opportunity of convincing their Lordships of the sordidness of the other, who for the sake of a Fee, would be guilty of so gross a knavery. They were amaz’d at the confidence of the man; and when His Majesty heard the circumstances of the case, he order’d both to be committed to prison; one for treachery, and the other for negligence.

But, to return. From hence, the Reader will be apt to suspect, that it was not a serious concern for Truth, or for the Honour of the English Nobility, which induc’d him to lay open what he called the Errors of Mr. Camden; but rather a vein of ill nature, which was so familiar to him. And the success was answerable; for, the next year, Mr. Camden re-printed his Britannia, and at the end of it publish’d a learned Defence of himself and his Work. He modestly declares, That it is very possible, he might fall into several Errors; that, for his part, he never pretended to be exempt from the common failings of mankind; but conceives, however, that allowance ought to be made for some few Errors, where Writers are to deal in such a variety of matter: that he thinks himself, notwithstanding, very harshly treated; and to demonstrate at once the impudence, as well as weakness, of his Adversary, he clears himself from the objections upon undeniable authorities; and then shows, into what palpable mistakes this great Reformer had fal’n, in the midst of his Criticisms.

Another branch of Mr. Brooke’s accusation against Mr. Camden, was Plagiarism; that whoever would be at the trouble to compare and examin, would find the summe and substance of what was said in the Britannia, among the posthumous Papers of Glover and Leland: From whence it would follow, if true, that Mr. Camden had no further share in that Work, than the ranging some loose Papers into method and order.

The first of these,Smith, p.27. Mr. Glover, was Somerset-Herald, and so eminent a master in his Profession, that (in Sir William Dugdale’s opinion) Mr. Camden and He were the two greatest men that had ever been of the College. Had he liv’d longer, he would have made a greater figure in the world, and we at this day might have enjoy’d the fruit of his Labours; but he was cut off at forty five years of age,Apr. 14, 1588. and left behind him a confus’d mass of Collections, which were purchas’d by the Lord Burleigh, and communicated to Mr. Camden. Of what use they were, or could be, to him, any one may be easily satisfied, by comparing the Britannia, with those Papers, which were reposited in the Archives of the College of Heralds. But if they had been as serviceable to him as his Adversary would suggest, I cannot see how he could be fairly charg’d with ingratitude or injustice, after he had more than once afforded Mr. Glover such an * * Defence against Brooke, p.6. Britannia in Barkshire.advantageous and honourable character.

As the Itinerary of Mr. Leland has gain’d a greater name and esteem, so it will be more difficult to remove that branch of the Objection. Far be it from me to injure the memory of that great man. He was the very first who turn’d the eyes of the Nation upon this kind of Learning; and let it be said to his honour, that what he did was faithful, and what he design’d very great and noble.

In the year 1533. (25 Hen. 8.) he had a Commission under the Broad Seal, by which he was empower’d to search the Libraries of all Cathedrals, Abbies, Priories, Colleges, &c. And in the 28th year of the same King, he obtain’d a special dispensation to keep a Curate at Poppeling, where he was Rector; having represented to His Majesty the great advantage that might be made, by travelling over England, upon such a Search. When he had got together large Collections, he fix’d in London, with a design to compose such Books, as he had encourag’d the King to expect, when he obtain’d his Dispensation. Also, in the 37th of Henry the eighth, he presented the same King with a Scheme of the several projects he had laid, under the title of a New-years-gift; wherein he promis’d a Description of Britain, as under the Romans; a Survey and History of each County, in sixty Books; a Survey of the British Isles, in six Books; and a work concerning the Nobility of Britain, in three Books. But the very next year (out of apprehension, as most think, that he should not be able to compleat what he had undertaken) he fell distracted, and, continuing so to his dying day, left his Papers in confusion. The greatest part of these are now in the publick Library at Oxford, having been presented to it by Mr. William Burton Author of the Antiquities of Leicestershire, into whose possession they had at last come, through several other hands.

The main charge against Mr. Camden, was grounded upon the Survey of Britain, and of the Isles; for any one will readily excuse him in what relates to the Romans, who considers what strange work they made, who undertook to settle the ancient Towns in Britain, before Mr. Camden. But, the splendid title of an Itinerary, and a number of Books answerable to the number of the Counties of England, and Mr. Leland’s affirming that he had provided ample Materials for the Work; all this look’d very specious, and was an excellent handle for Censure and Ill nature.

But all impartial men will consider, at what a low ebb Learning was in Leland’s time, and how little was then understood of the Geographical History of England. To describe the course of a River, and the distance of one Town from another; or to tell whether a Bridge was of wood or of stone, or how many arches it had; was reckoned an useful instruction at that time when travelling was little in fashion; and the Counties of England were possibly greater strangers to the affairs of their neighbours, than the Nations of Europe have since been to one another. They would not be at the pains to View, and they had no Maps to let them see at a distance; so, every thing that inform’d, was kindly receiv’d, and a Work look’d upon as a mighty Performance, that at present would be very coldly receiv’d. This was really the case between Mr. Leland and Mr. Camden: the different face of things, in the times of these two Writers, had render’d a good part of the Itinerary of the one altogether unuseful to the Britannia of the other. The contrivance of Maps in the mean time, had given them at once a view of the whole Kingdom, and the correspondence (occasion’d by the improvement of Trade and Commerce) had inform’d every Mechanick, in what before would have been accounted a Discovery among learned Men.

That Mr. Camden had seen the Itinerary of Mr. Leland, he does not deny or conceal. That he likewise made use of it, is plain, because he has told us so in several parts of his Book. But (say his Adversaries) does not the Britannia oft-times speak the very same things that the Itinerary had done before, without the least mention of Leland’s name? It is very true, it does so: but suppose I say, That Canterbury is a City, That there is a stately Castle at Windsor, That Oxford is an University; am I therefore a Plagiary, because Leland or any man else has said so before me? Suppose also, I observe that St. Austin repair’d an old Church at Canterbury, or that St. Cuthbert was the Saint of Durham; will any one blame me, because I make use of Bede’s authority, rather than Leland’s? Mr. Camden enter’d upon his Work, with a prodigious stock of Learning, almost in all kinds; he survey’d the greatest part of England in person, had access to all Libraries and Records, and had the assistance of Learned men both at home and abroad; and if any one will still believe, that he made no use of these opportunities, but chose rather to spend thirty years in piecing the scatter’d remains of others, let him enjoy his own opinion. All I shall say further, is, that Leland’s Itinerary is now published, and that Publication is the best defence of Mr. Camden. In the year 1607. he put the last hand to his Britannia; which gained him the titles, of the Varro, the Strabo and the Pausanius of Britain, in the Writings and Letters of Learned men. Nor did it ever after meet with an Enemy that I know of; only, * * Letter to Bp. Usher.Sir Simonds D’Ewes encouraged us to expect Animadversions upon the Work, after he had observ’d to a very great man, that there was not a page in it without a fault. But this was only Threatening; and neither the World was the better, nor Mr. Camden’s Reputation the worse for it.

To leave the Britannia, and proceed to his other Works. His Predecessor, Dr. Edward Grant, had compos’d a Greek Grammar for the use of his School. This, Mr. Camden, by long experience, had found to be in several things deficient, and, in the whole frame, not so well suited to the design, as one would desire. Whereupon, he contriv’d a Scheme of his own, the effect of two and twenty years observation; the method of which appear’d upon the publication, to be so clear, easie, and compendious, that it has ever since been received and taught in most Schools, as the best Introduction to that Language.

After the fatigue of the School, he diverted himself among the ancient Monuments of the Kings, Queens, and Nobility of England, in the Cathedral Church of Westminster. And that it might not be in the power of Time to deprive Posterity of the same pleasure, he copy’d them all, and publish’d them in the year 1600, with an Historical Account of the Foundation of that Church. He had also taken some pains in collecting the Monuments in the Churches and Chapels of the University of Oxford; as appears from the Fragments of them still remaining.

But this was only his Diversion, and the concern of a particular place. The next publick Service, was his Volume of English Historians, printed at Francfort in the year 1603, and dedicated to his Patron Sir Fulk Grevil, as an acknowledgment of the good office he had formerly done him, when he was promoted to be King at Arms. Part of them were never publish’d before; and such as had seen the light, he now sent abroad much more correct and accurate.

The next year gave him the like opportunity to pay a publick Respect to his great Friend and Acquaintance Sir Robert Cotton, by the edition of his Remains. It appears by the Original, that at first he had design’d to dedicate this Work to Sir Fulk Grevil; but the Volume of Historians having already given him an occasion to make his acknowledgments there, he now chose to show his gratitude to Sir Robert, a Person, whose Conversation, and Library, were the great supports of his Studies.

The discovery of the Gunpowder Plot gave him the next occasion of employing his Pen in the Service of the Publick. His Majesty did not think it enough to appoint a solemn Thanksgiving for that deliverance, but also judged it necessary to convince foreign Nations of the justice of his proceedings, and to give the Reformed Churches abroad timely notice to be upon their guard, against those inveterate Enemies of the Protestant Religion. Mr. Camden was pitch’d on as a person best qualified to draw up the whole case, in Latin, and in a stile agreeable to the subject;Index Librorum Prohibitorum & Expurgatorum. which was publish’d in the year 1607, and is rank’d among the Books expressly prohibited by the Church of Rome, in the year 1667.

The Grammar, the Westminster-Monuments, the Volume of Historians, the Remains, and lastly the Proceedings against the Conspirators, were only the fruits of his spare Hours; and the last being publish’d the same year that he finish’d his Britannia, he was now at liberty to set about in earnest what had been in his design for ten years before, namely, the Annals of Queen Elizabeth.

This Work was begun in the year 1597, at the instance of William Lord Burghley; who had an entire Veneration for the Queen, and by his constant favours had deservedly a great authority over Mr. Camden. But he dying the very next year, and the difficulties of the Work sensibly encreasing, Mr. Camden did not prosecute it with so much resolution as before; and this coolness was encreas’d by the death of the Queen, which happened some years after. But when he saw, that none who had more strength and leisure, would undertake the Task; now the care of his Britannia was over, he began to digest his Materials in the year 1608; and having carry’d his Accounts to the year 1589, he publish’d that History, as far as he had gone.

praefixa It had been long expected, and earnestly desir’d; and it met with an agreeable reception from all hands; as appears by the several Letters of Thanks from the greatest Persons of that time. And a very eminent Writer of our own Nation, scruples not to affirm, that this, and the Lord Bacon’s History of Henry the seventhSeld. Epist. præfixa Libro Augustini Vincentii., are the only two Lives of the Kings or Queens of England, that are equal to the dignity of the Subject, either in fulness of matter, or beauty of composition.

The pleasure which the first part afforded, encreas’d the applications of his Friends, and made them the more importunate with him, to remember, that the Infirmities of old Age were drawing on, and that he could not better employ the remaining part of his time, than in finishing what he had begun: Especially, considering that himself had been an eye-witness of the latter part of the Queen’s reign, and that he had maintain’d an intimate correspondence with some, who had born the greatest share in the Government. But the Censures which he met-with in the business of Mary Queen of Scots, and the private resentments of some persons who thought him too severe in the Character of their Ancestors; made him peremptorily resolve, that the second part should not see the light, till after his death. The whole was finish’d, in the year 1617, as appears from his * * Epist.147. & 155.Epistles; yet he persisted in his former resolution, against all the importunities of Friends. And lest the common fate of Posthumous Papers should be urg’d by them, he took care that a fair Transcript should be † † Puteani Vit. p.50. Camd. Epist. 247.deposited in the hands of his intimate Friend Petrus Puteanus; and kept the Original by him, which is now in the Library of Sir John Cotton. By this means, the second Tome did not see the light, till the year 1625.

* * Dr. Smith’s Life of Mr. Camden.The Records and Instruments out of which he extracted his Annals, are, most of them, if not all, in the Cottonian Library. We learn from a Manuscript of Dr. Goodman’s (who was afterwards Bishop of Glocester) that He desir’d them of Mr. Camden, as a Legacy, when he dy’d; but receiv’d this answer, That no person whatever should have commanded them more freely, if they had not been already promis’d to, Dr. Bancroft, Archbishop of Canterbury. Upon whose death, he transferr’d the title to his Successor Dr. George Abbot (for he had undertaken to publish them;) and the Bishop tells us, in the same Manuscript, that he heard Archbishop Laud say, they were deposited in the Palace at Lambeth. It is probable, that these were only such as related to the Ecclesiastical Affairs of that time, which Mr. Camden did not think himself so immediately concern’d in. But what they were, cannot now be known: having probably been destroy’d or lost, when the Library of Archbishop Laud was ransack’d by Prinne, Scot, and Peters; for, after diligent search made by Archbishop Sancroft, upon his promotion to the See of Canterbury, not one Paper of that kind could be found.

From the end of Queen Elizabeth’s reign, to his own death, he kept a † † Since publish’d with his Epistles.Diary of the remarkable passages in the reign of King James; being desirous to contribute all the assistance he could, to any, who should do the same honour to the reign of King James, that had been done by himself to that of Queen Elizabeth.

Thus far of his Works. As to the several Stations or Promotions which he enjoyed; He began with the second Mastership of Westminster-School, in the year 1575, and continu’d in it till the death of Dr. Grant Head-Schoolmaster (which happened in 1593,) to whom he succeeded. But, before that, viz. two years after the first edition of his Britannia, he had the Prebend of Ilfarcomb, in the Church of Salisbury, bestow’d on him by Dr. John Piers, Bishop of that See. As to the School; how great a satisfaction it was to him to see the fruits of his Labours there, we learn from his own expression of it, in a Letter to Archbishop Usher: At Westminster (says he) God so blessed my Labours, that the now Bishops of London, Durham, and St. Asaph, to say nothing of persons employ’d in eminent place abroad, and many of especial note at home, of all degrees, do acknowledge themselves to have been my Scholars. Here he liv’d frugally, and * * Epist.195.by his long labours in the School, gathered a contented sufficiency for his life, and a Supply for many charitable benefactions at his death. He refus’d a Mastership of Requests, when offer’d; and kept his School, till the place of King at Arms was confer’d upon him, without his own application, or so much as his knowledge.

These were all the Preferments, that he was ever possess’d of. We might have added another, if the following project had succeeded. In the year 1609, Dr. Sutcliff Dean of Exeter, resolv’d to build a College at Chelsey, for a certain number of Divines, who were to make it their whole business to confute the Errors of the Church of Rome. The ProposalMay 10. 1610. was highly approv’d by King James, who accordingly nominated the Dean, first Provost of the College; and seventeen eminent Divines, under the title Fellows. And because it was evident, that matters of History would of course fall-in with Controversies in Religion, they concluded it necessary to provide for such occasions, and pitch’d upon two excellent Historians, Mr. Camden, and John Hayward, Doctor of the Civil Law. * * See Middlesex under Chelsey.They began to build, but found the Revenue fall short; and so the whole Design drop’d.

How useful and honourable a Correspondence he had settl’d, both at home and abroad, and with what candour and goodness he maintain’d it, will best appear from his Letters.

Brissonius, Prime Minister of State in the French Court, being sent into England by his master King Henry the third, to treat of a match between his brother the Duke of Anjou and Queen Elizabeth, would not return, a stranger to Mr. Camden; who, though but second School-master of Westminster, and not full thirty years of age, had those qualities which recommended him to the friendship and conversation of that great man. Some of the Servants of the Elector Palatine (who came over, about the match with Elizabeth eldest daughter to King James) were reprov’d by Gruter, for neglecting to do themselves that honour. He wonder’d how they could stay so many months in England, and all that while, Neque consulere ejus Oraculum unicum, neque adspicere ejus astrum primum, Not consult its only Oracle, nor see the brightest Star in it. With Gruter himself, Mr. Camden kept a constant correspondence, while he liv’d; and when he dy’d, left him five Pounds for a Ring, as a Memorial of their old Friendship.

Peireskius (the universal Patron of Learning) understood the value of Mr. Camden’s friendship; and as he was always ready to lend him the utmost assistance he was able, so did he find him highly serviceable in whatever related to the Affairs of England. Particularly, Monsieur du Chesne, in his Preface to the Norman Writers, gratefully acknowledges, that the Elogium Emmæ, the Writings of Guleilmus Pictaviensis, and several Catalogues of the Norman Nobility who came over with the Conquerour, were all communicated by Mr. Camden; and that they were procur’d for him by the interest of Peireskius.

His acquaintance with Thuanus was late; but being once begun, was very intimate, and lasted till the death of that Glory of France, and the Prince of modern Historians, as Mr. Camden afterwards stil’d him. * * Diary.The first Letter he sent him, was by the hands of Mr. Lisle, in the year 1606. Whether the subject of it was the affair of Mary Queen of Scots, I know not; but it is certain, if Thuanus had taken Mr. Camden’s advice, he had not given so much offence to the English Court, by that part of his History.

That he desir’d Mr. Camden’s information upon that head, is plain from his Letter to him; but what particulars were return’d, we know not: only thus much in general, That he should by all means be very tender in the relation of that matter. Thus far we learn from Thuanus’s own Letter sent the next year after, with the second Tome of his History: Sed valde vereor (says he) ut temperamentum illud, de quo monueras, in rerum Scoticarum narratione ubique servaverim. Wherein he further tells him, That if the Scotch Affairs of that time could have been wholly pass’d over, he was sensible how much odium and ill-will he had avoided; but that, being so very notorious, and so much in every body’s mouth, it had been an unpardonable crime in an Historian to omit them. He adds, That he had deliver’d every thing, upon the authority of several of that Kingdom, who had been eye-witnesses; and had laid no further stress upon what Buchanan had said, than as he found it confirm’d by them. For which reasons, he desires, that if any reflections should be made upon it at our Court, Mr. Camden would do him the friendly office, to clear him from all suspicion of being an Enemy to the English or Scotch Nation, and to satisfie every one that he had acted in it with the utmost integrity. But King James was extremely offended, to find the Account run so much to the disadvantage of his mother; and the more, because he knew several of the matters of fact, upon which the charge was grounded, to be utterly false. Whereupon, he employ’d Mr. Camden to draw up * * Since printed by Dr. Smith, at the end of his Epistles.Animadversions upon that part of the History, and to transmit them to Thuanus; which, indeed, make the Story much more fair on the Queen’s side, than either he or Buchanan had represented it.

He established an intimate acquaintance with Hottoman, Secretary to Robert Earl of Leicester; after whose return into France (where he was employ’d on an Embassy into Germany) these two held a constant correspondence. Nor must we forget the learned Franciscus PithœusPithaeus, who settl’d a very early familiarity with him; nor Petrus Puteanus, of whose fidelity he had so great confidence, that when he had taken a resolution to suppress the second part of the Annals of Queen Elizabeth till after his death, * * Dr. Burnet says, it was committed to Monsieur de Thou. Answer to Mons. Varillas.he thought he could not deposit the Copy in a safer hand.

At home: Mr. Thomas Savil of Oxford was one of the first of his Acquaintance; whose untimely death, in the flower of his age, was a very sensible loss to Mr. Camden: But this was in some measure repaired by the friendship of his brother Sir Henry Savil; who was so great an admirer of Mr. Camden’s Learning and Goodness, that he would fain have prevail’d with him, to spend his latter days at his House in Eaton-College. I am sure († Camden’s Ep.251.says he) you might make me a happy Man in my old age, without any discontent, I hope, to your self. I dare say we would all do our best that you should not repent of your living here. The same Sir Henry was exceeding serviceable to him * * Ep.251, & 252.in the settlement of his History-Lecture in Oxford; having experienc’d the difficulties of that Work, by his establishment of an Astronomy-Lecture in the same University, a little before.

Archbishop Usher consulted him on many occasions, and in return † † Ep.61.gave him great assistance in the Affairs of Ireland; * * See the several Epistles to Mr. Camden.as did the learned Dr. John Johnston of Aberdeen, in the Antiquities of Scotland.

Sir Robert Cotton was his Companion, both in Studies and in Travels: His journey to Carlisle, in the year 1600, was render’d much more pleasant as well as profitable, by the company of so true a friend, and so great a master of Antiquities. And Dr. Francis Godwin, first, Bishop of Landaff, and then of Hereford, did him the same favour, in his journey into Wales.

Dr. James (the first Keeper of Sir Thomas Bodley’s Library) was very useful to him in his studies, as we learn from divers Letters which he receiv’d from him. I am willing to take this opportunity of publishing them, because they all relate to the Affairs of Learning; and we cannot doubt, but if these had come to hand, the excellent Editor of his Epistles would have allow’d them a place among the rest.

My loving and good Mr. James,

YOUR great pains to satisfie my desire, omitting thereby your private Business, hath been far more than I could wish you should have undergone, and much more than I can deserve; and therefore requireth greater thanks than in words I can remember: but assure your self I will register them up in a most thankful mind. As soon as ever the year openeth, with God’s grace, I will take a Journey to Cambridge, to satisfie my self with Essebiensis, and some other specified in your Catalogue, albeit that I see in matters before the Norman Conquest, in the paucity of Writers, they do all trace one another, and therefore few especial Notes do occur in them. In the mean, with a million of hearty thanks to you, and my hearty commendations to Mr. Causton, I rest, greatly indebted to you,

Your loving Friend,

William Camden.

Good Mr. Causton, and my good Mr. James,

LET it not seem strange, that I should conjoin you two thus jointly in one, when as love and good liking, with the mother of friendship similitudo studiorum, hath so assuredly link’d you together. I most heartily thank you both, the one for opening the passage and entrance, and the other for admitting me into his amity. And verily, in this behalf, I do congratulate inwardly to my self, that I have now gotten so good a Friend, unto whom (I solemnly vow) I will most willingly perform all offices of true friendship whatsoever. Only I am sorry that I was then absent, when I should have enjoy’d his presence the last Week at London. But more sorry am I, that the good opportunity of those Angliae Bristoliae good Manuscripts hath overslipp’d me; for the Printer, who is impatient of stay, is now already forward, and my occasions will not permit me to come now to Cambridge. I have long since seen Fordon, Gervasius Tilburiensis, Gualterus Conventrensis, and Trivet: some Copies are here extant amongst my friends; and lately I happen’d upon Talbot’s Notes in Antonini Itinerarium: only I desire you to look into that Exameron Angliæ and Notabilia Bristoliæ, and Worcester, if there be any special Observations; as also in the Historical Epitome of Alexander Essebiensis. As for his Poem of the Festival days, I long since read it over. Thus commending my self to your good love conjointly, and you both to the gracious protection of the Almighty, I heartily bid you farewell, resting

Yours most assuredly,
Will. Camden.

Decemb. 6.
1599.

Right Worshipful,

MY ancient good Friend Gasper Gevartius living now at Paris, a Man by his Works not unknown to you so conversant among Books, hath written to me as much is herein enclosed. My desire is, that you would satisfie him by me, if there be in your Library any such Manuscript of Manilius Astronomicon. I have been inform’d, that there is one, and that a Learned Student of your University hath conferr’d it with Scaliger’s Edition. If this be true, I most earnestly request you to communicate thus much with him, and to understand whether he be purpos’d to set it out himself: if not, whether he will be content to impart Variantes Lectiones with Gevartius, who (I presume so much of his candour) will not defraud him of the honour due to his Labour and Learning; if not, I will send you a Copy of Scaliger’s Edition, and desire you to get some Student to confer it with the Manuscript, and I will satisfie him to his full contentation, and shall rest indebted to you for your care herein.

Your loving Friend assuredly,

W. Camden, Clarenceux.

Westm. 22 Jan.
1614. Anni
Juliani.

Sir Henry Spelman calls himself his * * Ep. 226.ancient Friend; and in his account of a Society of Antiquaries which was about that time settl’d in London, makes Mr. Camden one of the chief. The Account, in the Author’s own words, will not be unseasonable in this place; since it gives us a further light into Mr. Camden’s Acquaintance (the head which we are now treating of) and shows us what that age took to be the most effectual method, for the improvement of Ancient Learning.

ABOUT 42Sir Henry Spelman’s Preface to his Law-Terms. Years since, divers Gentlemen in London, studious of Antiquities, fram’d themselves into a College or Society of Antiquaries, appointing to meet every Friday weekly in the Term, at a place agreed of, and for Learning-sake to confer upon some questions in that faculty, and to sup together. The place, after a meeting or two, became certain at Darby-House, where the Herald’s Office is kept, and two Questions were propounded at every meeting, to be handled at the next that follow’d; so that every man had a se’night’s respite to advise upon them, and then to deliver his Opinion. That which seem’d most material, was by one of the company (chosen for the purpose) to be enter’d in a book, that so it might remain unto prosperity. The Society encreas’d daily; many persons of great worth, as well noble as other Learned, joyning themselves unto it. Thus it continu’d divers Years; but as all good uses commonly decline, so many of the chief supporters hereof, either dying or withdrawing themselves from London into the Countrey, this among the rest grew for 20 Years to be discontinu’d. But it then came again into the mind of divers principal Gentlemen to revive it; and for that purpose upon the — day of — in the Year 1614. there met at the same place Sir James Ley Knight, then Attorney of the Court of Wards, since Earl of Marlebury, and Lord Treasurer of England, Sir Robert Cotton Knight and Bar. Sir John Davies His Majesty’s Attorney for Ireland, Sir Richard St. George Knight, then Norrey, Mr. Hackwell the Queen’s Sollicitor, Mr. Camden, then Clarencieux, my self, and some others. Of these, the Lord Treasurer, Sir Robert Cotton, Mr. Camden, and my self, had been of the Original Foundation, and to my knowledge were all then living of that sort, saving Sir John Doderidge Knight, Justice of the King’s Bench.

We held it sufficient for that time to revive the Meeting, and only conceiv’d some Rules of Government and Limitation to be observ’d amongst us, whereof this was one; That for avoiding Offence, we should neither meddle with matters of State nor of Religion. And agreeing of two Questions for the next Meeting, we chose Mr. Hackwell to be our Register, and the Convocator of our Assemblies for the present; and supping together, so departed.

One of the Questions was, touching the Original of the Terms; about which, as being obscure and generally mistaken, I bestow’d some extraordinary pains, that coming short of others in understanding, I might equal them if I could in diligence. But before our next meeting, we had notice that his Majesty took a little mislike of our Society, not being inform’d that we had resolv’d to decline all matters of State. Yet hereupon we forbare to meet again, and so all our labours lost. But mine lying by me, and having been often desir’d of me by some of my Friends, I thought good upon a review and augmentation to let it creep abroad in the form you see it, wishing it might be rectify’d by some better judgment.

Thus much of Mr. Camden’s Education, his Works, his Promotions, and his Friends. Let us now view him in his Retirement; for the sake of which, when he was towards sixty years of Age, he took a house at Chesilhurst, some ten miles from London; where he liv’d till his dying day, and compil’d there the greatest part of the Annals of Queen Elizabeth.

About two years before his death, when the pains and infirmities of old Age had made him, in great measure, uncapable of Study, he enter’d upon another method of serving the Publick, by establishing a History-Lecture; a thing, that he had resolv’d many years before: Witness the Conclusion of his Britannia, Nihil aliud nunc restat, &c. quàm ut Deo Opt. Max. & Venerandæ Antiquitati Anathema consecrarem, quod libens merito nunc voveo, &c.

This was his pious Vow; and he was willing to see it discharg’d, e’re he dy’d. Where to bestow this Charity, was a circumstance that did not cost him much thought: his Education gave the University of Oxford a kind of title; so that, having settl’d it in due form of Law, he sent his Gift to that University, by the hands of his intimate Friend Mr. Heather. On the seventeenth of May, in the year 1622. Dr. Piers Dean of Peterburrow, and then Vice-Chancellor, declar’d in Convocation, That Mr. Camden had founded a History-Lecture, and, for the Maintenance of a Professor, had transfer’d all his right in the Manour of Bexley in Kent, to the Chancellor, Masters, and Scholars: With this Proviso, That the Profits of the said Manour (valu’d at about four hundred Pounds per Annum) should be enjoy’d by William Heather, his Heirs and Executors, for the term of ninety nine years, to begin from the death of Mr. Camden; during which time, William Heather should pay to the Professor of History in Oxford, the Sum of one hundred and forty Pounds yearly.

Hereupon, the University sent him a publick Letter of Thanks; and because they understood that Mr. Heather was a person for whom he had a singular respect, they voluntarily confer’d on him the Degree of Doctor of Musick; as also upon Mr. Orland Gibbons, another of Mr. Camden’s intimate Acquaintance. This Civility procur’d them a new Benefactor; for afterwards, Mr. Heather, as an acknowledgment of this favour, founded a Musick-Lecture, and endow’d it with the Annual Revenue of sixteen Pounds six Shillins and eight Pence.

The first History Professor was Mr. Degory Whear; being nominated by Mr. Camden, upon the recommendation of the Chancellor, Vice-Chancellor, and other Learned Persons. His first Essay was, a General Direction for the Reading of Histories; which he dedicated to his Patron. Mr. Brian Twine, a person exceedingly well vers’d in the Antiquities of England, procur’d a Grant from the Founder, to succeed Mr. Whear; but he dying before, the right of Election devolv’d upon the University for ever.

The little that he had left, he dispos’d of by WillMay 2. 1623. (which he drew up with his own hands, about six Months before his death) in Charities to the Poor, and Legacies to his Relations, and some small Memorials to his particular Friends. All his Books of Heraldry he gave to the Office; and the rest, both Printed and Manuscript, to the Library of Sir Robert Cotton. But, upon the erection of a new Library in the Church of Westminster, the printed part was remov’d thither by the procurement of Dr. John Williams, Lord Keeper of England, Bishop of Lincoln, and Dean of that Church; who laid hold of an expression in the Will, that was capable of a double meaning.

He liv’d and dy’d a Member of the Church of England; and gave such clear proofs of his entire affection to it, that it is a wonder, how a certain Romish Author could have the face to insinuate, * * Analect, de Rebus Catholic. in Hibernia.That he only dissembled his Religion, and was allur’d so to do with the prospect of Honours and Preferments. His zeal against Popery † † See above.lost him a Fellowship in Oxford, and brought most of his Works under the Censure of the Church of Rome, and * * Epist. 194.expos’d him to the lash of Parsons, Possevinus, and others. Many of his Scholars became eminent Members of our Church; and he converted several Irish Gentlemen from Popery, as the Walshes, Nugents, O-Raily, Shees, the eldest Son of the Archbishop of Cassiles, and others. Whether these look like the actions of an Hypocrite in Religion, or the effects of a firm perswasion and a well-grounded zeal, let the World judge. After so many testimonies, Mr. Camden might well say, † † Epist.194.My Life and my Writings shall apologize for me: and despise the reproaches of one * * Ibid.Who did not spare the most Reverend and Learned Prelates of our Church;† Epist.195nor was ashamed to bely the Lords Deputies of Ireland, and others of honourable rank.

He dy’d at Chesilhurst, the ninth Day of November, 1623. in the * * By mistake, on his Monument, 74.73d year of his Age. Being remov’d to London, on the nineteenth of the same month he was carry’d to Westminster-Abbey in great pomp. The whole College of Heralds attended in their proper Habits, and great numbers of the Nobility and Gentry accompany’d the Corps, and, at their entrance into the Church, the Prebendaries and the other Members receiv’d the Corps in their Vestments, with great Solemnity, and conducted it into the Nave of the Church. After the Funeral-Sermon (preach’d by Dr. Sutton, one of the Prebendaries) he was buried in the South Isle, near the learned Casaubon, and over against our incomparable Poet Chaucer.

Over the place, is a handsom Monument of white Marble, with his Effigies to the middle, and in his hand, a Book, with BRITANNIA inscrib’d on the Leaves. Under which, is the following Inscription:

QUI. FIDE. ANTIQUA. ET. OPERA. ASSIDUA.
BRITANNICAM. ANTIQUITATEM.
INDAGAVIT.
SIMPLICITATEM. INNATAM. HONESTIS.
STUDIIS. EXCOLUIT.
ANIMI. SOLERTIAM. CANDORE. ILLUSTRAVIT.
GUILIELMUS CAMDENUS.
AB. ELIZABETHA. R. AD. REGIS. ARMORUM.
(CLARENTII. TITULO.) DIGNITATEM.
EVOCATUS.
HIC. SPE. CERTA. RESURGENDI. IN
CHRISTO. S.E.
Q.
OBIIT. AN. DNI. 1623. 9 NOVEMBRIS.
ÆTATIS. SU Æ. 74.

ornament
ornament

Mr. CAMDEN’s
PREFACE.

Decorative I IN this last Edition, give me leave to address the courteous Reader in the words that I used twenty years since, upon the first publication of this Book; with some very small additions. The great Restorer of old Geography, Abraham Ortelius, thirty years ago, did very earnestly sollicit me to acquaint the World with the ancient State of Britain, that is, to restore Britain to Antiquity, and Antiquity to Britain; to renew what was old, illustrate what was obscure, and settle what was doubtful; and upon the whole, to recover (as much as possible) a Certainty in our Affairs, which either the carelesness of Writers, or credulity of Readers, had bereft us of. A great attempt, not to say impossible! to which undertaking, as none know the Pains that is requisite, so none believe it, but they who have made the Experiment. Yet, as the difficulty of the design discourag’d me on one side, so the honour of my native Country encourag’d me on the other; insomuch, that while I dreaded the task, and yet could not decline doing what I was able for the honour of my Country, I found the greatest Contrarieties, Fear and Courage (which I thought could never have met in any one man) united in my own Breast. However, depending upon the blessing of God, and my own Industry, I set about the Work, and gave all my spare hours, with the utmost attention and resolution, wholly to it.

I have been very wary in my conjectures about the Etymology of Britain, and its first Inhabitants: nor have I positively asserted any thing that admits a doubt; for I know, the originals of Countries are obscure, and altogether uncertain; and, like objects at a great distance, scarce visible. Thus, the courses of great Rivers, their turnings, their confluence, their mouths, are all well known, while the Springs generally lie hid and undiscover’d. I have trac’d the ancient Divisions of Britain, and have given a Summary Account of the States, and the Judicial Courts, of these flourishing Kingdoms of England, Scotland, and Ireland. I have settl’d the bounds of each County (tho’ not to an inch) and examin’d the nature of the Soil, and the places of greatest Antiquity, and what Dukes, and Earls, and Barons there have been. I have briefly mention’d some of the most ancient and honourable Families; for it is impossible to mention all. Let those judge of my performance, that are able to make a true judgment; which will require consideration: but Time, that uncorrupt witness, will best determin this; when Envy, which preys upon the living, shall hold its peace. Yet this I must say for my self, that I have neglected nothing that could give any considerable light towards the discovery of Truth in matters of Antiquity. I got some insight into the old British and Saxon Tongues, for my assistance; I have travell’d almost all over England, and have consulted in each County, the Persons of best skill and knowledge in these matters. I have diligently perus’d our own Writers; as well as the Greek and Latin, who mention the least tittle of Britain. I have examined the publick Records of the Kingdom, Ecclesiastical Registers, and Libraries, and the Acts, Monuments, and Memorials of Churches and Cities.

These, I have built upon, as infallible Testimonies; and have cited them, as I had occasion, in their own words, tho’ never so barbarous; that by such unquestionable evidences justice might be done to Truth. Possibly I may seem bold and imprudent, who, tho’ but a smatterer in Antiquities, have ventur’d upon the Stage of this learned Age, and expos’d my self to such a variety of censures and opinions; when I might quietly have lain hid. But to speak the truth plainly, the natural affection I have for my Country (by far the strongest affection that is) the glory of the British Name, and the perswasions of Friends, conquer’d my natural modesty, and forc’d me, against my own judgment, to undertake and publish a Work I am so unfit for; and for which I expect to be immediately attack’d on all sides by prejudice, censure, detraction, and reproach. Some there are, who cry down the whole study of Antiquities, as a fruitless search after what is gone and past; but as I shall not altogether contemn the Authority of these Men, so I shall not much regard their Judgment. Nor am I destitute of such reasons, as are sufficient to gain the approbation of all true Englishmen, who value the honour of their native Country; and to whom I can promise a great deal of pleasure and satisfaction, in these Studies, becoming Men of Birth and Education. But if there are any, who, desire to be strangers in their own Country, Foreigners in their own Cities, and always Children in Knowledge; let them please themselves, I write not for such humours. There are others, perhaps, who will cavil at the lowness and roughness of my Stile. And I frankly confess, that neither is every word weighed in Varro’s Scale; nor did I design to gratifie the Reader with a Nose-gay of all the Flowers that I could meet with in the garden of Eloquence. But, why should they object this, when Cicero the father of Eloquence, deny’d, that such a subject could Greek, i.e. bear a flourish; and when it is not, as Pomponius said, a proper subject for Rhetorick.

Many, perhaps, will fall upon me, for daring to trace the original of ancient Names by Conjecture only; who, if they will utterly exclude conjecture, I fear will exclude the greatest part of polite Learning, and in that, of human Knowledge: the mind of man being so shallow, that we are forc’d to trace many things in all Sciences, by conjecture. In Physick, there are the Greek, Greek, and Greek, Symptoms, Tokens, and Signs, which in reality are little more than conjectures. In Rhetorick, and Civil Law, and other Sciences, there is an establish’d allowance to Conjecture. And since Conjectures are the signs and tokens of somewhat that lies hid, and are (as Fabius says) the directors of Reason to find the truth; I always accounted them a kind of Engines, with which Time draws up Truth from the bottom of Democritus’s Well.

But if they will admit any conjectures at all, I doubt not but my moderation in the use of them will easily obtain me that Privilege. Plato in his Cratilus directs us to trace the original of Names to the barbarous tongues, as being the most ancient; and accordingly, in all my Etymologies and Conjectures, I have constant recourse to the British, or (as it is now call’d) the Welsh tongue, which was spoken by the first and most ancient Inhabitants of this Country. He would also have a plain agreement between the Name and the Thing; and if these disagree, never to admit the Conjecture. There is (says he) in things Greek, Greek, Greek, a Sound, a Form, a Colour; and if these are not in the word, I reject it with contempt. As for Etymologies that are obscure, strain’d, far-fetch’d, and applicable to other things as well; I thought them not worthy to be inserted. In short, I have been so cautious and frugal in my conjectures, that to an impartial Reader, if I seem not Greek, lucky in my Adventures, I hope I shall not seem Greek, too adventurous. And tho’, in so great a compass, I may here and there have indulg’d my Fancy and made two conjectures upon one and the same thing; yet in the mean time I do not forget, that Unity is the sacred band of Truth.

There are those, it is probable, who will be angry that I have taken no notice of this or that Family; whereas it was not my design to mention any, but such as have been very eminent; nor all such neither (for they would furnish Volumes,) but those only that came naturally under the Method I propos’d in this Work. And I hope (by God’s permission) to have an opportunity hereafter to do right to the English Nobility. But they who take it most hainously, may probably be of the number of those, who have been the least serviceable to their Country, and whose Nobility is of a late date. The same Persons, it may be, will condemn me for commending some who are living; but I have done it briefly, moderately, and upon an assurance of their merit, from the general consent of discerning and good men, and not in the least from a principle of Flattery. And, from the commendation I have given them, they themselves are admonish’d to make their behaviour agreeable to it; and not only to support, but to encrease, their Character. Posterity, whatever Writers say, will do justice to every one’s Character, and to Posterity I appeal from the present age. In the mean while, let them remember, that to praise the Good, is to hang out a light to guide those that come after; for it is a true saying of Symmachus, Imitation is excited by the honour done to good Men; and an Emulation in virtuous Actions, is rais’d by the example of another’s Honour. If any one say, that I have sought occasion to mention and commend one or two persons, I confess it: and hope it is no crime to treat the Good with due respect; and some grains of allowance are also to be made to Friendship. But however it comes to pass, Virtue and Honour have always enemies to encounter; and Men have a Veneration for what is past, and an Envy against what is present. Far be it from me, to judge so unjustly of Men and Things, as to think that our Age, under the government of such brave Princes, can want Men of worth and character; but they who cannot bear to hear the Good commended, may complain also that themselves are pointed at, by a similitude of manners, in the dishonourable mention of the Bad.Caesar

Some will accuse me, of leaving out this or that little Town or Castle; as if I had design’d to take notice of any, but the most famous and ancient: nor could it be worth while to mention them for the sake of the bare Names. For that which I chiefly propos’d to my self, was to search for and illustrate those Places, which Cæsar, Tacitus, Ptolemy, Antoninus Augustus, Provinciarum Notitia, and other ancient Writers, have recorded; the names whereof Time has either utterly extinguish’d, or chang’d, or corrupted. And in this search, I neither affirm what is uncertain, nor conceal what is probable. But it ought not to be laid to my charge, that I have not discovered all (after the expence and trouble of a very diligent search,) any more than it is objected to the Miner, that he finds only the larger Veins, and overlooks the less. Or, to borrow that saying of Columella, As in a great Wood, it is the business of a good Huntsman to take all the game he can; nor was it ever charged on any one as a fault, that he did not take all; the same may be said for me. Somewhat must be left for the Labours of other Men. Nor is he a good Teacher (says a great man) who teaches every thing, and leaves nothing for the invention of others. A new age, a new race of men, will daily produce new Discoveries. It is enough for me, that I have broken the Ice; and I have gain’d my end, if I set others to work; whether to write more, or to amend what I have written.

There are some, I hear, who take it ill that I have mention’d Monasteries and their Founders. I am sorry to hear it; but (with their leave) they are possibly such who are angry, and would have it forgotten, that our Ancestors were, and we are, Christians; since there are not any more certain and glorious Monuments of their Christian piety and devotion: nor were there any other Seminaries for the propagation of Religion and Learning; however, in a corrupt Age, Weeds might run up, which were necessary to be rooted out.

The Mathematicians will lay to my charge the palpable Mistakes I have committed in stating the Degrees of Longitude and Latitude. But spare me a little: I have collated all the Astronomical Tables, new and old, printed and Manuscript, those of Oxford, those of Cambridge, and those of King Henry the fifth. In the Latitudes, they differ much from Ptolemy, but agree pretty well with one another (not that I believe with Stadius, that the Globe of the Earth is remov’d from its Centre;) and for that reason I have follow’d them. But all differ as to Longitude; and agree no where. What therefore could I do? Since our modern Sailors have observ’d, that there is no variation of the Compass at the Isles of Azores, I have thence, as from the great Meridian, commenc’d the Accounts of Longitude, but not every where with a critical Nicety.

I need not ask pardon for being obscure, or fabulous, or for extravagant digressions: For I apprehend no danger of being thought obscure, unless it be by those, who have no taste of ancient Learning, nor have so much as dip’d in our own Histories: and as for Fables, I have shown them no countenance: and to keep my self from Digressions, I took Pliny’s advice, and often read the title of my Book, and at the same time put the question to my self, What it was I had undertaken? Maps have been hitherto wanting and much desir’d in this Work; as that which would not only add much to the beauty of it, but be of infinite use too, as they are in all Studies of this kind; especially when improv’d and explain’d by Descriptions of the Places. But this is a defect, which it was not in my power to supply: however, it is now supply’d by the care of George Bishop and John Norton, according to the description of those excellent Chorographers, Christopher Saxton and John Norden.

But I exceed the bounds of a Preface, and therefore shall only add, That for many years I have apply’d my self to this Work with the utmost diligence and integrity, in order to explain the Antiquities of my Native Country: I have slander’d no Family, blasted no Man’s Reputation, nor sported with any Man’s Name: I have impeach’d the Credit of no Writer, not so much as Jeffrey of Monmouth’s whose History (which I am inclinable enough to favour) is yet of little authority among Learned Men. Neither have I affected to be thought knowing in any respect, unless it be that I am desirous to know. I frankly own my ignorance, and am sensible that I may oft-times have been mistaken; nor will I patronize my own mistakes. What Marks-man that shoots a whole day, can constantly hit the mark? There are many things in these Studies Cineri suppôsta doloso, which glittering, are not Gold. Many Errors are owing to a treacherous memory; for who is able to treasure up every thing there, so as to be able to produce it at pleasure? Many again proceed from unskilfulness; for who is so good a Pilot, as to cruise in this unknown Sea of Antiquity, without splitting upon Rocks? And it is possible, I may have been led into Errors by the Authority of Writers, and of others whom I reckon’d I might safely rely on. There is nothing more dangerous (says Pliny) in the search after Truth, than when a stanch Author asserts a false thing. Inhabitants may better observe the particulars of the places where they live; and if they will inform me of any mistake, I will thankfully amend it: what I have omitted I will add; what I have not sufficiently explain’d, I will explain better, when I am better inform’d: All I desire, is, not to be censur’d out of Malice or a Contentious humour, which will ill become Men of Candour and Integrity.

These favours, most courteous Reader, let thy good nature, and my pains, our common love for our Country, and the glory of the British Name, obtain for me at thy hands; viz. That I may speak my mind freely without offence to others, That I may stand upon the same bottom as others have done before me in these Studies; and, That what Errors I own, you will pardon. These Favours are rather to be expected, than desir’d from the Candid; and as to those mean partial persons, whose tongues are slandering whenever their teeth are going, who are carping in all Companies, and are full of Envy, Reproach and Malice; I value them not. I have learn’d of the Comedian, That Slander is the treasure of fools, which they carry in their tongues; and have found by experience, that Envy (in spight of Envy be it spoken) never harbours but in a mean, narrow, sneaking breast. Generous and candid Souls, as they know how to slight Envy, so they know not how to practice it. As for me and my Works, I humbly submit them, with the greatest deference, to Men of Virtue and Learning, who if they do not approve, will I hope pardon, what I have here attempted out of a most zealous Affection to my Native Country.

Adieu.

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TERENTIANVS MAVRVS.
VERITATEM

DVMOS INTER, ET ASPERA,
SCRVPOSIS SEQVIMVR VADIS,
FRONTE EXILE NEGOTIVM,
ET DIGNVM PVERIS PVTES;
AGGRESSIS LABOR ARDVVS,
NEC TRACTABILE PONDVS.

Through dangerous Fords, o’re ways unbeaten too
The Searchers after Truth are bound to go;
This poor employ can few Professors get,
A boyish Task, below the Men of Wit.
But ’tis a work of Hardship when begun,
A Load uneasie to be undergone.

Line Decorative

Pro captu Lectoris habent sua fata Libelli.

Books take their doom from each Peruser’s will,
Just as they think, they pass for good or ill.

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AD
LECTOREM.

Box M MAgna per immensum celebrata Britannia mundum
Imperio, populo, rege beata suo,
Nunc prodit, renovata novis, ornata figuris:
Auctior illa tibi, notior illa tibi.
Camdeni liber est, satis est dixisse scienti:
Camdenum nescis? perlege, notus erit.


Guilielmus Sydleius Eques auratus.

Ad amicum suum Guil. Camdenum, Georgii Buc Equitis aurati Reg. Sp. C. Heptastichon.

SI quam describis terram, Camdene, Britannam,
Tam graphice, tanta cura, gravitate, fidcque
Heroum velles Britonum res scribere gestas
(Hac etenim sola neglecti in parte jacemus)
Historiæ poterat conferri nulla Britannæ.
Hoc tibi restat opus, vel non hoc fiet in ævo,
Secula quod binos Phœnices nulla tulere.

Ad Guil. Camdenum, Edw. Grant Sacræ Theologiæ Doctor.

ERgóne priscorum lustras monumenta virorum,
Ut possis facili contexere singula filo,
Quæ latuere diu cæcis immersa tenebris,
Antiquata usu, priscum sumptura nitorem?
Unde Britannorum nomen? quo cœperit ortu?
Incola quis primus celebres habitaverit oras?
In quavis regione doces, quæcunque vetustæ
Sunt Urbes, quæ vera simul Comitumque Ducumque
Stemmata: quæ terræ dotes: quis limes agrorum,
Ordine perspicuo perstringis singula plené.
Egregium moliris opus, vel judice Momo,
Quod semper præsens, quod postera prædicet ætas;
Te Patriæ stimulavit amor, te docta vetustas
Excitat, ut cunctis patria spatiêris in agris:
Multi multa canunt, tu multum scribere tentas,
Hoc multo multos superas, qui multa tulerunt.
    Tu Camdenus eris seros celebrandus in annos:
Ergo age, quo tendis gressu, patriámque venusta,
Ne labor iste tuns desit cupientibus ista.

In antiquam Guilielmi Camdeni Britanniam.


DE te deque tuo libro dum scribere carmen
Mens congesta velit, meritasque intexere laudes,
Insonuit mea Musa mihi, quid carmina quæris?
Sit scripsisse satis, quod scripsit Horatius olim:

Hic meret æra liber Sosiis, hic & mare transit,
Et longum noto scriptori prorogat ævum.

J. W. Gen.

In postremam Guilielmi Camdeni Antiquitatum Editionem, Epigramma. G. Ga.


SEmentem sterili quoties tellure recondit,
Luditur optatâ fruge colonus iners.
Ventifugæ nunquam dominus ditescit arenæ;
Pinguis at irriguo flumine terra beat.
Fœcundum facunde solum
Camdene secasti,
Illud & ingenii nobile flumen aquat.
Atque ut opima solet jacto cum semine gleba
Parturit innumeris granula adaucta modis:
Sic toties cusus tibi qui fuit antè libellus,
Cultior antiquo prodiit ecce liber.
Heu! nusquam tanto respondent arva colono,
Cujus ab ingenio prominet his genius ?
Sume animum. Cùm te hinc discedere jusserit ætas
Ut quæras tritâ pascua læta viâ;
Semper
Camdenus simul & Britannia vivent:
Longavus nequit hic, dum manet illa, mori.

In Guilielmi Camdeni Britanniam.


N Escia penè sui, generisque oblita prioris,
Anglia cùm jacuit semisepulta situ,
O quis, ait, tantum aut animis, aut arte valebit,
Vindice qui tractet vulnera nostra manu?
Camdenus patriæ lugentis imagine motus
Ingenium, artem, animos versat: opemque tulit:
Mortua restituit veteris cognomina gentis,
Mortis & eripuit se patriamque metu,
Æternum per te, Camdene, Britannia vivit,
Cumque tua æternum, tu quoque gente manes.

G. Carleton.

Ad eundem.


QUÆ vix nota sibi fuit ante Britannia, utrique
Nunc,
Camdene, orbi munere nota tuo est,
Ignotæque velut fuerat non ulla cupido,
Sic modò sic notam mundus uterque cupit.
Sed tamen incassum: nimia nam dote superba
Indignum nullum non sui amoris habet.

Janus Gruterus J. C.

Camdeno suo Britannia.

C Larus ut Eoas sol quando adverberat arces,
Et procul invisis ferit astra liventia flammis,
Nox petit Oceanum, vultusque enascitur orbi;
Sic,
Camdene, tuum jubar ut fulgere per Anglos
Ceu Phœbi cœpit, mox fugit, & hispida dudum,
Multumque heu squallens radiare
Britannia cœpi.
Non mea nunc Thetis cum deserit alba profundum
Gratior exurgit, pallentes murice vivo
Instaurata genas, pigro nec sydus ab Orco,
Nec dux astrorum de vertice vesper Olympi.
Illa ego quam limâ repolita
Britannia mirâ
Camdene tuâ, nova nunc magno Insula ponto:

“ Illa ego rupe super scuto horrida, & horrida gœso,Frontispicii explicatio.
“ Hinc pelagi numen, dea spicea visitur illinc,
“ Piscosus vallo
Nereus, & classibus armat,
“ Atque
Ceres flavos spargit sua serta per agros,
“ Saxea deinde strues, & quæ depicta videmus
“ Fronte libri, veluti fervens à fontibus unda,
“ Et surgens pyramis, nostræ miracula monstrant
“ Telluris, liber ipse nequit (fas) omnia vester:
Exero nunc vultus exhaustos antè ruinis,
Et nunc flore meo marcores pello vietos,
Verùm erit illa dies cùm quæ micat
Anglia forsan
Nebula quæretur, cinere occultata, situque,
Atque alios lychnos dabit: Id
Camdene negato
Historicum vincendo Chaos, qui nôris abundè:
Hæc tibi prisca, redux, tuaque usque
Britannia canto.


Edmundus Bolton.

In Britanniam denuo illustratam Joh. Stradlingus.


I Nsula in Oceano quondam notissima, cæcis
Delituit tenebris vix benè nota sibi.
Ingenii (Camdene) tui radiante tenebras
Lumine (ceu fugiunt nubila sole) fugas.
Sic rediviva viget, nec quà patet illa latere
Tu potes: Illam tu, te celebrem illa facit.

Greek text

H. Cuffius.

Ad Guilielmum Camdenum, Britanniam Historicâ veritate denuo illustrantem.

CAmdene, laus est invidenda, præclarum
Audire civem, patriæque servire,
Autoritati, & gloriæ perennanti.
Camdene, dum decus Britanniæ campum
In æviternæ provehis sagax Famæ,
Nitore regio stiloque præclaro:
Præclarus inde civis audis, & jure.
Quid? non decore modo Britanniam mactus,
Honore mactus ipse & gloriæ punctis:
Sed hunc & illum luce tua reples mundum:
Ut, quæ sibi vix nota erat prius terra,
Utramque nunc domum pulsaverit Solis.
Camdene, laudis hoc tuæ est. Et extensum
Quo latius volat Britanniæ nomen,
Camdene, augustior tanto tibi sacro
Adorea in Memoriæ exstabit altari.
Tam nominis cati est, litasse regnorum
Famæ, inclutasque protulisse virtutes.

Caspar Dornavius, D.

In Britanniam redivivam R. Parker Caio-Gonvil.
Carmen congratulatorium.

SAlve, grata redis (memoranda Britannia) terris,
Quam juvat è tenebris exiliisse tuis!
Fallor? an antiquo mutatus sistor in orbe?
Aut te dum relego, secla priora lego?

Fallor? an Arthuros, Egbertos, Cassibelinos
Cerno redivivos ducere castra sua?
Fallor? an hic acies sævæ certare solebant?
Hic Offa, hic rigidus tendere Penda solet?
Festino nimium. Quæ, qualia, quantaque cerno
Surgere sacra Deo, mœnia, templa, domus?
Queis hic Normannis donari prædia legi?
Unde sequens soboles nomen & omen habet.
Sed quot cerno domus orbatas stirpe vetusta?
Heu quas dilapidant alea, vina, Venus?
Ut vidi, ut dolui, novus ut nunc sedibus hospes
Diceret: hæc mea sunt, ito colone vetus.
Quis Genius talem (veneranda
Britannia) nobis
Esse velit reducem? quo duce tanta refers?
Scilicet hoc debes Camdeno: agnosco parentem,
Et Genium, cujus te tibi reddit amor.
Fœlix ipse suo libro: fœlicior ipsa
Præconem talem laudis habere tuæ.
Plus loquar, an sileam? video tantum instar in ipso.
Quas Musas vocitem? sed (mea Musa) sile.
Parcus amor loquitur: major stupefactus adegit
Mirari hoc tacite, nec scio solus, opus.

In Britanniam a Guil. Camdeno illustratam F. Adarb.
Carmen.

PIctus atrox Hebridas, glacialem Scotus Hibernem
Moverat, Attacotus Vararim, Saxoque Visurgim
Conjunctis armis, animisque exscindere gentes,
Subruere eximias cumulatis cladibus urbes,
Atque Britannorum nomen demergere bellis.
Ut tamen emergant quæ sunt immersa ruinis,
Et decus antiquum rediviva Britannia cernat,
Ecce vetustatem Camdenius eruit omnem,
Magnarum rerum scrutatus magna sepulchra,
Submovit cineres, nigrantes dispulit umbras:
Inque prius retro studiis se contulit ævum;
Contulit atque decus patriæque sibique labore.

In antiquam Camdeni Britanniam H. N.L. Greek word.

PRisca Britannorum delevit nomina Tempus,
Antiquas urbes exitioque dedit.
Cuncta triumphato Camdenus tempore reddit,
Ingenio priscum restituitque decus.
Ingenio cedat Tempus, cedatque vetustas:
Ingenium majus Tempore robur habet.

Ad eundem.

ERrabat quærens Antiqua Britannia lumen,
At,
Camdene, tuam venit ut illa domum,
Invenit lumen, mansit, cupiensque poliri;
Hospes ait mihi sis, qui mihi lumen eris.

J. W.

BRITANNIA.

SI jactare licet magnorum munera divûm,
Sibique veris fas placere dotibus;
Cur mihi non videar fortunatissima tellus?
Digna est malis, bona quæ parum novit sua.
Ultima lanigeris animosa est India lucis,
Suis superbus est Arabs odoribus.
Thuriferis gaudet Panchaia dives arenis;
Ibera flumen terra jactat aureum.
Ægypto faciunt animos septem ostia Nili,
Laudata Rheni vina tollunt accolas.
Læta nec uberibus sibi displicet Africa glebis;
Hæc portubus superbit, illa mercibus:
At mihi nec fontes, nec ditia flumina desunt,
Sulcive pingues, prata nec ridentia.
Fœta viris, fœcunda feris, fœcunda metallis;
Ne glorier, quod ambiens largas opes
Porrigit Oceanus, neu quod nec amicius ulla
Cœlum, nec aura dulcius spirat plaga.
Serus in occiduas mihi Phœbus conditur undas,
Sororque noctes blanda ducit lucidas.
Possem ego laudati contemnere vellera Bœtis,
Ubi villus albis mollior bidentibus?
Et tua non nequeam miracula temnere Memphi.
Verum illa major, justiorque gloria,
Quod Latiis, quod sum celebrata
Britannia Graiis,
Orbem vetustas quod vocârit alterum.

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Books
AND
Treatises
Relating to the
Antiquities
OF
England.

Topographical Surveys, &c. of England in general.

Big P PTolemy’s Geography.
Antoninus’s Itinerary.
Notitia Occidentalis Imperii.
Peutegerian Tables.
So far as they concern Britain.

Robert of Gloucester in his Chronicle of England (MS.) has given us the length and breadth of England.

Commentary upon the Itinerary of Antoninus, by Mr. Talbot. MS. This was much improv’d by Dr. Caius of Cambridge, and is now in Caius-College, in two Volumes.

Commentary upon Antoninus’s Itinerary, by Mr. Burton.

Dr. Gale’s Commentary upon Antoninus’s Itinerary.

Various Readings of the Itinerary. And,

Dr. Talbot’s Annotations; published in Mr. Hearn’s Edition of Leland’s Itinerary.

Leland’s Itinerary (MS. in the Bodleian Library;) several Transcripts whereof have been taken by Gentlemen of Curiosity; and it is now published in nine Volumes Octavo, very accurately, by Mr. Thomas Hearn of Oxford.

Harrison’s History of England; printed in Holinshed’s Chronicle.

Camden’s Remains.

Drayton’s Polyolbion.

Fuller’s Worthies of England.

Dugdale’s Baronage of England.

Dugdale’s Monasticon Anglicanum.

John Speed’s History of Great Britain, and his Maps, in two large Volumes, Folio.

Sir Henry Spelman’s Villare, Quarto & Folio.

Divi Britannici, Fol. 1675. By Sir Winston Churchill, Kt. F. R. S.

The number of Acres contained in England, and the use that may be made thereof. By Dr. Grew. Phil. Trans. Numb. 330.

An Advertisement for all Navigators up the Channel of England. Phil. Trans. Numb. 267.

Natural History of the Chalybeat and Purging Waters of England, by B. Allen. Med. Bac.

History of the Boroughs of England, by Brown Willis, Esq;.

Prospects of Noblemens and Gentlemens Seats.

Templa Druidum, Monumenta Britannia, &c. being large Collections, and curious Observations, relating to the Antiquities of England, in four Volumes, MS. By Mr. John Aubrey, Fellow of the Royal Society.

Note, Blome’s Britannia, Wright’s three years Travels; and other Surveys of England, printed since the year 1607, are little more than Extracts out of Mr. Camden.


BARKSHIRE.

A Discourse of the Antiquities of the Castle of Windsor and Chapel there; in Mr. Ashmole’s Order of the Garter.
Mr. Ashmole’s Antiquities of Berkshire, 1719.

Part of two Letters from Dr. James Brewer, concerning Beds of Oyster-shells found near Reading. Phil. Trans. Numb. 261.


BEDFORDSHIRE.

AN account of a strange Tempest of Wind, Thunder and Lightning, at Bedford, Aug. 19. 1672.


BUCKINGHAMSHIRE.

DR. Kennet, the present Bishop of Peterborough, hath given descriptions of several Antiquities in this County, in his Parochial Antiquities. Quarto, 1695.

Large Collections towards a Topographical and Historical Description of Buckinghamshire, by Brown Willis, Esq; MS.


CAMBRIDGESHIRE.

HIstory of Cambridgeshire. By Mr. Laire. MS.
The History of the University of Cambridge since the Conquest, by Dr. Thomas Fuller; by way of Appendix to his Church-History of Britain.

In Sir William Dugdale’s History of Imbanking, are several things relating to the Fenny part of this Country.

Indigenous Plants in Cambridgeshire. By Mr. Ray.

The Antiquity of Cambridge, by Dr. John Cains.

A MS. Treatise call’d ...... Cantabrigiensis, by Richard Parker, Fellow of Caius-College in Cambridge. It is mention’d in Fuller’s Worthies, pag. 159.

Mr. Loggan, a little before his death, took the prospects of the publick Buildings and Colleges, in this University.

An account of the Lady Margaret’s Preachers, and Professors, by Mr. Baker of St. John’s College. Octavo, 1708. who hath also made large Collections, for the History and Antiquities of this University.


CHESHIRE.

SIR Peter Leicester’s Antiquities of Cheshire, 1673.
An Answer to Sir Peter Leicester’s Addenda, or something to be added in his Answer to Thomas Manwaring, by the said Sir Thomas, 167¾.

A Description Historical and Geographical of Cheshire, by William Smith, William Webb, and Dan. King. 1656.

Ancient and Modern Estate of the Earldom of Chester, by Judge Doderidge, Quarto, 1630.

A brief Historical Account of Beeston-Castle. By Mr. Erdswick; annexed to his History of Staffordshire.

Natural History of Cheshire. By Charles Leigh, M. D. Folio 1700.

Some Enquiries concerning the Salt-springs, and the way of Salt-making at Nantwich, answered by Dr. Jackson. Phil. Trans. N.53.

Observations on the Salt-pits at Nortwich, Middlewich, and Nantwich, by Dr. Lister. Phil.Trans. Numb. 156.

Mr. Ray of the Salt-works.

Extracts of two Letters written by Mr. Adam Martindale, from Rotherton, concerning the discovery of a Rock of natural Salt. Phil. Trans. Numb. 66.

Mr. Ray, of the Salt-works at Nantwich, added to his Northern words.

Part of a Letter from Mr. Halley, giving an Account of a Roman Altar found at Chester. Phil. Trans. Numb. 222.


CORNWALL.


A Map of Cornwall, by Mr. Norden; for the perfecting whereof he took a journey thither. Camden’s Epist. p. 72.
A Survey of Cornwall, by Richard Carew of Antony Esq, 1602.

The same Book, with several Additions, was in the hands of Mr. Chiswell, Bookseller.

Historical Account of Cornwall, by John Norden, MS.

The Laws and Customs of the Stannaries.

Concerning the Tin-mines in Cornwall. Phil Trans. N.69.

Dr. Merret, of the Tin-mines, N.158.

Mr. Ray of the preparing, and smelting, or blowing, of Tin. Northern words, p. 180.

The Improvement of Cornwall by Sea-sand. Phil. Trans. N.113.

Judge Doderidge hath written a Treatise concerning the Dutchy of Cornwall.

Mr. Newton, of the effects of Papaver Corniculatum luteum, growing there. Philos. Trans. N.242.


CUMBERLAND.

A Genealogical Account of the Families in Cumberland, by Mr. Denton. A Manuscript, copy’d into several hands.
The Ecclesiastical History of Cumberland, since the Foundation of the Bishoprick of Carlisle, by Dr. Hugh Todd, Prebendary of that Church. MS.

Natural History of Cumberland (in Dr. Plot’s method, as to the main of it) by Dr. Nicolson, late Bishop of Carlisle, and now Bishop of Derry in Ireland, MS.

History of the Cathedral of Carlisle. By Sir William Dugdale. At the end of his History of St. Paul’s.

A Letter from Mr. William Nicolson (now Bishop of Derry) concerning two Runic Inscriptions at Beau-Castle and Bridekirk. Phil. Trans. N.176.

Dr. Lister, of the Copper-mines. Phil. Trans. N.200.

Dr. Plot, of the Black-Lead, at Keswick, N.240.


DERBYSHIRE.

A Collection of the Laws, Liberties, Customs, &c. of the several Mines and Miners in Derbyshire, by Thomas Houghton. Lond. 1687. 12°.

The benefit of the ancient Baths of Buxton-Wells, by John Jones, Med. 1572. 4to.

Several Observations relating to Buxton-Wells. MS.

A Description of a monstrous Giant, discover’d by a certain Labourer in this County. Publish’d 1661.

The Wonders of the Peak, written in Latin-Verse by Mr. Hobbes.

The Wonders of the Peak, by Charles Cotton, Esq; in English Verse. It is said, that he first wrote it in the Dialect of that County, and made a Glossary to it; but what became of it, I have not heard.

The Natural and Artificial Wonders of the Peak, are described by Dr. Leigh (in Lanc.) Folio. 1700.

The Liberties and Customs of the Lead-Mines within the Wapentake of Wirksworth in the County of Derby, by Edw. Manlove, Esq; 1653.


DEVONSHIRE.

A Survey of Devonshire, by Thomas Risdon, who dy’d An. 1636. (Wood’s Athenæ, Vol. 1. pag. 516.) 8vo. 1714.
Collections out of the Records, Deeds, &c. belonging to the Church of Exeter, MS. by Mr. Pasmor.

The Antiquities, and Description, of the City of Exeter, by John Hooker, 1584.

The same Book reprinted in Holinshead’s Chronicle.

Exeter described and illustrated, by Mr. Izacke, Chamberlain thereof. 8vo. 1677.

Of a considerable Loadstone dug out of the ground in Devonshire, weighing 60 pound, &c. Philosoph. Transact. Numb. 23. 1666.

Of the Mines in Devonshire. Philos. Trans. Numb. 69.

Extract of a Letter from Dr. Oliver, concerning an ebbing and flowing Well, near Torbay. Phil. Trans. N.204.

Dr. Bury, of manuring Land by Sea-sand. Phil. Trans. Numb. 316.


DORSETSHIRE.

A Brief Account of a Medicinal Spring at Faringdon, by Dr. Highmore. Phil. Trans. N.56.


DURHAM.

THE Antiquities of the Cathedral Church of Durham, collected out of ancient Manuscripts about the time of the Suppression, and publish’d by Jo. Davies of Kidwelly, 1672. 8vo.

The Legend of St. Cuthbert, with the Antiquities of the Church of Durham, by B. R. Esq; 1663.

History of the Cathedral Church of Durham. By Sir William Dugdale. At the end of his History of St. Paul’s. 1716.

A Short Treatise of an ancient Fountain or Vitriolin-Spaw near the City of Durham, by E. W. Doctor of Physick, 1675.

Large Collections relating to the Antiquities of this Bishoprick, were made by Mr. Mickleton, an intelligent Antiquary. MS.

The origin and succession of the Bishops of Durham, together with their Lives and Actions collected out of the ancient and late Records of the Cathedral Church of Durham, and for the most part translated out of Latin into English, at the Charges of Mr. J. Hall of Conset in the County of Durham, A. D. 1603. MS.

Memorials of the County Palatine of Durham, and the Royal Rights of the Lord Bishop of Durham, betwixt the Tine and Tease, and in the Manors and Lordships of Norham, Holy Island, &c. parcels of the aforesaid County Palatine, by Mr. John Spear, Under-Sheriff of the County. A. D. 1697. MS.

An account of a Roman Monument found near Shields. Phil. Trans. N.145.

An Account of a Salt-spring, and another Medicinal Spring, on the banks of the river Weare, by Dr. Todd. Phil. Trans. N.163.

A Letter from Mr. Christopher Hunter, concerning some Roman Inscriptions found near Durham. Phil. Trans. N.266.

Part of a Letter from Mr. Christopher Hunter concerning a Roman Inscription found at Ebchester. Phil. Trans. N.278.


ESSEX.

THE History of Waltham-Abbey, by Dr. Fuller then Curate there. Lond. 1655. Folio. Printed at the end of his Church-History.
Survey of the County of Essex, in a thin Folio, MS. by John Norden, now, or late, in the Library of Sir Edward Turner.

It is said, that Mr. Strangman of Hadley-Castle in Suffolk, hath written the Antiquities of Essex. It still remains in Manuscript, but in what hands I know not.

A Description of Harwich and Dover-Court, by Silas Tailor, MS.

Mr. John Ouseley, late Rector of Pantfield, a person exceedingly well vers’d in the Histories of this Nation, spent many years in collecting the Antiquities of Essex, which, at his death, he left in Manuscript.

The Antiquity of Numeral Figures in England, proved from an Inscription at Colchester, Anno 1090; by Mr. Thomas Luffkin. Phil. Trans. N.255, 266.

Part of a Letter from Mr. John Luffkin, concerning some large Bones lately found in a Gravel-Pit near Colchester. Phil. Trans. N.274.

A Letter from Mr. Samuel Dale, concerning Harwich-Cliff and the Fossil-shells there. Phil.Trans. N.291.

Mr. Derham, of the quantity of Rain that fell at Upminster, for eighteen years. Phil. Trans. N.341.

An Account of the Culture of Saffron, by the Honourable Charles Howard, Esq; N.138.

Observations concerning the subterraneous Trees, in Dagenham, and other Marshes, bordering upon the river of Thames. By Mr. Derham. Phil. Trans. N.335.


GLOCESTERSHIRE.

DEscription of Glocestershire. By Sir Robert Atkins. Folio.
The Laws and Customs of the Miners in the Forest of Dean in the County of Glocester, Lond. 1687. 12mo.

Annalia Dubrensia, upon the yearly celebration of Mr. Robert Dover’s Olympick Games upon Cotswold-hills; written by thirty three of the best Poets of that time, Publish’d 1636.

The Military Government of the City of Glocester, by John Corbet. Publish’d 1651.

Collections relating to the Antiquities of this County, were made by Judge Hales; which are now (I think) in Lincolns-Inn Library, London, among his other Manuscripts.

A strange and wonderful Discovery of Houses under-ground at Cottons-field in Glocestershire.

An Account of Iron-works, in the Forest of Dean. Phil. Trans. N.137.

A Description of Pen-park-hole. Phil. Trans. N.143.


HAMSHIRE.

THE Antiquities and Description of Winchester, with an Historical Relation touching several memorable Occurrences concerning the same; with a Preamble of the Original of Cities in general. Folio, MS. by Mr. Truffel.

A Treatise of the Antiquities of the same City was written by Dr. Bettes. MS.

Some Remarkables concerning the Monuments in the ancient City of Winchester, by Mr. Butler of St. Edmonds-bury.

History and Antiquity of the Cathedral Church of Winchester; begun by Henry Earl of Clarendon, and continued by Sam. Gale, Gent. 8vo. 1715.

Survey of the Isle of Wight. By Sir Francis Knollis, MS.


HEREFORDSHIRE.

HIstory and Antiquities of the Cathedral Church of Hereford.
Proposals were printed (Anno 1717.) for publishing the History of the City of Hereford, as to its Ecclesiastical and Civil State, by James Hill of the Middle Temple, Gent.

Collections of the Antiquities, Pedigrees, Epitaphs, &c. in this County. By Silas Taylor, MS.

An Account of some Sanative Waters in Herefordshire. Phil. Trans. N.20.


HERTFORDSHIRE.

A Chorographical Description of the County of Hertford was published by John Norden. Anno 1593.
The Antiquities of Hertfordshire, by Sir Henry Chancey Kt. Serjeant at Law. Folio.

Vallance’s Account of several parts of Hertfordshire. Mr. Hearn’s Leland’s Itinerary, Volume V.

Mr. Chesledon’s Account of the Dimensions of human Bodies, dug up near St. Albans. Phil. Trans. N.333.


HUNTINGDONSHIRE.

HUntingdon-Divertisement; or an Interlude for the general Entertainment of the County-feast held at Merchant-Taylors-hall, June 30. 1678.

Sir Robert Cotton made some progress towards a Survey of this County.


KENT.

PErambulation of Kent, by William Lambert of Lincolns-Inn, Gent. Lond. 1576 and 1596, &c.
A brief Survey of the County of Kent, by Richard Kilbourn, Lond. 1657 and 1659.

Philpot’s survey of Kent.

Another survey of this County was written by Mr. Norden, and is still in Manuscript.

Dr. Harris’s History of Kent at large. Folio.

The Monuments in this County are collected by John Wever in his Funeral Monuments.

Silas Taylor, of Gavelkind.

The History of Gavelkind, or the Local Customs of Kent, by Mr. Somner, An. 1660.

The Forts and Ports in Kent, by Mr. Somner, with the Life of the Author by Dr. Kennet, now Bishop of Peterburough, Oxon. 1693.

The Antiquities of Canterbury by Mr. Somner, Folio; with Additions, by Mr. Battley.

Antiquitates Rutupinæ.rutupinae By Dr. Battley, Archdeacon of Canterbury. 8vo.

Mr. Somner’s Vindication of himself about building the Market-house at Canterbury.

His Treatise about the Fish-bones found in Kent. Quarto.

The Chronicle of Rochester, written by Edmund Bedenham, MS.

Textus Roffensis, a very ancient MS. belonging to that Church; now published by Mr. Hearn. See Dr. Hickes’s Catalogue of Manuscripts.

History and Antiquities of the Cathedral Church of Rochester. 8vo. 1717.

Descriptio Itineris, Plantarum investigationis ergo suscepti, in agrum Cantianum, 1632.

Survey of the Monastery of Feversham, by Tho. Southouse, Lond. 1671. 12mo.

A Philosophical and Medicinal Essay of the Waters of Tunbridge, by Lod. Rowzee. and P. Madan, M.D.D. 1687.

A Letter concerning some formed Stones, found at Hunton; by Dr. Halley. Philos. Transact. N.155.

A discourse tending to prove, at what Time and Place Julius Cæsarcaesar made his first descent upon Britain; by E. Halley. Phil. Trans. N.193.

A Letter of Dr. Wallis, relating to that Isthmus or Neck of Land, between Dover and Calais, which is supposed to have joined England and France. Phil. Trans. N.275.

Part of a Letter from Mr. Stephen Gray, concerning his Observations on the Fossils of Reculver-Cliff. Phil. Trans. N.268.

Chartham-News; or a relation of some strange Bones there lately dug up. By Mr. Somner. Phil. Trans. N.271.

A Letter of Dr. Wallis, relating to Mr. Somner’s Treatise of Chartham-News. Phil. Trans. N.276.

Concerning a Mineral Water at Canterbury. Phil. Trans. N.212.


LANCASHIRE.

NAtural History of Lancashire, by Charles Leigh, M. D.
Manner of making Salt of Sea-Sand in Lancashire. Ray’s Northern-words, pag.209.

The state of this County in respect of Religion, about the beginning of King James the first, by Mr. Urmston. MS. in the hands of Mr. Brotherton of Heye.

Holingsworth’s History of Manchester, MS. in the Library there.

Borlace’s Latham-Spaw, 1670.

Figures of many Saxon Coins found at Harkirk, 1711. In a single Sheet.

The description of a Well and Earth, near Wigan, taking fire by a Candle. Phil. Trans. N.26, 245.

The figure of an Inscription near Manchester, by Dr. Lister. Phil. Trans. N.155.

An Account of several curious Observations and Experiments, concerning the Growth of Trees, made at Hey; by Tho. Brotherton, Esq; Phil. Trans. N.187.

Of the Hœmatites wrought into Iron at Milthrop-Forge, by Mr. J. Sturdie. Phil. Trans. N.199.hoematites haematites

A Letter from Mr. Thoresby concerning some Roman Coins found in Lancashire. Phil. Trans. N.244.

A Letter from Dr. Cay, concerning some Waters in Lancashire. Phil. trans. N.245.

De Aquis Mineralibus, &c. per Car. Leigh, M. D.

Richard Townley, Esq; concerning the quantity of Rain, falling monthly here for several years. Phil. Trans. N.208, 249, 297.


LEICESTERSHIRE.

THE Antiquities of Leicestershire, by William Burton, Esq; Fol. 1622. The late learned Mr. Chetwind of Staffordshire had a Copy of this in his possession, with considerable Additions under the Author’s own hand.

A brief Relation of the Dissolution of the Earth in the Forest of Charnwood, in one sheet, 1679.

Of an ancient Mosaick Work at Leicester. Phil. Trans. N.331.


LINCOLNSHIRE.

SIR William Dugdale’s History of Imbanking, gives a large account of several Fenns and Marshes in this County.
The Survey and Antiquities of the Town of Stamford in this County, by Richard Butcher Gent. 1646.

A Relation of the great damages done by a Tempest and Overflowing of the Tides in Lincolnshire, and Norfolk, 1671.

A Relation of abundance of Wood found underground, in the Isle of Axholme. Phil. Trans. N.67.

An account of several Observables in Lincolnshire, by Mr. Christopher Merret. Phil. Trans. N.223.

A Table of the Washes in Lincolnshire, by Mr. Christopher Merret. Phil. Trans. N.224.

A Letter from the Reverend Mr. Abraham de la Pryme, concerning some Roman Antiquities in Lincolnshire. Phil. Trans. N.263.

A Letter from the same hand, concerning Broughton in Lincolnshire. Phil. Trans. N.266.

Part of a Letter concerning some Roman Coins, and other matters lately observed in Lincolnshire, near Fleet, and Spalding, by Mr. Rastrick. Phil. Trans. N.279.


MIDDLESEX.

NOrden’s Survey of Middlesex.
Fitz-Stephen’s Survey of London.
The Customs of London.

De Lawne’s present State of London, 1681. 8vo.

Domus Carthusiana, or the Foundation of the Charter-house, by Samuel Herne, Lond. 1677.

Londonopula, by James Howel. Fol.

Stow’s Survey of London, 1598; of which, a new Edition is in the Press, by Mr. Strype.

The City-Law, translated out of an ancient MS. and printed 1647.

History of St. Paul’s, by Sir William Dugdale, 1658. Fol. of which a new Edition hath been lately published, with Additions, 1716.

The third University of England, (viz. London;) being a Treatise of all the Foundations of Colleges, Inns of Court, &c. by Sir George Buck. 1615.

Origines Juridiciales, by Sir William Dugdale, Fol. 1666.

History of Tombs and Monuments in and about the City of London, 1668.

A Relation of the late dreadful Fire in London, as it was reported to the Committee in Parliament, 1667.

Narrative of the Fire of London, by Mr. Edward Waterhouse, 1667.

London, King Charles’s Augusta, by Sylvanus Morgan. A Poem. 1648.

Natural and Political Observations upon the Bills of Mortality.

Two Essays in Political Arithmetick, concerning the comparative Magnitudes, People, and Wealth, of the Cities of London and Paris, tending to prove that at this day the City of London is the most considerable upon the face of the Earth. By Sir William Petty. Phil. Trans. N.183.

A further Assertion of the aforesaid Propositions; together with a Vindication of the Essays, from the objections of some learned persons of the French Nation, by Sir William Petty. Phil. Trans. N.185.

Foundation of the Hospitallers and Order of St. John of Jerusalem. Fol.

Dr. Woodward’s Account of Roman Urns, and other Antiquities, dug up near Bishopsgate, London; with Reflections upon the ancient and present State of London. Annex’d to Leland’s Itinerary, by Mr. Hearne, Vol. VIII.

The Kings, Queens, and Nobility buried in Westminster-Abbey, 1603. by Mr. Camden.

The same enlarged by Hen. Keepe. 8vo.

Descriptio Plantarum in Ericete Hampstedi, per Tho. Johnson, in 12mo. 1632.

Description of the Town of Tottenham High-Cross, by William Bedwell. 1631. 4to.


MONMOUTHSHIRE.

LAmentable News from Monmouthshire, of the loss of twenty-six Parishes, in a great Flood, which happen’d January 1607. Publish’d the same year.

The manner of the Wire-Works at Tinton in Monmouthshire. Ray, English-words, pag. 194.


NORFOLK.

ICeni. By Sir Henry Spelman. Now published among his Posthumous Works. Fol.

Many things relating to this County, in Sir William Dugdale’s History of Imbanking.

With the History of the Norfolk Rebels, by Alexander Nevil, a Kentish man, is publish’d his History of Norwich, and a Catalogue of the Mayors. Publish’d 1575.

Norfolk’s Furies, or a View of Kett’s Camp, with a table of the Mayors and Sheriffs of Norwich, &c. done out of Latin into English, by R.W. 1615.

Antiquities of the Cathedral Church of Norwich; by Sir Thomas Brown, M.D. and continu’d to 1712.

Nashe’s Lent-Stuff, containing an account of the growth of Great Yarmouth, with a Play in praise of Red-herring. Publish’d 1599.

A description of the town of Great-Yarmouth; with a Survey of Little-Yarmouth incorporated with the Great, &c. in a sheet.

Of the lamentable Burning of East-Derham in Norfolk, July 1. 1581. In verse. Black Letter, 1582.

A relation of the damages done by a tempest and overflowing of the Tyde, upon the coasts of Norfolk and Lincolnshire.

The West prospect of Linn Regis, a sheet.

Urn-burial, or a discourse of the Sepulchal Urns lately found in Norfolk, by Sir Thomas Brown. 1669, and 1712.

Mercurius Centralis, or, a Discourse of Subterraneal Cockle, Muscle, and Oyster-shells, found in digging of a Well at Sir William Doylie’s in Norfolk, by Tho. Lawrence, A.M. in a Letter to Sir Tho. Browne. 1664.

Of a great number of Urns, dug up at North-Elmham. By Peter le Neve, Esq; Norroy, F.R.S. Phil. Trans. N.337. who hath also made large Collections towards a Description and History of Norfolk.

Ancient Funeral Monuments within the Diocese of Norwich, collected by Weaver.


NORTHAMPTONSHIRE.

NAtural History and Antiquities of Northamptonshire, by John Morton, F.R.S. 1712. Fol.

History of the Cathedral Church of Peterburrow, by Simon Gunter, Prebendary. Publish’d with a large Appendix, by Simon Patrick D. D. then Dean of this Church, and late Bishop of Ely. Fol. 1685.

The Fall and Funeral of Northampton, in an Elegy; first publish’d in Latin, since made English with some variations and additions, and publish’d An. 1677.

The state of Northampton from the beginning of the Fire Sept. 20, 1675. to Nov. 5 in a Letter to a Friend. 1675.

Names of the Hides in Northamptonshire, by Francis Tate. MS. (Wood’s Athenæ,athenae Vol. 1. p.349.)

A Survey of this County is said to have been intended by Mr. Augustin Vincent. (Wood’s Athenæ, Vol. 1. p.349)

A relation of two considerable Hurricanes in Northamptonshire. Phil. Trans. N.71. See also N.212.

A Letter from Dr. Wallis concerning an Inscription on an ancient Mantle-tree at Helmdon, proving the early use of Numeral Figures in England. Phil. Trans. N.154.

A Letter from Mr. Morton, containing a Relation of River and other Shells, dug up in a bituminous marshy Earth, near Mears-Ashby: With some reflections thereupon. Phil. Trans. N.305.

Terrae coal An Account of the Tubera Terræ, or Truffles, found at Rushton. Phil. Trans. N.202.

Dr. Keil, of the death and dissection of John Bailes of Northampton, aged 130 years. Phil. Trans. N.306.


NORTHUMBERLAND.

A Chorographical Survey of Newcastle upon Tine, by Mr. Grey, An. 1649.

England’s Grievances in relation to the Cole-trade, with a Map of the river of Tine, and the situation of the town and corporation of New-castle. 1655.

A Survey of the river Tine, grav’d by Mr. Fathorne.

Description of Berwick, and some other places of note in this County, MS. in the Library at Noward.

The Antiquities of the ancient Kingdom of Northumberland; compiled by the Right Reverend Father in God Dr. William Nicolson, Bishop of Carlisle, and now of Derry; but still remaining in Manuscript, in the Library of the Dean and Chapter of Carlisle, with this Title saxon text or, a description of the ancient Kingdom of Northumberland. The work consists of eight parts; whereof he stiles the
I. Northanhymbria; or, an Account of the Bounds, and natural History of the Country.
II. Northanhymbri; the Original, Language, Manners, and Government of the People.
III. Annales: the Succession and History of the several Dukes, Kings, and Earls; from the first institution of the Government, down to the Conquest.
IV. Ecclesiastica: Religious Rites observed by the Pagan Inhabitants before the establishment of Christianity; together with the state of the Church, and the succession of Bishops in it, afterwards.
V. Literæ & Literatiliterae: the state of Learning; with a Catalogue of the Writers.
VI. Villare: the Cities, Towns, Villages, and other places of note; in an Alphabetical Catalogue.
VII. Monumenta Danica: Danish Remains; in the Language, Temples, Courts of Judicature, Runic Inscriptions, &c.
To the whole was to be prefix’d a Prefatory Discourse of the condition that these parts of the Isle were in, upon (and some time before) the coming in of the Saxons: wherein notice was to be taken of many pieces of British and Roman Antiquities never yet observed.

Border-Laws. By William Lord Bishop of Carlisle, now of Derry in Ireland. 8vo. 1705.

Large Collections have been made by Sir Robert Shafto, relating to the Antiquities of the County of Northumberland.

Mr. Clavering of Callaly, a very knowing Antiquary, has also done great service to his native Country in this way.

An Account of two Roman Altars found in Northumberland. By Mr. Ralph Thoresby. Phil. Trans. N.231.

Part of some Letters from Mr. Christopher Hunter, concerning several Inscriptions and Antiquities found in Northumberland. Phil. Trans. N.278.

Dr. Hodgson’s Observations of a Subterraneal Fire, in a Coal-Mine, near Newcastle. Phil. Trans. N.130.

Dr. Charlett, concerning a Colliery that took Fire, and was blown up. Phil. Trans. N.318.

Dr. Todd, of the Antiquities found at Corbridge. Phil. Trans. N.330.


NOTTINGHAMSHIRE.

THE Antiquities of the County of Nottingham, by Dr. Robert Thoroton, M. D. 1677. Fol.

History of the Collegiate Church of Southwell. By Sir William Dugdale. At the end of his History of St. Paul’s. 1716.


OXFORDSHIRE.

NAtural History of Oxfordshire, by Dr. Robert Plot: Folio.
History and Antiquities of the University of Oxford; by Anthony à Wood. Fol.

Twine’s Vindication of the Antiquity of the University of Oxford.

Dr. Ayloffe’s ancient and present state of the University of Oxford, two Vol. 8vo.

Survey of Woodstock, by Mr. Widows (Athen. Oxon. vol.2. p.119.)

Parochial Antiquities: or, the History of Ambrosden, Burcester, and other adjacent Towns and Villages in the North-east parts of the County of Oxford; delivering the general Remains of the British, Roman, and Saxon Ages; and a more particular account of English Memoirs, reduc’d into Annals, from 1 William the Conqueror to 1 Edward the fourth, with several Sculptures of ancient and modern Curiosities, 4to. By the Reverend White Kennet, D. D. now Bishop of Peterborough.

An Account of Antiquities in and near Oxford. Hearn’s Leland, Vol. II. V. VIII.

Of the Earthquake at Oxford, and parts adjacent (1683.) Phil. Trans. N.151.

History of Alchester. Append. to Bp. Kennet’s Parochial Antiquities.

Discourses concerning the Roman Pavement found at Stunsfield near Woodstock, Ann. 1713.


RUTLANDSHIRE.

ANtiquities of Rutlandshire, by Mr. Wright; Folio, 1687.



SHROPSHIRE.

AN Account of the making Pitch, Tar, and Oil, out of a blackish stone in Shropshire, communicated by Mr. Martin Ele, the lnventor. Phil. Trans. N.228.

A description of a Roman Sudatory, or Hypocaustum, found at Wroxeter in Shropshire. By Mr. John Lister. Phil. Trans. N.306.

A Letter from Dr. John Harwood concerning the fore-mentioned Hypocaustum: with part of two Letters from Mr. William Baxter to Dr. Harwood, relating to Wroxeter, and the Hypocausta of the Ancients. Phil. Trans. N.306.

Natural Observations made in the Parishes of Kinardsey and Donington, by Mr. George Plaxton. Phil. Trans. N.310.

An Account of the Eruption of a Burning Spring at Broseley. Phil. Trans. N.334.


SOMERSETSHIRE.

THE ancient Laws, Customs, and Orders of the Miners in the King’s Forest of Mendipp, in the County of Somerset. Lond. 1687. 12mo.

Proposals for a Natural History of Somersetshire, have been formerly publish’d by Mr. John Beaumont.

A Letter from Mr. Beaumont, giving an account of Ookey-hole and other subterraneous Grotto’s in Mendip-hills. Phil. Trans. N.2.

Ookey-hill describ’d, An. 1632.

Dr. Turner, de Thermis Bathoniensibus, 1652. Fol.

Mr. Beaumont of Rock-Plants, their figure, and growth. Phil. Trans. N.129. 150.

Thermae Redivivae Thermæ Redivivæ, by Mr. John Chapman, 1673. with an Appendix of Coriat’s Rhimes of the Antiquities of the Bath.

Dr. Glanvil of the Bath-Springs. Phil. Trans. N.49.

Johnson, in his Mercurius Britannicus, hath given an account of the Antiquities of the Bath, with a ground-plot of the City.

A Discourse of the several Bathes and hot-waters at the Bath, with the Lives and Characters of the Physicians that have lived and practis’d there. Together with an Enquiry into the Nature of S. Vincent’s Rock near Bristol, and that of Castle-Cary; by Dr. Thomas Guidot.

—Enlarg’d by the same hand, with the addition of several Antiquities, 1691.

Inscriptions taken at the Bath, by Dr. Lister. Phil. Trans. N.155.

Observations on the Bath-waters, by B. Allen, in his natural History of the Chalybeat and Purging Waters.

Dr. Oliver’s Practical Discourse on Bath-Waters, 8vo. 1707.

The Antiquities of the City of Bath, collected in Latin by Dr. Guidot. MS.

Belgae Belgæ: A description of the ancient Places, &c. in Somersetshire and Wiltshire. By Dr. Musgrave.

A Letter from Dr. Musgrave, concerning a piece of Antiquity lately found at Athelney. Phil. Trans. N.247.

A Letter from Dr. Hickes concerning the said Antiquity. Phil. Trans. N.443.

An Account of digging and preparing the Lapis Calaminaris, near Wrington, by Dr. Pooley. Phil. Trans. N.198.

Julii Vitalis Epitaphium, cum notis Criticis, Explicationèque, V.C. Henrici Dodwelli, & Commentario Guil. Musgrave. 8vo. 1711.

Promiscuous Observations in this County, by Dr. Beale. Phil. Trans. N.18.

Captain Sturmy’s Observations in Hong-road near Bristol. Phil. Trans. N.41.

A brief account of a Salt-spring at East-Chenock. Phil. Trans. N.56.

Dr. Beale, of damage done by a Frost near Bristol, Phil. Trans. N.9.


STAFFORDSHIRE.

NAtural History of Staffordshire by Dr. Robert Plot. Fol. 1686.
A Survey of Staffordshire, by Mr. Erdswick, 8vo. 1717.

Some account of the Cathedral Church of Litchfield. 8vo. 1717.

Dr. Lister’s Observations of the midland Salt-Springs in Staffordshire. Phil. Trans. N.156.

Mr. Bellers, of the scattered Strata, of Earth, Stone, Coal, &c. at Dudley. Phil. Trans. N.336.


SUFFOLK.

COllections towards the History of St. Edmondsbury. By Dr. John Battely, late Archdeacon of Canterbury. MS.

A relation of a Sand-flood, which over-whelm’d a great tract of Land, in and near Downham in the County of Suffolk; by Thomas Wright, Esq;. Phil. Trans. N.17.

An Account of some Saxon Coins found at Honedon, communicated by Sir P. S. with Remarks thereon, by Mr. W. W. Phil. Trans. N.189.

A further Account of the foresaid Coins, by Mr. Samuel Dale. Phil. Trans. N.203.


SURREY.

ANtiquities of Surrey. By Mr. Awbrey. In three Volumes.



SUSSEX.

THE manner of working the Iron, at the Forge, or Hammer. Ray’s Local Words. Phil. Trans. N.189.


WARWICKSHIRE.

THE Antiquities of Warwickshire, by Sir William Dugdale, 1656.

Of the Spaw-water at Ilmington. By Sam. Derham, 8vo. 1685.


WESTMORLAND.

THE Antiquities of Westmorland, collected Mr. Thomas Machel, late of Kirkby-Thore, in the same County, MS.

This County, as to Pedigrees and the Inter-marriages of greater Families, has been well consider’d and illustrated, by Sir Daniel Fleming, who was a great Encourager and Promoter of Antiquities. MS.

A Letter concerning some Antiquities found at Kirkby-Thore, from Mr. Machel. Phil.Trans. N.158.


WILTSHIRE.

STone-henge restor’d; written by Sir Inigo Jones, and publish’d by Mr. Webb, 1655.

Answer to Sir Inigo Jones, by Dr. Charleton.

Vindication of Sir Inigo Jones, by his Son in Law Mr. Webb, Architect to King Charles the first. Publish’d 1665.

Mr. Sammes, of Stone-henge; a separate Discourse, in his Britannia.

A short Treatise upon the same Subject was written by Mr. John Gibbons. MS.

Wilton-garden describ’d, in twenty two Copper Cuts in Folio. At that time, it had the reputation of one of the finest gardens in Europe.

The Reverend Dr. Tanner, Chancellor of the Diocese of Norwich, hath made large Collections, in order to the Antiquities of this County, and is ready to communicate them to any Person who shall undertake that Work; since he cannot hope to finish it himself, at so great a distance, as is the place to which Providence hath removed him.

Mr. Aubrey’s Introduction towards a Natural History of Wiltshire. 8vo.

Part of a Letter from Mr. Clark, concerning several Roman Antiquities found near the Devizes. Phil. Trans. N.268.


WORCESTERSHIRE.

WOrcester’s Eulogie; or, a grateful acknowledgment of her Benefactors, by J. T. Master of Arts, a Poem, 1638.

A large description of Worcestershire, MS. in the hands of the Family of Abingdon in this County, and written by their Ancestor, an able and industrious Antiquary.

Antiquities of the Cathedral Church of Worcester. 8vo. 1717.

Mr. Pitts, concerning the Sorbus Pyriformis, growing in this County. Phil. Trans. N.139.

An Account of the Salt-waters of Droytwich in Worcestershire, by Dr. Thomas Rastell. Phil.Trans. N.142.

Observations on the Salt-pits at Droytwich, by Dr. Lister. Phil. Trans. N.156.


YORKSHIRE, and RICHMONDSHIRE.

HIstorical Account of the Cathedral of York, by Sir William Dugdale, at the end of his History of St. Paul’s. 1716.

A Catalogue of all the Bailiffs, Mayors, and Sheriffs of the City of York, from the time of Edward the first, to the year 1664. by Christopher Hildyard, Recorder of Heddon, 1665. Since which, a new Edition hath been published (Ann. 1719.) under the title of The Antiquities of York City; with additions from the Papers of Mr. James Torr; the original MSS. of which Papers were given by Archbishop Sharp to the Library of this Cathedral.

The Antiquities of the City of York, by Sir Thomas Widdrington, MS. In the hands of the Family of Fairfax.

History of the Collegiate Church of Rippon. By Sir William Dugdale; at the end of his History of St. Paul’s. 1716.

— and of Beverly, ibid.

Dr. Jonston of Pontefract made large collections in order to the Antiquities of this whole County; which he left behind him, in Manuscript.

The English Spaw-Fountain the Forest of Knaresborough, by Edw. Dean, M. D. 1626.

Another Book upon the same Subject, by Mich. Stanhop, 1632.

History of Hull, by Mr. Abraham de la Pryme. MS.

An Account of Roman Antiquities at York; mostly from Mr. Thoresby. Phil. Trans. N.145, 149, 171, 234, 244, 296, 303, 305.

Collections of Mr. James Torr, relating to the History and Constitution of the Diocese of York, according to the several Archdeaconries. MS. Folio, Vol. V. Now in the Library of the Cathedral there.

A Letter concerning some very aged persons in Craven, &c. by Dr. Lyster. Phil. Trans. N.160.

A Letter giving an Account of one Henry Jenkins of Bolton, who attain’d to the age of 169 years, Phil. Trans. N.221, 218.

A Note communicated by Mr. Hill, confirming the Age of Henry Jenkins. Phil. Trans. N.228.

A Letter from Mr. Ralph Thoresby, giving an Account of a Roman Pottery near Leeds in Yorkshire. Phil. Trans. N.222.

Part of a Letter from Dr. Richardson, containing a relation of Subterraneous Trees, dug up at Youle in Yorkshire. Phil. Trans. N.228.

Two Letters from Mr. Thoresby, concerning some Roman Antiquities found in Yorkshire. Phil. Trans, N.234, 244.

Part of a Letter from Mr. Abraham de la Pryme, concerning Trees found under-ground in Hatfield-Chace. Phil. Trans. N.275, 277.

A Letter from Mr. Thoresby concerning the Vestigia of a Roman Town lately discovered near Leeds in Yorkshire. Phil. Trans. N.282, 320.

An Account of some Roman Coins, found at Clifton near Edlington. Phil. Trans. N.303.

Of Roman Coins, and other Antiquities, found near Cookridge and Adle. Phil. Trans. N.316, 319, 320.

Of antique brass Instruments, found near Bramham-moor, with Mr. Hearn’s Dissertation. Phil. Trans. N.322.

Dr. Richardson’s Observations in Natural History at North-Bierly. Phil. Trans. N.337.

Dr. Lister, of Roman Plasticks. Phil. Coll. N.4.

Mr. Brookesby, of the Island sunk in Humber. Hearn’s Leland, Vol. IX. p. 194.

The Yorkshire-Spaw; or a Treatise of four famous Medicinal Wells near Knaresborough, by John French, M. D. 1652. 12mo.

Spadacrena Anglica, 1626, 4to. and 1654, 8vo. printed at York.

Scarborough-Spaw; or a Description of the Nature and Vertues, by Robert Wittie, M. D. 8vo. 1667.

Hydrologia Chymica; or, Chymical Anatomy of Scarborough and other Spaws in Yorkshire, with animadversions on Dr. Wittie’s book; also the description of the Spaws at Malton and Knaresborough, by William Simpson, M. D. 8vo. 1669.

Pyrologia Mimica, &c. in defence of Scarborough Spaw by Dr. Wittie, 1669, 8vo.

Scarborough Spaw Spagyrically anatomiz’d, by Geo. Tonstall, M. D. 1670, 8vo.

Hydrological Essays, &c. being a further discovery of the Scarborough Spaw, and of the Sweet Spaw and Sulphur-well at Knaresborough, and of the Allom-works at Whitby, by Dr. Simpson, 8vo. 1670.

Dr. Wittie’s Answer to Dr. Tonstal, relating to the Scarborough Spaw, 1672. 8vo.

Dr. Tonstall’s Reply, 1672. 8vo.

A discourse of the Sulphur-Bath at Knaresborough in Yorkshire, by William Simpson, M. D. 8vo. 1679. (This is annex’d to his Philosophical Discourse of Fermentation.)

The History of Scarborough Spaw, or further discovery of the Vertues, by Dr. Simpson, 1679. 12mo.

Mr. Ray of the process of making Allom at Whitby. (North-Country words, p.201.) 8vo.

A Yorkshire Dialogue in pure Natural Dialect. 1683.

Ducatus Leodiensis; or the Topography of the ancient and populous Town and Parish of Leeds, and parts adjacent, in the West-Riding of the County of York, with Pedigrees of many of the Nobility and Gentry, &c. By R. Thoresby, F. R. S. Musaeum museum To which is added, the Catalogue of his Musæum, with Curiosities natural and artificial, and with the Antiquities, Coyns, and Manuscripts, ancient and modern. Folio. 1715.

Vicaria Leodiensis; containing the History of the Church, the Memoirs of the Vicars from the year 1242 to the present, the Catalogue of their learned Works, both printed and Manuscript; together with the Lives of some Archbishops, Bishops, and others who have been Benefactors thereto, being a Specimen of the Historical part promised in the Ducatus Leodiensis. M. S. 8vo.


WALES.

GIraldus Cambrensis’s Itinerary of Wales. 8vo. 1585.
A Manuscript of David Morganius, mentioned by Vossius.
Sir John Price’s Description of Wales, perfected by Humph. Lhwyd, and prefix’d to his Translation of the Welsh History. Ann. 1584.

History of the ancient and modern State of the Principality of Wales, by Sir John Doderidge. 4to. 1630.

Survey and History of the four Cathedral Churches of Wales. By Browne Willis, Esq;.

Mona Antiqua restaurata. By Mr. Henry Rowland. MS.

Archaeologia Phaenomena Phenomena Archæologia Britannica; concerning the Languages, Histories and Customs of the Original Inhabitants of Great-Britain, by Edw. Lhwyd, M. A. one Vol. Folio, 1717.

An Account of the smelting and refining of Silver, at the Silver-mills in Cardiganshire, is added to Mr. Ray’s North-Country words, p.174.

Strange Phænomena, and effects, in a Coal-Mine in Flintshire. Phil. Trans. N.136.

A sort of Paper made of Linum Asbestinum found in Anglesey. Phil. Trans. N.166.

Mr. Lhwyd of Locusts lately observed in Wales; and of a fiery exhalation or damp, which burnt several Hay-ricks. Phil. Trans. N.208 and 213. in Merionithshire.

Mr. Aubrey of a medicinal Spring in Glamorganshire. Phil. Trans. N.233.

Mr. Lhwyd of a sort of Coral. Phil. Trans. N.252.

— And of an ancient Inscription in Anglesey. Phil. Trans. N.269.

His Observations in Natural History. Phil. Trans. N.334.

And Antiquities. Phil. Trans. N.335 and 337.

TREATISES
Relating to
SCOTLAND,

Chiefly from Sir Robert Sibalds’s Materials for the Scotch-Atlas.

HEctor Boethius’s Description of Scotland; before his History.
Bishop Lesly’s description of Scotland; before his History.
Gordon’s Description of Edinburgh.

The Peerage of Scotland. By George Crawfurd. Folio. 1716.

Sir James Dalrymple’s Edition of Camden’s Scotland. With large Additions.

Theatrum Scotiæ,scotiae by Robert Gordon; in Latin.

A description of Scotland and the Isles adjacent, by Petruccio Ubaldino: in Italian.

The like by Nicolas D’Arseville.

King James the fifth’s Voyage round his Kingdom, with the Hebrides and Orcades: in French.

Heroës Scoti, by John Jonston.

A Catalogue of the Scotch Nobility; in Scotch.

Andreæ Melvini Gathelus.andreae

Topographia Scotiæ; by the same hand.

Antiquity of the Scotch Nation. By Robert Mawle, MS.

Scotia illustrata. By Sir Robert Sibalds.

Theatrum Scotiæ. In Bleau’s Atlas.

Theatrum Scotiæ. By J. Slezer.

Description of Scotland, and of the Northern and Western Isles.
Buchanan de Rebus Scoticis.

Vindication of Buchanan against Mr. Camden. By D. H. MS.

Vindication of Scotland against Mr. Camden. By W. Drummond of Hawthornden. MS.

Metals and Minerals in Scotland, by D. Borthwick.

— And by Mr. Atkinson. MS.

An Account of Cathness, by Mr. William Dundass.

An Account of Sutherland, by the same hand.

An Account of Hadington, delivered by the Magistrates of the place.

Description of Aberdeen, 8vo. 1685.

Mr. Martin’s Voyage to S. Hilda. 8vo. 1698.

Collections relating to St. Andrews, MS.

Description of the High-lands of Scotland, MS.

Barclay’s Treatise of Aberdeen-spaw: (Vid. Theatrum Scotiæ, pag. 30.)

Large Collections towards a complete Geographical Description of Scotland, by Sir Robert Sibalds. MS.

An Account of some Inscriptions in Scotland. By Mr. Edw. Lhwyd. Phil. Trans. N.269.

IRELAND.

SIR James Ware’s Antiquities of Ireland.
Hiberniae Hibernicae Giraldi Cambrensis Topographia Hiberniæ.
Tho. Carve’s Lyra, i.e. de Origine, Moribus, &c. Gentis Hibernicæ, &c. 4to. 1666.

Richard Stanihurst’s Description of Ireland. In Holingshed’s second Volume.

A description of the County of West-Meath, MS. in the hands of Mr. Thoresby.

Catalogue of the Nobility of Ireland, from Geo. Fitz-Girald, Earl of Kildare, to Roger Boyle, Baron of Broghil, 1627. 4to. with their Arms and Crests painted. MS. in the hands of Mr. Thoresby.

R. O-Flaherty’s Ogygia, 1685.

Dr. Gerard Bates’s Natural History of Ireland, 1652.

Spencer’s View of the State of Ireland, publish’d by Sir James Ware, 1633.

Sir William Petty’s Political Anatomy of Ireland, 1691.

—His Set of Maps, 1685.

—His Observations on the Bills of Mortality, 1681.

Of the Bogs and Loughs of Ireland, by William King. Phil. Trans. N.170.

Sir Richard Bulkley, of the Improvement to be made by the Cultivation of Maize in Ireland, Phil. Trans. N.205.

Number of Houses and Hearths in Dublin; and of Seafaring men; and of People in the several Counties; and of Romish Clergy. Ann. 1698. Phil. Trans. N.261.

Mr. Lhwyd of the Natural History and Antiquities of Ireland. Phil. Trans. N.335, 336.

A Letter concerning Lough-Neah, and its petrifying quality, from Dr. Molyneux. Phil. Trans. N.158.

A Retractation concerning Lough-Neah-stone, and its non-application to the Magnet, upon Calcination, by Dr. Molyneux. Phil. Trans. N.166.

An Answer to some Queries, concerning Lough-Neah, by Mr. Edward Smith. Phil. Trans. N.174.

Francis Nevile’s Observations upon Lough Neah, Phil. Trans. N.137.

Sir Robert Redding of Pearl-Fishing in the North of Ireland. Phil. Trans. N.198.

A Letter from Sir R. B. concerning the Giants Causway in the County of Antrim. Phil. Trans. N.199.

An Account of the Giants Causway, by Dr. Foley, and Dr. Molyneux. Phil. Trans. N.212, 241.

A correct Draught of the Giants Causway, with an Explication of the same, by W. Molyneux, Esq;. Phil. Trans. N.235.

A Letter from Dr. Molyneux to Dr. Lister, containing some additional Observations on the Giants Causway. Phil. Trans. N.241.

A discourse concerning the large Horns frequently found under-ground in Ireland, by Dr. Molyneux. Phil. Trans. N.227.

Of a moving Bog, and an Account of the Motion. Phil. Trans. N.233.

Part of a Letter by Mr. James Frazer, concerning the Lake Ness, &c. Phil. Trans. N.254.

An Account of some Inscriptions in Ireland, by Mr. Edw. Lluyd. Phil. Trans. N.269.

Of the Pewter-money coined by King James the second. Phil. Trans. N.297.

An Account of the manner of Manuring Lands, by Sea-shells, as practis’d in the Counties of London-derry and Donegal. By his Grace the Lord Archbishop of Dublin. Phil. Trans. N.314.

Dr. St. George, Bishop of Clogher’s, Account of an extraordinary Meteor, or Dew, resembling Butter, that fell in the Province of Munster and Leinster. Phil. Trans. N.220.

Dr. Ash, Bishop of Cloyne, of the virtues of an Irish Plant, Mackenboy, and of a quarry of white Marble in Antrim. Phil. Trans. N.243.

Francis Nevile, of Urns and Sepulchral Monuments. Phil. Trans. N.137.

His discovery of a Quarry of Marble in the County of Fermanagh, ibid.

Bishop of Clogher’s Account of the sinking down of part of a Hill, near Clogher. Phil. Trans N.137.

ISLANDS.

A Description of the Isle of Man, in Dan. King’s Antiquities of Cheshire.
Description of the same, by James Chaloner, 1653. Folio.

An accurate Description of the same Island, MS.

Sam. Stanley’s Description of the Isle of Man. MS. in the hands of Mr. Thoresby.

Prospects in the Isle of Man, MS. in the hands of Mr. Thoresby.

An Account of Rona and Hirta. By Sir George Mackenzy.

Description of the Sea-coast and Isles of Scotland. By Mr. Adair.

A Description of Thule, by Sir Robert Sibalds.

A Description of the Orcades, by Mr. Wallace. 8vo. 1700.

—With an Essay concerning the Thule of the Ancients.

An Account of the Orcades, by Matthew Mackaile.

A Description of the Western Isles, by Donald Monroe, Dean of the Isles.

Several Observations upon the North-Islands of Scotland, communicated by Mr. Martin. Phil. Trans. N.233.

A Discovery of the Tides in these Islands. By the same Hand.

Description of Hethland and of the Fishery there; by Jo. Smith.

A Table of Hethland, with a description of it.

Observations upon the Æbudæaebudae.

An accurate Description of Jersey, by Mr. Fall. 4to.

Besides these, there are great Numbers of Lieger-Books, Charters, Registers, &c. relating to the Religious Houses, preserv’d in the Libraries of Sir Thomas Bodley, Sir John Cotton, &c. and in the hands of several private Gentlemen: a Catalogue of which, with the Proprietors of them, is given by the Learned Dr. Tanner in his most useful and accurate work, entitled, Notitia Monastica.
ornament
ornament

ANTONINUS’s
ITINERARY
THROUGH
BRITAIN,

As it is compar’d by Mr. Burton with the several Editions.

Iter Britanniarum: à Gessoriaco de Galliis, Ritupis in Portu Britanniarum, Stadia numero CCCCL.


ITER I.

A Limite** In Vallo, Gale, p.5., id est, à Vallo, Prætorium usque, M. P. CLVI.

Editio.

Aldina. Suritana. Simleriana.
Ab Remaenio. A Bremenio Corstopilum. m. p. xx. Bramenio Corstopitum.
Vindomoram. m. p. ix.
Vinoviam. m. p. xix. Viconia.
Cataractonem. m. p. xxii.
Isurium. m. p. xxiv.
Ebur—17. Eboracum Leg. vi. Victrix. m. p.xvii.
Derventionem. m. p. vii.
Delgovitiam. m. p. xiii.
Prætorium. m. p. xxv.
Ebur—17.

ITER II.

Iter à Vallo ad
Portum Ritupas.
M. P. CCCCLXXXI. sic;

Editio.

Aldina. Suritana. Simleriana.
Ablato Bulg. A Blato Bulgio Castra Exploratorum.
m. p. * xii.
Ablat.
* 10, & 15.
Lugu-vall. Luguvallum. m. p. xii.
Voredam. m. p. xiiii.
Brovonacim. m. p. xiii.
Lugu-vall.
  Verterim. m. p. * xiii.
Lavatrim m.p xiiii.
* al. 20.
* 16. Cataractonem. m. p. * xiii. * 16.
Isuriam. Isurium. m. p. xxiiii. Isuriam.
Eburacum 18. Eboracum. m. p. xvii. Eburacum. 18.
Cacaria. Calcariam. m. p. ix.  
Cambodun. Camulodunum. m. p. xx. Cambodun.
  Mamucium. m. p. xviii.
Condate. m. p. xviii.
Mammuc. & Manuc.
* Vici. Devam. Leg. xx. * Victrix. m. p. xx.
Bovium. m. p. x.
Mediolanum. m. p. xx.
Rutunium. m. p. xii.
* Leg. xxiii. ci.
Urio, Con. Viroconium. m. p. xi.
Uxaconam. m. p. xi.
Urio, Con.
Penno-Cruc. Pennocrucium. m. p. xii.
Etocetum. m. p. xii.
Penno-Cruc.
Mandues-Sed. * 16.  Manduessedum. m. p. * vi. †
Venonim. m. p. xii.
16 Mandues-Sed.
Bennavent. 16. Bennavennam. m. p. xvii. Bennavent. & Ban.
  Lactodorum. m. p. xii. Lactorod.
  Magiovintum. m. p. * xvii. Magint. * 12.
  Durocobrivim. m. p. xii. Duro-Cobr.
Vero-Lam. Verolamium. m. p. xii. Vero-Lam.
Sullonac. Sulloniacim. m. p. xi. Sullomac. 9.
  Londinium. m. p. xii. Longidin.
  Noviomagum. m. p. x.  
  Vagniacim. m. p. xviii.  
Duroprovis. Durobrivim. m. p. ix. Duro-brov.
* 16. Durolevum. m. p. * xiii.  
Durorvern. Durovernum. m. p. xii.
Ad Portum Ritupas. m. p. x.
 
ITER III.
XIIII. Iter à Londinio ad
Portum Dubrim.
m. p. lxvi. sic;
 
Dubobrus. † Durobrivim. m. p. xxvii. Dubobrus.
* Durarvenno. 15. * Durovernum. m. p. xxv.
Ad Portum Dubris. m. p. xiv.
* Durarvenno. 15.
ITER IV.
  Iter à Londinio ad
Portum Lemanis.
m. p. lxviii. sic;
 
  Durobrivim. m. p. xxvii. Durobrius.
Durarvenno. 15. Durovernum. m. p. xxv.
Ad Pontem Lemanis. m. p. xvi.
Durarvenno. 15.
ITER V.
Leguvallio. Iter à Londinio lv.
Guvallum ad Vallum.
m. p. ccccxliii. sic;
 

Editio.

Aldina. Suritana. Simleriana.
Cæsaromagum. m. p. xxviii.
Coloniam. m. p. xxiv.
Villam Faustini m. p. xxxv. 25.
Icianos. m. p. xviii.
Camboricum. m p. xxxv.
Durolipontem. m. p. xxv.
Durobrivas. m. p. xxxv.
Causennis. Causennim. m. p. xxx.
Lindum. m. p. xxvi.
Segelosim. m. p. xiv.
Danum. m. p. xxi.
Gausennis.
Legeolio. Legeolium. m. p. xvi. Legeolio.
Ebur. Eboracum. m. p. xxi. Ebur.
Isubrigantum. m.p. xvii. 16.
Cataractonem. xxiv.
Levat. Lavatrim. m. p. xviii. Levat.
14. Verterim. m. p. xiii. 14.
Brocovo. Brocavum. m. p.xx. Brocovo.
Lugavalio. Luguvallum. m p. xxii. Lugavallo.
ITER VI.
Iter à Londinio
Lindum. m. p. clvi. sic;
Verolani. Verolamum. m. p. xxi. Verolami.
Durocobrius. Durocobrium. m. p. xii.
Magiovinium. m. p. xii.
Lactodorum. m. p. xvi.
Duro-Cobrius.
Isannavatia. m. p. xii. Isannavantia. Isannavaria.
Tripontium. m. p. xii.
Venonis. Vennonim. m. p. ix. Venonis.
Ratas. Ratis. m. p. 12. Ratas.
Verometum. m. p. xiii.
12. Margidunum. m. p. xiii. Margindun. 12.
Ad Pontum. Ad Pontem. m. p. vii.
Croco-Cal. Crococalanum m. p. vii.
Lindum. m. p 12.
Crorolana.
ITER VII.
Iter à Regno
Londinium.
* cxv. m. p. xcvi. sic; * cxvi. 96.
Clausentum. m. p. xx.
Ventam Belgarum. m. p. x.
Gelleu. Callevam Atrebatum. m. p. xxii.
Pontes. m. p. xxii.
Londinium. m. p. xxii.
Gall.
ITER VIII.
Eburaco.
Iter ab Eboraco
Londinium.
m. p. ccxxvii. sic;
Ebur.
Lagecium. m. p. xxi.
Danum. m. p. xvi.
Agelocum. m. p. xxi.
Lindum. m. p. xiv.
Corocalana. Crococalanum. m. p. xiv.
* Deest in Ald. Cod.
hæc Mansio
.
* Margidunum. m. p. xiv.
Vernametto. Vernemetum. m. p. xii.
Ratis. m. p. xii.
Vennonim. m. p. xii.

Editio.

Aldina. Suritana. Simleriana.
xix. Bannavantum. m. p. xviii. xix.
Magio. Vin. Magiovinum. m. p. xxviii. Magio-Vin.
Durocobrivim. m. p. xii.
Verolamum, m. p. xii.
Londinium. m. p. xxi.
Durocobrius.
ITER IX.
* Icinorum.
Iter à Venta * Icenorum
Londinium.
m. p. cxxviii. sic;
Icin.
xxxi. Sitomagum, m. p. xxxii. xxxi.
Combret. Cambretovium. m. p. xxii.
Ad Ansam. m. p. xv.
Comb.
Camolodun. Camulodunum. m. p. vi.
Canonium. m. p. ix.
Cæsaromagum. m. p. xii.
Durolitum, m. p. xvi.
Londinium. m. p. xv.
Camolod.
ITER X.
Iter à Glanoventa
Mediolanum.
cl. sic;
Galavam. m. p. xviii.
Alonem. m. p. xii.
Galacum. m. p. xix.
Bremetonacim. m. p. xxvii.
Coccium. m. p. xx.
* xviii. Mancunium. m. p. * xvii.
Condate. m. p. xviii.
* xviii.
* xix. Mediolanum. m. p. * xviii. * xix.
ITER XI.

A Segontio
Devam. m. p.
lxxxiii. sic;

Conovio. m. p. xxiv.
Varis. m. p. xix.
Deva. m. p. xxxii.
ITER XII.
Viroconiorum.
Iter à † Mariduno
Viroconium.
m. p. clxxxvi. sic;
Viroconiorum.
Muridon. Mariduno. m. p. xxxvi.
Leucarum. m. p. xv.
* Nidum. m. p. xv.
* Bomium. m. p. xv.
Isceleia Augusta. ¦ Iscam Leg. ii. Aug. m. p. xxvii. Iscelegua Aug. 28.
Studii exemplari, à Caleva per Muridunum Viroconium: atq; ita rectius legitur, nam Muridunum vel Moridunum in medio hoc itinere ponitur. Josias Simlerus.
* Transpositæ sunt hæ duæ Stationes apud Harrisonum.
¦ Iscelegu Augusti, vel Iscelegia Augusti: emendo ex Ptol. Iscaleg. II. Augusta. Ponit enim Ptol. propè Iscamleg. II. sic tamen, ut amborum loca semisse unius gradus longitudinis distent, & quadrante, quoad latitudinem: quæ distantiam faciunt circiter XXXV. M. P. hic tamen major ponitur distantia inter Iscam Dumnoniorum & Leg. II. Aug. Josias Simlerus.

Editio.

Aldina. Suritana. Simleriana.
Burrium. m. p. ix.
Gobannium. m. p. xii.
Magnis. Magmim. m. p. xxii. Magnis.
Bravonium. m. p. xxiv. Bravinio.
Viroconium. m. p. xxvii. Viricon.
ITER XIII.
Iter ab Isca
Callevam. m. p.
cix. sic;
Burrium. m. p. ix.
In locum istum Gobannium restituit Guilielmus Fulco.
Blestium. m. p. xi.
Ariconium. m. p. xi.
Clevum. m. p. xv.
Durocornovium. m. p. xiv.
Spinas. m. p. xv.
Callevam. m. p. xv.
ITER XIV.
Alio Itinere
Ab Isca
Callevam. m. p. ciii. sic;
Venta Silurum. m. p. ix.
Abone. m. p. ix.
Trajectus. m. p. ix.
Aquis Solis. m. p. vi.
Verlucione. m. p. xv.
Cunetione. m. p. xx.
Spinis. m. p. xv.
Calleva. m. p. xv.
ITER XV.
A Calleva
Isca Dumnunniorum.
m. p. cxxxvi. sic;
Vindomi. m. p. xv.
Venta Belgarum. m. p. xxi.
Brige. m. p. xi.
Sorbiodoni. m. p. viii.
Vindocladia. m. p. xii.
Durnonovaria. m. p. ix.
Moriduno. m. p. xxxvi.
Iscadum Nunniorum. m. p. xv.
Note, Dr. Gale says, in the Preface to his learned Commentary on this Itinerary, that the light he had from some other Copies which were communicated to him, was next to nothing [Quantillas ab his omnibus suppetias accepimus, videbit Lector.] No alteration appears to be made by them in the Distances (which are the main concern,) except as follows:—Iter I. at Isurium, Bently’s Copy reads viii. for xxiv. and at Prætorium, both that and the Oxford Copy read xxii. for xxv.—Iter II. at Luguvallum, Praetorium the Oxford Copy, for xii. reads xv. and at Deva, Bently’s for xx. reads x. — Iter V. Vossius’s Copy, at Villa Faustini, confirms the reading of xxv. for xxxv. and Iter VI. the same Copy, at Lactodorum, reads xvii. for xvi.
ornament

The
General Heads,
of the
Introduction,
and
Counties of England.

Big B BRITAIN,
— Name of,
Manners of the Britains,
Romans in Britain,
Conjectures upon the British Coins,
Additional Conjectures,
i
xxxi
xli
xlvii
cix
cxiv
Conjectures upon the Roman Coins, cxix
Additional Conjectures, cxxv
Destruction of Britain, cxxvii
Britains of Armorica, cxxxi
Britains of Wales and Cornwall, cxxxiii
Picts, cxxxv
Scots, cxliii
English Saxons, cliii
— Names of the Saxons, clxix
General Rules, to know the Original of Names of Places, clxxii
Saxon Coins, clxxv
Danes, ccv
Normans, ccvii
Division of Britain, ccxxi
Degrees of England, ccxxxiii
Law-Courts of England, ccli
Discourse concerning the Etymology, Antiquity and Office of Earl-Marshal, cclix
— Concerning the Original and Succession of Earl-Marshal, cclxv
Conclusion of the General Description of Britain, cclxvii

DANMONII, 1   Cornwall, 1
Devonshire, 29
 
DUROTRIGES, 51 Dorsetshire, 51
 
BELGÆ, 67 Somersetshire, 67
Wiltshire, 99
Hamshire, 131
Isle of Wight, 151
 
ATTREBATII, 159 Barkshire, 159
 
REGNI, 179 Suth-rey, 179
Suth-sex, 195
 
CANTIUM, 215 Kent, 215
Arsenals for the Royal Navy in Kent, 223, 232, 233
 
DOBUNI, 267 Glocestershire, 267
Oxfordshire, 291
 
CATTIEUCHLANI, 325 Buckinghamshire, 325
Bedfordshire, 335
Hertfordshire, 343
 
TRINOBANTES, 363 Middlesex, 365
Essex, 405
 
ICENI, 433 Suffolk, 437
Norfolk, 455
Cambridgeshire, 479
Huntingdonshire, 501
 
CORITANI, 511 Northamptonshire, 511
Leicestershire, 529
Rutlandshire, 543
Lincolnshire, 549
Nottinghamshire, 575
Derbyshire, 585
 
CORNAVII, 597 Warwickshire, 597
Worcestershire, 617
Staffordshire, 633
Shropshire, 645
Cheshire, 661
 
SILURES, 683   Herefordshire, 685
Radnorshire, 697
Brecknockshire, 703
Monmouthshire, 709
Glamorganshire, 729
 
DIMETÆ,Dimetae 743 Caermardhinshire, 743
Penbrokshire, 753
Cardiganshire, 767
 
ORDEVICES, 777 Montgomeryshire, 777
Meirionydhshire, 783
Caernarvonshire, 793
Anglesey, Mona, 805
Denbighshire, 813
Flintshire, 821
 
Princes of Wales, 831
 
BRIGANTES, 841 Yorkshire, West-Riding, 845
—East-Riding, 885
—North-Riding, 903
—Richmondshire, 917
Bishoprick of Durham, 931
Lancashire, 961
Westmorland, 983
Cumberland, 1001
Picts-Wall, 1043
 
Observations on the Picts-Wall, in a Journey made to
survey it, Anno 1708.
1051
—On that part betwixt New-Castle and the Wall’s-end,
An. 1709.
1057
An Account of the Division of Cumberland by William
the Conqueror
among his Followers,
1059
 
OTTADINI, 1065 Northumberland, 1067
The Union of England and Scotland, 1113
ornament

Map of England, left page. Note overlap. Map of England, right page. Note overlap.

England

ornament

BRITAIN.

Small B BRITAIN, called also Albion, and by the Greeks Greek text Greek text and Greek text the most famous Island in the World; is divided from the Continent of Europe, by the Ocean. It lies over-against Germany and France, in a * * Figura Triquetra.Triangular form, having three Promontories shooting out three several ways, viz. Belerium [the Land’s end] towards the West; Cantium [the Kentish Foreland] towards the East; and Tarvisium or Orcas [Cathness] towards the North. On the West, between it and Ireland, the Vergivian or Irish Sea breaks in; on the North it is washed by the vast and wide Northern Ocean; on the East, where it faceth Germany, by the German Ocean; on the South over-against France, by the British Chanel. Thus, divided by a convenient distance from the neighbouring Nations on all sides, and fitted by its open harbours for the traffick of the whole World, it seems to have spread it self into the sea, for the general benefit of mankind. For between KentSee in Kent. and Calais in France, it runs so far into the sea, and the Chanel is so contracted, that (a) some are of opinion that a breach was made there to receive the sea, which till that time had been excluded: and to confirm it, they bring Virgil’s Authority in this Verse,

Et penitus toto divisos orbe Britannos.

And Britain quite from all the world disjoyn’d.

Because, says Servius Honoratus, Britain was anciently joyn’d to the Continent. And they also urge that of Claudian, in imitation of Virgil,

Nostro diducta Britannia mundo .

And Britain sever’d from our World.

And it is not unlikely, that the face and figure of the earth may by the Deluge and other causes have been alter’d; that some mountains may have been rais’d and heighten’d, and many high places sunk into plains and vallies; lakes and meers may have been dried up, and dry places turn’d into lakes and meers; and some Islands may have been torn and broken off from the Continent. But whether this be indeed true, and whether there were any Islands at all before the Flood, I shall not here argue, nor give a rash judgment upon God’s Works. All know, that the Divine Providence hath dispos’d things very different, to one and the same end. And indeed it hath always been allow’d, as well by Divines as Philosophers, that Isles, scatter’d in the sea, do no less contribute to the beauty of the World, than lakes dispers’d in the Continent, and mountains rais’d above plains.

(a) White’s Hist. Brit. L. 11. Not. 11. Burton’s Comment. on Antonin, p. 18, 19. Twin. de Rebus Albion. & Britan. Sammes Britan. l. 1. c. 4. Verstegan, l. 1. c. 4. Some Foreigners also, Dominicus Marius Niger, Antonius Volscus, Vivianus, and Du Bartas have favour’d this Opinion.

Livy and Fabius Rusticus have made the Form of this Island to resemble an † Scutulæ Oblongæ. oblong Platter, or ¦ ¦ Bipenni. two-edg’d Ax; and such certainly is its shape towards the South (as * * Vid. Sir H. Savile’s Comment.Tacitus observes,) which yet hath been ill apply’d to the whole Island. For Northward, the vast tract of land shooting forward to the utmost shore, groweth narrow and sharp like a wedge. Caesar The AncientsThe Panegyrick spoken to Constantius, falsly entitled to Maximian. thought it so great, and so very large in circumference, that Cæsar, the first of the Romans who discover’d it, wrote, that he had found out another world, supposing it to be so great, that it seem’d not to be surrounded with the sea, but even to encompass the Ocean. And Julius Solinus Polyhistor asserts, that for largeness, it almost deserv’d to be call’d another World. But our age, by the many surveys made by several persons, hath well-nigh found the exact Dimensions of the whole Isle. For from Cathness to the Land’s end, reckoning the windings and turnings of the shores, along the West-side, are computed about 812 miles. From thence along the Southern coast to the Kentish Foreland, 320 miles. Hence, coasting the German Ocean, with crooked bays and inlets for 704 miles, it reaches Cathness. So that by this computation, the whole Island is in circuit 1836 miles; which measure, as it falls much short of Pliny’s, so is it also somewhat less than Cæsar’s.Com. l. 5.Schymnus.Schitinius Chius is not worth the mentioning, who in Apollonius de Mirabilibus (having told us strange stories of fruit growing in Britain without kernels, and grapes without stones) makes its circuit 400 † Stadiis.furlongs and no more. But Dionysius Afer in his Description of the World, hath given a much better account of the British Islands, that is, of Britain and Ireland.

Greek text

Vast is the compass of the British coasts;
A like extent no rival Island boasts.

And with him Aristides and other Greek Writers agree, who by way of distinction have truly call’d Britain, Greek text the great Island.

They who have accurately compar’d the spaces of the Heavens with the tracts of the Earth, have plac’d Britain under the 8th Climate, and within the 18th and 26th Parallels; computing the longest Day at eighteen Equinoctial Hours and an half. The Land’s end, according to the Spherical figure of the Earth, they place at sixteen degrees and fifty scruples, and the Kentish Foreland twenty one degrees in Longitude. As for the Latitude, they measure in the Southern-parts fifty degrees ten scruples; at Cathness fifty-nine degrees forty scruples. (b) Britain, by this situation, must needs enjoy both a fertile soil, and a most temperate air. The Summers here are not scorching, by reason of the constant breezes which fan the air, and moderate the heats. These, as they invigorate every thing that grows, so they give both to man and beast, at the same time, health and refreshment. The Winters also here are mild and gentle. This proceeds, not only from the thickness and closeness of the air, but also from the frequency of those still showers, which with us do much soften and break the violence of the cold. Besides that, the seas which encompass it, do so cherish it with their gentle warmth, that the cold is much less severe, than in some parts of France and Italy. Upon this consideration, Minutius Felix, proving that the Divine Providence consults, not only the benefit of the world in general, but also of each part; makes use of our Island as an instance. Though BritainDe Nat. Deor. l.2. (saith he) enjoys not so much the aspect and influence of the sun, yet instead thereof, it is refreshed and comforted by the warmth of the sea which surrounds it. Neither need we think this observation strange, which he makes upon the warmth of the sea; since Cicero makes the very same. The seas, faith he, tossed to fro with the winds, grow so warm, that from thence it may certainly be inferred, that there is a heat that lies concealed in that vast fluid body. To the temperate state also of this Island Cescenius Getulicus, a very ancient Poet, seems to allude in these verses concerning Britain.

Non illic Aries verno serit aera cornu,
Probus in Virg. Geor.Gnossia nec Gemini præcedunt cornua Tauri,
Sicca Lycaonius resupinat plaustra Bootes
.

Not there the spring the Ram’s unkindness mourns,
Nor Taurus sees the Twins before his horns,
His Northern wain where dry Bootes turns.

caesar Cæsar also takes notice, That some parts of this country are more temperate than Gaule, and the cold less piercing. And Cornelius Tacitus observes, That in this Island there is no extremity of cold: And farther adds, That, except the olive, the vine, and some other fruits peculiar to the hotter climates, it produceth all things else in great plenty: and, That the fruits of the earth, in coming-up, are forward in Britain, but very slow in ripening. Of both which the Cause is one and the same, the excessive moisture of the earth and air. For our air (as Strabo hath observed) is more subject to rain than snow. However, so happy is Britain in a most plentiful product of all sorts of grain, that (c) Orpheus hath called it The very seat of Ceres. For to this Island (d) we are to apply that expression,

Greek text

—— See here the stately Court
Of Royal Ceres!——

(b) But later Discoveries have better defined the site of Britain; the Longitude of the Land’s end being but 11 Degrees from Teneriff, and Cantium or the Foreland but 58 and an half: the Latitude of the Lizard 50 degrees, and of Cathness scarce 18 and an half. Whence, the longest Tropical day is from 16 hours 10 minutes to 18 hours 2 minutes; that is, from the 18th to the 25th parallel.

(c) Or more truly Onomacritus, as saith a late Author.

(d) This (if clearly applicable to Britain,) shows it to have been known to the Ancients very early.

And in former times, this was as it were the granary and magazine of the Western Empire. For from hence the Romans were wont every year, in 800 vessels larger than * * Lembis. Zosimus Eunapius Greek text Greek textbarks, to transport vast quantities of corn, for the supply of their armies in garrison upon the frontiers of Germany. But perchance I may seem too lavish in the praises of my own Country: and therefore you shall hear an old Orator deliver its Encomium. O fortunate BritainPanegyric to Constantine., the most happy country in the world, in that thou didst first behold Constantine our Emperour. Thee hath Nature deservedly enrich’d with the choicest blessings of heaven and earth. Thou neither feelest the excessive colds of Winter, nor the scorching heats of Summer. Thy harvests reward thy labours with so vast an encrease, as to supply thy Tables with bread, and thy Cellars with liquor. Thy woods have no savage beasts; no serpents harbour there to hurt the traveller. Innumerable are thy herds of cattle, and the flocks of sheep, which feed thee plentifully, and cloath thee richly. And as to the comforts of life, the days are long, and no night passes without some glimpse of light. For whilst those utmost plains of the sea-shore are so flat and low, as not to cast a shadow to create night; they never lose the sight of the heavens and stars; but the sun, which to us appears to set, seems there only to pass by. I shall here introduce another OratorPanegyric to Constantius., using these expressions to Constantius, father of Constantine the Great. And I assure you, no small damage was it, not only to lose the name of Britain, but the great advantages thence accruing to our Common-wealth; to part with a land so stored with corn, so flourishing in pasture, so rich in variety of mines, so profitable in its tributes; on all its coasts so furnished with convenient harbours, and so immense in its extent and circuit. Also, Nature’s particular indulgence to this our Island, is thus express’d by a Poet of some antiquity, addressing himself to Britain in this Epigram; which has been judg’d worthy the Publication:

Tu nimio nec stricta gelu nec sydere fervens,
Clementi cœlo temperieque places.
Cum pareret natura parens, varioque favore
Divideret dotes omnibus una locis,

Seposuit potiora tibi, matremque professa,
Insula sis fœlix plenaque pacis, ait.
Quicquid amat luxus, quicquid desiderat usus,
Ex te proveniet, vel aliunde tibi.

Nor cold nor heat’s extreams thy people fear,
But gentle seasons turn the peaceful year.
When teeming nature’s careful hand bestow’d
Her various favours on her numerous brood,
For thee th’ indulgent mother kept the best,
Smil’d in thy face, and thus her daughter blest,
In thee, my darling Isle, shall never cease
The constant joys of happiness and peace.
What e’re can furnish luxury or use
Thy sea shall bring thee, or thy land produce.

insulae fortunatae This fertility and pleasantness of Britain, gave occasion to some to imagine that these were the Fortunate IslandsInsulæ Fortunatæ, or the Fortunate Islands., and those Seats of the Blessed, where the Poets tell us, the whole face of Nature smiled with one perpetual spring. This is affirmed by Isacius TzetzesIn his Comment upon Lycophron., a writer of reputation among the Greeks: And our own Ancestors, it seems, considered the same notion, as literally true. For when Pope Clement VI. (as we read in Robert of Avesbury) had declared Lewis of Spain, King of the Fortunate Islands, and to effect his project, had begun to levy forces in France and Italy1344.; our Countrymen were presently possess’d with an opinion, that the Pope’s intent was to make him King of our Island, and that all these preparations were designed for Britain, as one of those Fortunate Islands. Nay, so prevalent was this conceit, that even our grave Ambassadors, then resident at Rome, immediately withdrew, and hastn’d home to acquaint their country with its approaching danger. Nor indeed would any man in our age be of another mind, who knows and considers the Fortunate state and the happy circumstances of this Island. It is the master-piece of Nature, perform’d when she was in her best and gayest humour; which she placed as a little world by itself, by the side of the greater, for the diversion of mankind; the most accurate model, which she proposed to her self, by which to beautify the other parts of the Universe. For which way soever we turn our eyes, we are entertain’d with a charming variety, and prospects extreamly pleasant. I need not enlarge upon its Inhabitants, nor extol, the vigour and firmness of their constitution, their good humour, their civility, and their courage and bravery, so often try’d both at home and abroad; and not unknown to the remotest corners of the earth.

ButThe first Inhabitants, and reason of the name. concerning the most antient or the very first Inhabitants of this Island, as also the original of the name of Britain, divers opinions have been started; and a great many (as a certain writer has express’d it) who knew very little, have been very positive. Nor ought we Britains to expect more certain evidences in this case, than other nations. For, except those in particular, whose originals the holy Scriptures have delivered; all the rest, as well as we, remain under a dark cloud of error and ignorance, concerning their first rise. Nor indeed could it otherwise be, considering how deep the revolutions of so many ages must have sunk and buried Truth. The first Inhabitants of countries had other cares and thoughts, than the transmitting their several originals to posterity. Nay, supposing they had ever so much desired it, yet could they never have effectually done it. For their life was altogether uncivilized, perfectly rude, and wholly taken up in wars; so that they were a long time without Learning; which as it is the effect of a civiliz’d life, of peace, and leisure, so is it the only sure and certain means of preserving and transmitting to posterity the memory of things past. Moreover, the Druids, who were the Priests among the Britains and Gauls, and to whose care was committed the preservation of their ancient Traditions; and likewise the Bards, who made it their business to celebrate all gallant and remarkable adventures; both the one and the other thought it unlawful to commit any thing to books or writing. But, supposing they had left any matters upon record; without doubt, at so vast a distance and after so many and so great alterations, they must needs have been long since lost. For we see, that even Stones, Pyramids, Obelisques, and other Monuments, that were esteem’d more durable than brass it self for preserving the memory of things, have long since perished by the injuries of time. But in following ages, there arose in many nations a sort of men, who were studious to supply these defects out of their own invention. For when they could not tell what to deliver for Truth; that they might at least delight and please, they invented divers stories (every one according to the strength and turn of his own imagination) about the original and names of People. These fancies many rested in, without any further search into the truth; and most men were so taken with the pleasure of the fables, that they swallow’d them without more adoe.

But, to omit other writers, one of our own nation, Geoffry ap Arthur of MonmouthGeoffry of Monmouth. (whom I would not misrepresent in this point) publish’d, in the reign of Henry II. a History of Britain, translated, as he pretends, out of the British Tongue. Wherein he tells us, That one Brutus, a Trojan by descent, the Son of Silvius, Grandchild to Ascanius, and Great-grandchild to the famous Æneas, Aenius (whose mother was Venus, and consequently himself descended from Jove;) That this man, at his birth, cost his mother her life; and by chance having kill’d his Father in hunting (which thing the Magicians had foretold,) was forc’d to fly into Greece; That there he rescued from slavery the progeny of Helenus son of Priam, overcame King Pandrasus, marry’d his daughter, put to sea with the small remainder of the Trojans, and falling upon the Island of Leogetia, was there directed by the Oracle of Diana to steer his course towards this western Island. Accordingly, that he sail’d through the † Per Herculis Columnas.Streights of Gibraltar (where he escap’d the Syrens) and afterwards, passing through the Tyrrhenian Sea, arrived in Aquitain. That in a pitch’d battle, he routed Golfarius Pictus, King of Aquitain, together with twelve Princes of Gaule, who assisted him. And then, after he had built the city of Tours (as, he says, Homer tells us) and over-run Gaule, he crossed over into this Island, then inhabited by Giants. That having conquered them (together with Gogmagog, who was the greatest of them all;) from his own name he gave this Island the name of BritainBrutus in the year of the world 2855, before the birth of Christ, 1108., in the year of the world 2855, and 334 years before the first Olympiad, and before the nativity of Christ, 1108. Thus far Geoffry. But there are (e) others, who offer other grounds and reasons for this name of Britain. Sir Thomas Eliot, Kt. a very learned man, derives it from a Greek Word, Greek text Πρυτανεῖα, which term among the Athenians signified their publick revenues. Humphrey Lloyd, who hath the reputation of one of the best Antiquaries of this Kingdom, with much assurance fetches its original from the British word Pridcain, that is to say, of a white Colour.LaetusVid. Cornwall. Pomponius Lætus tells us, that the Britains of Armorica (f) in France, gave it the name. Goropius Becanus will have it, that the Danes settled themselves here, and called it Bridania, i.e. Free Dania. Athenaeus Others derive it from Prutenia [Prussia,] a part of Germany. Bodin supposes it took its name from Bretta, a Spanish word, which signifies Earth; and Forcatulus, from Brithin, which, as it appears in Athenæus, was the name of a sort of drink among the Grecians. Others derive it from the Brutii in Italy, whom the Greeks called Greek text. But those Pedants are by no means to be endur’d, who would have it call’d Britain, from the brutish manners of the Inhabitants.

(e) The most ancient Irish Antiquities deduce the name from Brittan, Son of Fergus Fitz-Nemech; and say, it was formerly called Inis Mor, agreeably to Aristides’s Insula magna, Ogyg. p.11, 12, 66, 170. Seld. Mare clausum.

(f) In opposition to which, the same Learned Writer affirms, that we meet with no mention of that Britannia Minor, or Little Bretagne, before Sidonius Apollinaris.

These are all the Opinions (so far as I know) touching the name of Britain. But as we cannot chose but think the fictions of Foreigners in this matter extreamly ridiculous; so divers of our own Country-men give us no very satisfactory account. And indeed, in these and the like cases, it is much easier to detect a falsity, than to establish a truth. For, besides that it is in it self absurd to seek the ground of this name in a foreign language; the general consent of the more noted Historians doth confute Lœtus; all informing us, that those Britains of France went from hence, and carried the name along with them. Also, Britain was famous under this name, several hundred years before the names of Dania and Prutenia were known in the world. And what hath our Britain to do with the Spanish Bretta? (of which indeed I make a question, whether it be a Spanish word;) and why should this Island be so call’d, rather than any other country? It can hardly be made out, that the drink Brithin was ever used in our country; and to deduce the name of our nation from a liquor of the Grecians, is ridiculous. The Italian Brutii were indeed, as Strabo notes, called by the Lucani, Greek text, which implies as much as Fugitives or Rovers; But that the Brutii rov’d so far as Britain, can never be prov’d. To come now to the conjectures of our own Country-men: Eliot’s Greek text seems very improbable, since that word was peculiar to the Athenians; and the Greeks were wont to call this Island Greek text, not Greek text. Lloyd’s Pridcain, from whence he derives Britain, seems so far fetch’d and so overstrain’d an Etymology, that I need not observe that the word Cain comes from the Latin Candidus; which had crept into the provincial language of the Britains.

But, now, could we be once well satisfied, that this History of Brutus is true and certain; there would be no farther occasion for Enquiries after the Original of the British nation: that business would be at an end, and Antiquaries excus’d from a very troublesom and tedious Search. For my part, I am so far from labouring to discredit that History, that I assure you I have often strain’d my Invention to the utmost, to support it. Absolutely to reject it, would be to wage war against Time, and to fight against a receiv’d Opinion. For shall one of my mean capacity, presume to give sentence in a point of so much consequence? I refer the controversie intirely to the College of (g) Antiquaries, and, leaving every man to the liberty of his own Judgment, shall not be much concerned at any one’s opinion.

(g) A learned Antiquary hath made some attempts towards a defence of it. Seld. Polyolb. p. 17.

And yet here, I find my self oblig’d to take notice (and I hope, since I search after nothing but truth, with the Reader’s pardon) that there are very learned and judicious men, who endeavour divers ways to invalidate this relation, and are wont to attack me, when I offer to defend it, with these or the like arguments. Their first objection they draw from the age wherein these things are said to have been done; and peremptorily assert, that all is purely fabulous (the sacred Histories excepted) whatever is delivered by Historians as done before the first Olympiad, i.e. the year 770. before the birth of our Saviour. Now, these things which are told us concerning Brutus, precede that period by above 300 years. ThisCensorinius. exception they ground upon the Authority of Varro, the most learned among the Roman writers, in whom the first period of time, which was from the creation to the deluge, bears the title of Greek text, i.e. obscure and uncertain, so called from our ignorance of the transactions of those times. The secondThe fabulous time, or age., which was from from the deluge to the first Olympiad, he calls Greek text, i.e. fabulous, because most of those Histories are fabulous, even among the Greek and Roman Authors, who were the learned part of the world; and much more, among a barbarous and unlearned people, such as were, at that time, all the inhabitants of these Northern parts. In the next place they alledge, that this relation is not confirmed by any Authentick writer; which in all Histories must be allowed to be the thing most material. Now, they call those, authentick writers, who have antiquity and learning agreeable; and in proportion to these, they give more or less credit to them. But to all this sort of Authors, as well as to the antient Britains themselves, they confidently aver that the very name of Brutus was perfectly unknown. caesar Farther, they say, that Cæsar himself hath assured us, that above * * 1600, C.1700 years ago, upon the strictest enquiry, he could only discover thus much, that the inland-parts of Britain were inhabited by such as were the true and ancient natives; but that the Sea-coasts were peopled with foreigners, who had cross’d over thither out of Belgium. Tacitus also (above † † 1400, C.1500 years ago) who had made diligent search into these matters, says, What sort of men did at first inhabit Britain, whether bred and born in that Island, or whether they came thither from foreign parts; among such a barbarous people, cannot now be discovered. Also Gildas Sapiens (who himself was a Britain, and lived ¦ ¦ 1000, C.1100 years since) says not one word concerning this Brutus; nay, even declares himself unsatisfied, whether the ancient Britains had any records or writings at all, whereby they might transmit their history and original to posterity. And therefore he plainly confesses, That he took all out of foreign writers, and not out of any writings or records left by his own country-men. For if there ever had been such, they were in his time quite lost, having either been burnt by the enemy at home, or carried by exiles into foreign parts. Ninius also, a disciple of Eluodugus, in the preface to his Chronicle, written * * 800, C.900 years since, complains, That the greatest Scholars among the Britains, had but little learning, and that they had left no memorials: And confesses, that whatever he had written, was collected out of the Annals and Chronicles of the Holy Fathers. They also argue, That Bede, William of Malmsbury, and all the rest who wrote before the year 1160, seem not so much as to have heard of the name of our Brutus; there is as to this particular such an universal silence among them.

They observe hereupon, that the very name of this Brutus was a stranger to the world, till a barbarous and ignorant age gave opportunity to one Hunnibald, a trifling writer, to obtrude his Francio, a Trojan, Son to King Priam, as the Founder of the French name and nation. Hence they conclude, that when our country-men had once heard, that their neighbours the French derived their pedigree from the Trojans, they thought it below them to come behind a people in descent, whom they equall’d in valour. And hereupon, † † 400, C.500 years ago, our Geoffry ap Arthur of Monmouth, first of all gratify’d the Britains with this Brutus, as Founder of the British Nation, and made him not only of a Trojan, but of Divine extraction. Before which time they urge, that there never was the least mention made of such a man as Brutus.

They add, that much about the same time, the Scotch writers set-up their (h) Scota, Daughter of Pharaoh King of Egypt, as the Foundress of their Nation. That then-abouts, some persons (abusing their parts, and mis-spending their time,) without any ground of truth, forged for the Irish their Hiberus; for the Danes, their Danus; for the Brabanders, their Brabo; for the Goths, their Gothus; for the Saxons, their Saxo; as the Founders of their several nations. But now this knowing age hath discovered all these Impostures; and since the French have rejected their Francio as a counterfeit, (The French, saith the most learned Turnebus, when they lay claim to a Trojan original, do it purely in emulation of the Romans. For when they saw this people so much build upon that, as the most noble Original, they thought it convenient to vest themselves with the same honour: ) Since also the more sober and thinking part of the Scots have cast off their Scota; and the force of Truth hath at last entirely prevailed against that Hiberus, Danus, Brabo, and all the rest of these mock-princes; they much wonder, why the Britains should so fondly adhere to their Brutus (as the original of their Island’s name,) and to their Trojan extraction; as if there had been no Britains here before the destruction of Troy (which happen’d about 1000 years after the deluge;) or, as if there had not lived many valiant men in the world before Agamemnon.

(h) The Irish and Scotch, in the business of Pharaoh’s Daughter, should not be made two different Nations. Ogyg. p.69, 344, 463. Usser. Primord. c.16.

Farther yet they tell us, that the greatest part of the learned Writers, as Boccatius, Vives, Hadrianus Junius, Polydore, Buchanan, Vignier, Genebrardus, Molinæus, Bodinus, Molinaeus and other persons of great judgment, do unanimously affirm, that there never was such a man as Brutus. Nay more, that very many of our own Country-men, persons eminent for their learning, reject him as a meer Impostor. Among whom in the first place, they produce John of Wheathamsted, Abbot of St. AlbansHe lived about the year 1440., a man of excellent judgment, who wrote long ago concerning this matter in his Granarium. According to other histories (which in the judgment of some men deserve much more credit) that whole relation concerning Brutus, is rather poetical than historical, and is for several reasons to be accounted rather fanciful than real. As first, we find no where in the Roman Histories, the least mention, either of the killing of the father, or the begetting or banishment of the son. Secondly, Ascanius, according to several authors, had no son, whose proper name was Silvius. For they give us an account but of one that he had, to wit, Iulus, from whom afterward the Julian family had its original, &c. And thirdly, Silvius Posthumus, whom possibly Geoffry may mean, was the Son of Æneas Aeneas by his wife Lavinia, and he having had a son named Æneas in the 38th year of his Reign, ended his life, not by any mischance, but by a natural death. By all which it is apparent, that the Kingdom which is now called England, was not heretofore named Britain, from Brutus the son of Silvius, as many will have it. But others look upon the whole as a ridiculous piece of foppery and vanity, to lay claim to this nobility of descent, when we cannot ground our pretence upon any probable foundation. It is Virtue alone that gives nobility to a nation; and it is a greatness of mind, with an accomplish’d judgment, that makes the true man of Honour. Suitably hereunto, SenecaEpist. 44. in his Epistles tells us out of Plato, That there is no King, who had not his extraction from slaves; nor any slave that descended not from Kings. Let this therefore content the British nation, as an evidence of their honourable original, that they are couragious and valiant in war, that they have been superior to all their enemies round them, and that they have a natural aversion to servitude. In the second place, they produce William of Newbourgh, a much more ancient writer, who in his rough way fixed the charge of forgery upon Geoffry, the compiler of the British History, as soon as ever he had published it. A certain writer, started up in our days, hath devised strange and ridiculous tales concerning the Britains, and with an impudent vanity hath extolled them far above the gallantry of the Macedonians and Romans. His name is Geoffry, but he hath the additional one of Arthur too, because he sent abroad, under the honourable title of a history, the Fables of King Arthur, taken out of the old fictions of the Britains, with some additions of his own, which he hath dress’d up in Latin. The same man, with yet greater boldness hath publish’d, as authentick Prophesies (pretending that they are grounded upon certain Evidence) the fallacious predictions of one Merlin; to which also, in translating them into Latin, he hath added a good deal of his own invention. And a little after; Besides, in that book of his which he entitles The History of the Britains, how impudently and bare-faced he forges every thing, is obvious to any one who reads it and is not wholly a stranger to the ancient histories. For men, who have not informed themselves of the truth, swallow all Fables that come to hand. I say nothing of those great adventures of the Britains before Julius Cæsar's Caesar landing and government; which he either feign’d himself, or handed down the fabulous inventions of others, as authentick. Insomuch, that Giraldus CambrensisDescript. Cambr. c.7., who lived and wrote in the same age, made no scruple to call it, the Fabulous History of Geoffry. Others deride Geoffry’s foolish Topography in this narration, and his counterfeit testimony from Homer; and tell us that the whole Story is a heap of incongruities and absurdities. They remark further, that these his writings, together with his Merlin, stand condemned, among other prohibited books, by the Church of Rome. Others observe, that the greatest admirers of this Brutus, are themselves wavering and unresolved in the point: that Author (say they) who takes upon him the name and title of Gildas, and has tack’d a little Gloss to Ninnius, in the first place imagineth this our Brutus to have been a Roman Consul; in the next, to have been the son of one Silvius, and then at last of one Hessicion. I have heard also, that there is a certain Count Palatine very earnest to have our Brutus called Brotus, because his birth was fatal to his mother, Greek text, in Greek signifying mortal. In the judgment of others, these men might have bestowed on the Britains a more probable, and yet a more illustrious original, if they had drawn their descent either from Brito the CentaurBretanus., mention’d by Higinus, or from that Bretanus, upon whose daughter Celtice (according to Parthenius Nicæus,Nicaeus a very ancient author) Hercules begat Celtus, the father of the Celtæ; Celtae and from which Bretanus, Hesychius deriveth the word Britain.

Thus have I laid before you the Observations and Opinions of other men upon this subject. If I have any way impaired the credit of that history concerning Brutus, none can reasonably quarrel with me; since in matters of this nature every man is allowed the liberty of his own thoughts, and of publishing those of other men. For my part, it shall never trouble me, if Brutus pass current for the father and founder of the British Nation. Let the Britains descent stand good, as they deduce it from the Trojans. I shall never contradict it: nay, I shall shew hereafter, how with truth it may be maintained. I am not ignorant, that in old time, Nations had recourse to Hercules, in later ages to the Trojans, for their originals.Livy
V. Cornwall, Herculis Promontorium.
And let Antiquity herein be pardoned, if she sometime disguise truth with the mixture of a fable, and bring in the Gods themselves to act a part, when she design’d thereby to render the Beginnings, either of a city or a nation, more noble and majestick. For Pliny well observes, That even falsly to pretend a descent from illustrious persons, argues a respect for vertue. And I readily agree with Varro, the most learned of the Romans, That these originals, fetch’d from the Gods, though in themselves false, yet are at least thus far useful, that men, presuming upon a divine extraction, may thereby be excited to generous enterprises, and pursue them with more than ordinary zeal; which makes them seldom fail of extraordinary success. From which words (by the way) St. AustinAugustin. de Civitat. Dei. lib. 3. cap. 4. gathers, that Varro was inclined to think, that all such opinions were really groundless; though he did not openly and expresly own it.

Since therefore men are not yet agreed, either concerning the original of the name, or the first Inhabitants of Britain; (and whether as to these points the truth will hereafter be more clearly discovered, now it hath lain so long, and so deeply buried, I must declare my self extreamly doubtful:) I hope the reader will excuse me too, if I modestly interpose my own conjecture, without prejudice to or against any person: not in a contentious humour, but as becomes a person, who desires only to discover truth; which I am now attempting with such a dis-interested zeal, that even the just apprehensions of censure could not persuade me to desist. And that I may with the more ease and success discover the original of this name, if possible; I will in the first place endeavour to find out, as near as I can, who were the first Inhabitants of this Island. Though indeed these first Planters lie so in the dark hidden Depths of Antiquity, (as it were in some thick grove;) that there is very small or no hopes of retrieving by my diligence, what hath for so many ages lain buried in oblivion.

Caesar To run up our enquiries therefore as high as we can; (omitting Cæsar, Diodorus, and other writers, who will have the Britains to be Greek text and Aborigines, home-bred, and not transported from any other place; imagining that mankind at first sprung out of the earth like mushroons;) we are informed by Moses in the sacred History, that after the Flood, the three Sons of Noah, Shem, Ham, and Japhet, when their issue were greatly multiplied, left the mountains of Armenia, where the Ark had rested; separating themselves into the several quarters of the earth; and that by them the whole world was peopled. It may also farther be proved, as well by reason, as by the authority of Theophilus Antiochenus, that when their families came to be dispersed by little and little, some of their Posterity at last arrived in this our Island. Whereas (says he) in old time there were but few People in Arabia and Chaldea; after the division of tongues they encreas’d more and more. Hereupon some took their way toward the East, others to the great and wide Continent; others travelling towards the North, and seeking a place to settle in, still marched on, taking possession of all that lay before them, till at last they came even to Britain, seated in the northern climate. Moses himself doth also expresly assert the same thing, when he informs us, that the Islands of the Gentiles were divided, in the respective Countries, by the posterity of Japhet. The Islands of the Gentiles, Divines do interpret to be those, which lay farthest off: and Wolphgangus Musculus, a Divine of considerable repute, is of opinion that the nations and families which descended from Japhet, were the first possessors of the European Islands; such are (saith he) England, Sicily, &c. Now, that Europe fell to the share of Japhet and his posterity, besides Divines, Josephus and other Authors have delivered as their opinion. To which purpose, Isidore cites this passage out of an ancient writer.Origen. l. 9. cap. 2. The Nations which sprang from Japhet, possess from the mountain Taurus to the North, all the middle part of Asia, and all Europe, as far as the British Ocean, and gave their names both to the Places and to the People; a great many whereof have been since changed; but the rest remain the same. And we see in the Europeans, that [prophetical]Genesis ix. benediction of Noah fulfilled, God shall enlarge Japhet, and he shall dwell in the tents of Shem, and Canaan shall be his servant. For it was Europe, as Pliny saith, which produced that people, who were the Conquerors of all other Nations, and have more than once triumphed over the other parts, which were the share of Shem and Cham: and this was peopled by Japhet and his posterity. For from his several Sons, came the several nations; from Magog, the Massagetæmassagetae; from Javan, the Ionians; from Thubal the Spaniards; and from Mesech, the Moscovites. And his eldest son Gomer, in these our most remote parts of Europe, gave both original and name to the Gomerians, who were afterward calledCimbri, Cimmerii. (i) Cimbri and Cimmerii. That name of the Cimbri or Cimmerii, did, in process of time, almost fill all these parts of the world, and spread it self not only in Germany, but in Gaule also. (k) Josephus and Zonaras both observe, that Those who are now called Gauls, were from Gomer formerly named Gomari, Gomeræi, and Gomeritæ. Gomeraei Gomeritae And from these Gomari or Gomeri of Gaule, I have always been of opinion that our Britains had both their original and name; in which I am confirm’d by the proper and genuine name of the Britains. For the Welch to this day call themselves Kumero, Cymro, and Kumeri; a Welch woman, Kumeraes; and their language, Kumeraeg. Neither do they own any other name, although some pretenders to learning † † Of late, C.in the last age, have from thence coin’d the new names of Cambri and Cambria. And the Grammarian whom VirgilLib. 8. c. 3.
Scalig. Annot. p.222.
lashes in his Catalects and calleth the British Thucydides, Quintilian saith was a Cimbrian. And from whence can we imagin these names should be derived, but from that antient Gomer, and from those Gomeri, who were so near to us in Gaule, the seat of the old Gomerians? The learned are of opinion, that the Germans are descended from Aschenaz, the Turks from Togormah, both sons of Gomer; because the Jews at this day call the latter Togormah, and the former Aschenaz; That the Thracians, Ionians, Ripheans, and the Moschi or Muscovites, &c. are the Posterity of Thirax, Javan, Riphat, and Moschus, no man questions; for the affinity of the names sufficiently proves it: Likewise, that the Ethiopians descended from Chus, and the Egyptians from Misraim, the sons of Cham, there is no man but will readily grant; because the two people are call’d by those very names in their own languages. Why then should not we allow that our Britains or Cumeri, are the true genuine posterity of Gomer; and that from him they derive this name? For the name it self seems very much to favour this derivation. And it is confess’d on all hands, that the posterity of Gomer planted themselves in the utmost parts of Europe. Which also the very name of GomerPhil. Melanct. intimates; a name, which he ow’d not to chance, but to divine designation.Finiens. For * * Greek text, and is Phrygia.
Sammes.
Gomer in the Hebrew signifieth bounding, or the utmost border. And here let no man, with intention to defame our Cumeri or Cimbri, object what Sextus Pompeius writes, that (l) Thieves in the old Gallick language were called Cimbri. For altho’ the Cimbri (of whom it is likely our Cumeri of Britain were a part) did in that warlike Age of the world, wherein the Soldier was the only man of honour, rove from those parts of Europe, as Possidonius tells us, plundering all along as they went, as far as the lake MœotisMoeotis; yet the word Cimber signifies no more a thief, than Egyptian doth a superstitious person; Chaldean, an Astrologer; or Sybarite, a nice delicate man. But because the several nations had a general propensity to such or such things, the name of the nation was applied to those who agreed with them in the same humour. In this point, the great Oracle of Learning Joseph Scaliger concurs with me.Upon Sextus Pompeius.
Censure of Berosus.
But as to Berosus, let no man wonder that I make no use of him, from whom our Writers have borrowed so much assistance. To declare my mind once for all, I have no opinion of the authority of that history, which passeth under the name of Berosus. For I am of the same mind with several of the most learned men of the present age, as Volaterranus, Vives, Antonius Augustinus, Melchior Canus, and especially Gaspar Varrerius; who all of them esteem it no better than a ridiculous invention of some obscure Impostor. Varrerius, in his censure of Berosus printed at Rome, hath said enough in reason to spoil any man’s opinion of that Author.

(i) Of these the name of Cimbri seems to be the later, and only a Contraction from Cimmerii; which owes its original to the Greek name Greek text and Greek text, whereby they expressed the nature of the climate wherein they lived, for that being under the extreamest part of the mountain Taurus, the air was cloudy and misty; and as to the season, there was a perpetual kind of winter.

(k) A later writer is of opinion, that this is not the sense of Josephus. For though (says he) Josephus does say, that Gomer was the father of the Galatæ; yet it must be understood of those Galatæ, who invaded the Phrygians and possessed themselves of their Seats. For by Gomer is meant Phrygia (as Bochartus proves) and by Ezekiel it is placed north of JudæaJudaea, nigh to Togarmah. From these Gauls Gallogræcia Gallograeciaand Galatia is derived; all which is far enough from being any part of Gallia, properly so called. Sammes Brit. p.11.

(l) And Plutarch, Greek text, i.e. the Germans call Robbers, Cimbri. And in the German tongue, Kempher, Kemper, Kimber, and Kamper, according to different dialects, signify a Warriour; which was formerly only another name for a Robber.

This is my judgment concerning the original of the Britains; or rather my conjecture. For in matters of so great antiquity, it is easier to proceed by conjecture, than to offer at positive determinations. Now, this account of our descent from (m) Gomer and Gaule, seems much more subtantial, more antient, and better grounded, than that from Brutus and Troy. Nay, I do not despair to prove, that our Britains are really the off-spring of the Gauls, by arguments taken from the name, situation, religion, customs, and language of both nations: For in all these, the most ancient Gauls and the Britains seem to have agreed, as if they had been but one people. And, that I may prove this assertion, give me leave to make a large digression.

(m) This opinion of peopling Britain from Gaule is opposed by some, who are inclin’d rather to think they came from Germany; not only because Caesar, Caesar telling us the Inland Britains were Aborigines, seems to imply that he could not discover any thing of the Gaulish tongue among them; but also upon Tacitus’s inferring from the make of their limbs, and other circumstances, that the Germans planted the most northern parts of it.

As touching the NameThe name., because I have spoken of it before, thus much only shall be repeated; That as the ancient Gauls were called Gomeræi, Gomeritæ, and by contraction Cimbri; so likewise our Britains are called Cumeri and Kimbri. Now, that the Gauls were called Gomeri, Josephus and Zonaras, as I said before, do both testify. And that they were also called Cimbri, may be gather’d out of Cicero and Appian. Those Barbarians, whom Marius defeated, Cicero plainly terms Gauls. Caius MariusDe Proconsul. (saith he) gave a check to the Gaulish forces, who were pouring into Italy. Now all Historians agree, that these were the Cimbri; and the Coat-armour of Beleus, their King, dug-up at Aix in Provence where Marius routed them, does evince the same. For these words, Beleos Cimbros, were engraven upon it in a strange character.Forcatulus out of the French Annals. 1235. Also, Writers unanimously agree, that those were Gauls, who under the conduct of Brennus, robb’d the Temple of Delphos in Greece; and yet that the same were called Cimbri, we learn from Appian in his Illyricks. The Celtæ or Gauls, Celtae saith he, who are called Cimbri. And now, I think it needless to have recourse to Lucan, who calls the Ruffian that was hir’d to kill Marius, a Cimbrian; whereas Livy and others affirm him to have been a Gaul: or to Plutarch, by whom the Cimbri are called Galloscythians; or to Reinerus Reineccius, an excellent Historian, who grounding upon Plutarch’s words in his Sertorius, is very positive that the Gauls and Cimbrians us’d the same language. Nor will I insist upon that Cimbrian word, the only one to be met with, which Pliny produces out of Philemon, to wit, MorimarusaMorimarusa., i.e. the dead sea, which is purely British; for Mor in the British tongue signifieth Sea, and Marw, dead.

Seeing therefore these Nations agree in their most antient nameThe Situation.; whence can we conceive that that name should pass over into this Island, but with the first Planters that came hither out of Gaul; a country separated from it by a very narrow chanel? For the world was not peopled all at the same time; but it must be granted as a certain truth, that those countries which lay nearest to the Mountains of Armenia (where the ark rested after the flood, and from whence mankind was propagated) were first of all inhabited. As for instance, the Lesser Asia and Greece, before Italy; Italy before Gaule; and Gaule before Britain.Erasmus Michael of Navigation. On this occasion, we may reflect with pleasure, how the great Creator, when he fram’d the world, contrived this connexion between the several parts; and placed the Islands at such convenient distances, that no one is so remote, but that it is within a clear view of some other land. With this design, probably, that when countries should come to be over-burthen’d with people, they might see where to discharge themselves; till, to the glory of it’s Creator, the Universe in all its parts should be replenish’d with people. We may therefore reasonably imagine, that the antient Gomeri were either push’d on by such as press’d forward for room, or sent abroad to ease an over-peopled country, or carry’d from home by the natural itch which mankind hath to see foreign countries. Upon some one or other of these accounts, those antient Gomeri might probably at first cross the chanel into this our Island, which lay so near them, that they could easily discern it from the Continent. For Reason it self tells us, that every country must have received its first Inhabitants, rather from neighbouring, than from remote places. Who would not judge, that Cyprus had its first Inhabitants from Asia, next to it; Crete and Sicily, from their neighbour Greece; Corsica, from it’s neighbour Italy; and, to come nearer home, Zealand from Germany which borders upon it; and Iseland from Norway; rather than from the remote parts of Tartary, or Mauritania? In like manner, why should we not think that our Britain was peopled by the Gauls, which were our next Neighbours; rather than that the Trojans, Italians, Albans, or Brutians, who lie at such a vast distance, were the first Inhabitants? Nor indeed do [Judicious] writers fetch the first Inhabitants of Britain from any other place, than from Gaul its next neighbour. The innermost parts of Britain, saith Cæsar,Caesar are inhabited by those, who, according to tradition, are believ’d to be Aborigines; the Sea-Coasts, by such as came out of Belgium in Gaul on purpose to make new conquests; and these people are generally called by the names of the cities from whence they came, now they are settled in their new Plantations. For there were in Britain, as well as in Gaule, people called Belgæ,Belgae Atrebatii, Parisii, Cenomanni, &c. Tacitus also saith, If we consider all circumstances, it is probable that the Gauls first peopled Britain, which lies so near them. Bede too, of all our writers the most constant friend to truth, gives this as his opinion: At first, saith he, this Island was inhabited only by those Britains (from whom also it took its name) who from Armorica, as it is said, crossed over into Britain, and there planted themselves upon the Southern Coasts. The Armorican Tract he calls the Sea-coast of Gaul, which lies directly opposite to our Island. It makes also very much to our purpose, what Cæsarcaesar relates; how in his time Divitiacus, who govern’d a great part of Gaul, had Britain at the same time under his Dominion. And what is of yet greater moment, PlinyBritains in Gaul. Some copies of Pliny have Brianni, not Britanni. reckons the Britanni or Britains, among the maritim people of Gaul, and places them over-against our Island of Britain, near the County of Bullen: which also Dionysius Afer, a more antient writer, hath done in these verses,

Greek text

Near the great pillars on the farthest land,
The old Iberians, haughty souls, command
Along the Continent, where Northern Seas
Rowl their vast tides, and in cold billows rise:
Where British nations in long tracts appear,
And fair-skinn’d Germans ever fam’d in War.

For these words, Greek text, [where Britains] seem to have respect to those other, Greek text. And Eustathius, who wrote a Comment upon him, thinks the Britains in Gaul to be here meant; Greek text Greek text, are his words, [and from these Britains, the Isles of Britain over-against them took their denomination. But Avienus, and Stephanus in his book of Cities, are of another opinion.

Moreover, there was one and the same Religion in both these Nations.Religion. Among the Britains, saith Tacitus, you will find the Religion of the Gauls, and the people possess’d with the same superstitions. The Gauls, saith Solinus, after a detestable manner, to the injury rather than the honour of Religion, offer’d human Sacrifices. That the Britains did the very same, amongst others Dio Cassius assures us in his Nero. That both Nations had also their DruidsDruids., appears plainly by Cæsar and Tacitus; and out of the first, I shall here insert an entire passage concerning this subject. The Druids are present at all divine offices, look after the Sacrifices publick and private, and interpret the mysteries of religion. The youth in great numbers apply themselves to these Druids for education; and all persons have a great reverence for them. For generally in all controversies, as well publick as private, it is they that make the determination: And whenever there is any outrage or murder committed, when any suites arise about estates, or disputes about bounds, all is left to their judgment. They appoint rewards and punishments at their discretion. If any, either private person, or body of people, abide not by their decree, they forbid him the Sacrifices. This, among them, is esteem’d the most grievous of all punishments. They who are thus interdicted, are reckon’d the most profligate of mankind; all men studiously decline their company and conversation, and shun their approach, as if they feared some infection. They are excluded from the benefit of the law, can sue no man, and are uncapable of all honours. Amongst all these Druids, there is one Chief, who hath the supream authority. Upon his death, his Successor is some one of the most distinguish’d merit amongst them, if there be any such; but if there be several of equal worth and merit, one succeeds by the election of the Druids. Sometimes the Sword decides, which party shall carry it. These Druids, at a set time every year, have a general assembly in the territory of the Carnutes, which lies about the midst of Gaul, in a certain place consecrated to that purpose. Hither resort from all parts such as have any controversies depending; and they are wholly determin’d by the Druids, (n) This sort of religious profession is thought to have been first in Britain, and from thence carry’d over into Gaul: And even now, those that desire throughly to be instructed in their mysteries, for the most part go over into Britain. The Druids are exempt from all military duties; nor do they pay tribute, like the rest of the People. And as they are excused from serving in the wars, so are they also from all other troublesome Offices whatsoever. These great privileges are the cause that they have so many disciples; some address themselves to be admitted, others are sent to them by their parents or kindred. There they make them (as it is said) learn by heart a great number of verses; and thus they continue under discipline for several years, not being allow’d by their rules to commit what they are taught to writing; although in most other affairs, both publick and private, they make use of the (o) Greek Character. This rule they have settled amongst tbem, I suppose, for two reasons. First, because they would not have the vulgar made acquainted with their mysterious learning; and next, because they would have their scholars exercise their memories, and not trust to what they have in writing; as we see it often happens, that when men rely too much upon that help, their diligence in learning, and care in retaining, do equally abate. One of the principal points they teach, is, the Immortality and Transmigration of Souls. And this doctrine, removing the fear of death, they look upon as most proper to excite them to Courage. They also make discourses to their Scholars concerning the stars and their motions, concerning the magnitude of the heaven and the earth, the natures of things, and the power and majesty of the immortal Gods. Whereupon Lucan thus addresses himself to them,

Et vos barbaricos ritus moremque sinistrum
Sacrorum, Druidæ, positis repetistis ab armis,
Solis nosse Deos, & cœli sydera vobis,
Aut solis nescire datum: Nemora alta remotis
Incolitis lucis, vobis authoribus umbræ
Non tacitas Erebi sedes Ditisque profundi
Pallida regna petunt. Regit idem spiritus artus,
Orbe alio longæ, canitis si cognita, vitæ
Mors media est. Certe populi quos despicit Arctos,
Fælices errore suo, quos ille timorum
Maximus haud urget lethi metus; inde ruendi
In ferrum mens prona viris, animæque capaces
Mortis, & ignavum est redituræ parcere vitæ.

And you, O Druids, free from noise and arms
Renewed your barbarous rites and horrid charms.
What Gods, what Powers in happy mansions dwell
Or only you, or all but you can tell.
To secret shades and unfrequented groves,
From world and cares your peaceful tribe removes.
You teach, that Souls, eas’d of their mortal load,
Nor with grim Pluto make their dark abode,
Nor wander in pale troops along the silent flood:
But on new regions cast resume their reign,
Content to govern earthy frames again.
Thus death is nothing but the middle line,
Betwixt what lives will come, and what have been.
Happy the people by your charms possest,
Nor fate, nor fears disturb their peaceful breast.
On certain dangers unconcern’d they run,
And meet with pleasure what they would not shun.
Defie Death’s slighted power, and bravely scorn
To spare a life that will so soon return.

(n) If the discipline of the Druids, so considerable both for Religion and Government, was, as Cæsar observes, first found in Britain, and thence conyey’d into Gaul, does it not seem to intimate that Britain must have been peopled before Gaul; as having by longer experience arriv’d at a more compleat scheme of religion and government? Besides, if our Island had been peopled from Gaul, would it not look probable, to say they must bring along with them the religion and discipline of the place?

(o) But from hence we must not conclude that they had any knowledge of the Greek tongue. Nay, Cæsar himself, when he writ to Quintus Cicero, (besieg’d at that time somewhere among the Nervians) penn’d his Letter in Greek, lest it should be intercepted, and so give intelligence to the Enemy. Which had been but a poor project, if the Druids (who were the great Ministers of State) had been masters of that language. The learned Selden is of opinion, that the word Græcis has crept into the copies, and is no part of the original. And it was natural enough for Cæsar, in his observations of the difference between the management of their discipline, and their other affairs; to say in general, that in one they made use of letters, and not in the other, without specifying any particulars.

By what name soever these PriestsAn Oak in Welch is Derw. were known to their Celtæ celtaeand to the Britains, in their own tongues; this word Druidæ druidaeseems derived from a Greek original; to wit, Greek text, an Oak: not only because they esteem’d nothing more sacred than the Misselto of an Oak; whence Ovid writeth thus,

At viscum Druidæ, Druidæ clamare solebant,

Run Druids to the Misselto, they sung.

but also because their usual residence was in groves, amongst Oaks; nor did they perform any of their ceremonies without some of the branches or leaves of that Tree. This their practice, PlinyLib. 16. c.44. hath particularly describ’d; The Druids ( so the Gauls call their men of Religion) hold nothing more sacred than the Misselto, and the tree on which it grows; provided it be an Oak. Therefore they choose solitary groves, wherein are no trees but Oaks; nor do they perform any ceremonies without * * Fronde.the branches or leaves of that Tree: So that from thence (if we attend to the Greek signification) they may very well be thought to have taken the name of Druidæ. Indeed, whatsoever they findAdnascatur illis.growing to, or upon an Oak, they take to be sent from Heaven, and look upon it as a certain sign, That their God hath made choice of that particular Tree for himself. But it is a thing very rare to be met withal; and when it is found, they resort to it with great Devotion. In these ceremonies, they principally observe, that the Moon be just six days old; with which they begin the computation of their months and years, and of that period, which with them is called an age, i.e. thirty years compleat. And they choose the sixth day, because they reckon the Moon is then of a considerable strength, when she is not as yet half full; and they call it by a name answering to Sui dimidia.¦ ¦ Omnia Sanantem.All-heale. The sacrifice, and a festival entertainment, being prepared under the Oak, they bring thither two white Bulls, whose horns are then, and not till then, tied. This done, the Priest habited in a white vestment, climbs the Tree, and with a golden pruning-knife, cuts off the Misselto, which is carefully received in a * * Candido Sago.white woollen cloth by them that attend below. Then they proceed to kill the beasts for sacrifice, and make their prayers to their God, that he would bless this his own gift to those to whom they shall dispense it. They have a conceit that a decoction of this Misselto, given to any barren Animal, will certainly make it fruitful: also, that it is a most soveraign antidote against all sorts of poyson. So much Religion do people commonly place in Trifles.Celtae saronidae It is farther observable, That Diodorus Siculus calls these Priests of the Gauls, in the same sense, Greek text;Saronidæ. a word signifying Oaks, as all know who understand the Greek tongue. And Maximus Tyrius writes, That the Celtæ or Gauls worship Jupiter; of whom they make the highest Oak, saith he, to be the representation. It may also seem to proceed from the Druids, that our Saxon Ancestors (as we read in Alfric) call’d a Magician in their language, Saxon: Dry.Dry. If you have a mind to be farther inform’d concerning these things, you may consult Mela, Lactantius, Eusebius de Præparationepraeparatione Evangelica, and the Comedy Aulularia of Pseudoplautus.

Among their Religious, the Gauls had also their Bards;Bardi. whose office it was to sing to the harp the songs they had made upon the Exploits of famous men; on which account the same Lucan thus speaks to them,

Vos quoque qui fortes animas belloque peremptas
Laudibus in longum vates dimittitis ævum,
Plurima securi fudistis carmina Bardi
.

And you, old Bards, who made it all your care
To sing of War, and Men renown’d in war,
When Peace returning rais’d your joyful tongue,
Secure continu’d your immortal Song.

The same sort of Men have the same name among the modern Britains. For they now call such Men Bards; who, besides this their Poetical function, do also apply themselves particularly to the study of Genealogies. But there is no account left us, whether the Britains believ’d, as the Gauls did, that they were descended from Dis. For this reason it was, that the Gauls always reckon’d by nights and not by days, and set the night before the day in their account of time. And in this point, it is certain, our Britains agreed with them: for that space of time which the Latins call Septimana, and two Septimana’s, the Welsh term Withnos, i.e. eight nights, and Pymthecnos, i.e. fifteen nights. (p)

(p) So the Saxons express’d 20, 30, 40 years, by so many Winters. And we at this day retain that old way of reckoning by nights in our sennight and fortnight, which are plainly contracted out of seven-night and fourteen-night. And whereas Strabo observes, that the Britains worship’d Ceres and Proserpina, the infernal Goddesses, above any other; Sir Henry Spelman concludes from thence, that this gave occasion to reckoning by nights and winters; and that the winter particularly was consecrated to the infernal Goddesses, because they had a fancy, that in this season, the seeds of every thing did owe their preservation, to their care. Iceni.

LikewiseTheir common-wealth. both nations seem to have fallen into one and the same form of government; for neither of them was under the rule of a single person; but as Gaul, so also Britain, had many kings. And as the Gauls, upon extraordinary emergencies, us’d to call a publick Council of the whole nation, and chuse one to be Commander in chief; so the Britains did the very same upon the like occasions, as we gather from these words of Cæsar, The chief command,caesar saith he, and management of the war was by unanimous consent committed to * Cassivellaunus.* Cassibellinus.

NorTheir Manners. were these nations unlike in their manners, customs, and ways of living. Both were stout and warlike; both delighted in blood, and both of equal boldness and bravery, whether in Engagements, or in exposing themselves to other dangers; as we find by Strabo, Tacitus, Dion, Herodian, and others. In their manners and customs, saith Strabo, the Britains are something like the Gauls; and immediately he adds, As to their fighting, they are for the most part fierce and cruel, like some of the Gauls. With him Tacitus agrees, The Britains, that part of them which the Romans have not yet conquer’d, still remain such as the Gauls were formerly. And in another place, The Britains are next to the Gauls, and much like them. Mela tells us, That the Britains, when they fought, were armed after the fashion of the Gauls.

The Britains, says Strabo, in their wars, us’d a great number of chariots, as do some of the Gauls.

It was the Custom of both nations, in the field, to draw up their men distinct, according to their Provinces; that the several People might have an opportunity to signalize their valour. That this was the practice of the Gauls, appears by that place in Cæsar; The Gauls, saith he, drawn up in distinct Bodies, according to their several cities, secured the fords. Tacitus affirms the same of the Britains, in the fight of Caratacus, The troops of the several Countries stood before the fortifications.

The Gauls, saith Strabo, are of a quick docile wit, and readily take any sort of learning. Nor were the Britains herein inferiour to them; nay, Agricola, in Tacitus, prefers their parts and ingenuity, before that of the Gauls; so that the same Britains, who formerly rejected even the Roman language, were now become admirers of Eloquence.

That the Gauls were a well-meaning honest People, we have Strabo’s authority; and the same is implied in Tacitus, concerning the Britains, where he tells us, that they chearfully and readily bore the levies both of Men and money, and all other burdens imposed upon them by the Empire, if they intermix’d not injuries and provocations.

Cæsar relates, that the Gauls were much inclined to alterations in Government, out of a natural inconstancy and levity. The Britains in like manner, saith Tacitus, were divided into several parties and factions.

By means of this levity of the Gauls, which Cæsar calls by the gentle name of Infirmity; they at last became so credulous, that the Credulity of the Gauls grew proverbial, and gave occasion to that of the Poet,

Et tumidus Galla credulitate fruar.

And be a Gaul in fond credulity.

Neither in this respect have our Britains degenerated; for they have an ear always open to every idle story, and, out of a superstitious fear or hope, give credit to the silliest Predictions.

We read in Strabo, that the Gauls would be highly concern’d, when they saw any abuse offer’d to * * Propinquis.their relations. That the same Sympathy dwells in our Britains, above any other nation, is a thing so notorious, and so commonly observed, that it needs no proof.

caesar The Gauls, as we find in Cæsar, according to their distinction from the rest either in birth or riches, had in proportion so many more servants and dependants in their retinue: these they call’d AmbactiAmbacti.; and this was the only piece of State amongst them. Nor do our British NobilityWelch. or Gentry, at this day, account any thing so honourable as a great retinue; from whom it is thought the English learn’d to travel with such troops of Attendants. In which humour, not long since, they far outwent all other Europeans.

Cæsar and Strabo both tell us, that the Houses of the Britains were in all points like those of the Gauls, and seated in the midst of woods.

The Gauls, as Strabo writes, wore chains of gold about their necks; and Bunduica the British Queen (saith Xiphilin) wore a golden chain, with a garment of many colours. Nor is that sort of ornament any where more in use in our days, than in this Island, amongst us and our modern Britains.boadicea

That both the Britains and the Gauls wore a Ring upon their middle finger, we learn from Pliny.

Strabo observes, That the Gauls took a pride in having long Hair. Cæsar tells us, That the Britains wore their hair at full length.

It appears from several Authors, that the Gauls used a certain sort of Garment, which in their language they called BrachæBrachæ.:brachae that these were also common to our Britains, is proved by that Verse of Martial,

Quam veteres Brachæ Britonis Pauperis.

Then the coarse Brachæ the poor Britains wore.

I pass over what Silius Italicus writes of the Gauls,

Quinetiam ingenio fluxi, sed prima feroces
Vaniloquum Celtæ genus ac mutabile mentis
.

And talking Celtæ, changeable and vain,
All fire at first, but soon grown cold again.

because these qualities are common to most nations. I might here give many more instances of the great agreement there was, between these two nations; but I forbear, lest what I say should give occasion of scandal to ill-natur’d people. Besides, I always lik’d that rule, Moderation is good in every thing; and perhaps this argument from a community of manners, will be reckon’d but an argument of the weaker sort.

But now we come to the LanguageLanguage.; a particular, upon which the main stress of this controversie lies, as being the surest evidence of the original of any nation. For there is no man, I suppose, but will readily allow, that those People who speak the same Language, must necessarily be derived from one common original. For instance, suppose all our Histories that ever were written, had been lost, and no Author had told us, that we English are descended from the Germans, or the natural Scots from the Irish, or the Britains of Bretagne in France, from our Britains of this Island; yet the affinity of language alone would manifestly prove it: nay, would be of much more weight, than the authority of the best Historians. If therefore I can make it appear, * * See the opinion of Is. Pontanus, in Camden’s Epistles, p.90that the ancient Gauls and our Britains spoke the same language; the consequence is undeniable, that they most certainly had the same original. Nor is it of any consequence in this case, what Cæsar hath written, that the Gauls themselves spoke divers languages; since Strabo tells us, that they differed only in Dialect. They did not all, saith he, use a language every way the same, but in some small matters vary’d from one another. But that the language of the ancient Gauls was the same with that of the Britains (making allowance for some small variety in the Dialect) we may reasonably infer from Cæsar, where he writes, that it was usual for the Gauls, who would be throughly instructed in the Discipline of the Druids, to go over into Britain to our Druids to learn it. Now, seeing the Druids had no Books, of necessity we must conclude that their instructions were given in the language which was used by the Gauls. And this, Cornelius Tacitus expresly affirms, The Britains and Gauls, saith he, differ not much in their speech. Upon these reasons, Beatus Rhenarius, Gesner, Hottoman, Peter Daniel, Picardus, and all others who have searched into the depths of Antiquity, concur with me in this opinion: Except some few, who are very earnest to have it believed, that the Gauls spoke the German language. ButIn these words I made use of the British Lexicon of William Salisbury, and another old MS. that no man may ever be able hereafter to perplex this Truth, I will make a collection of ancient Gaulish words, as many at least as can be met with in Authors; (for the body of that language hath been long since bury’d in oblivion.) And it will soon appear that very many of them, without the least straining, nay, with much ease and scarce any alteration, agree very well with our British words, both in sound and sense.

That DivonaDivona. in the Gaulish tongue, signifies the Fountain of the Gods, we have Ausonius’s Authority in that Verse of his concerning a Fountain at Bourdeaux,

Divona Celtarum lingua fons addite Divis.

Divona fountain of the Gods in Gaul.

Now, our Britains call God (q) Dyw, and a fountain Vonan; of which two words Divonan is a compound, turn’d according to the Latin idiom, for verse-sake, into Divona.

We find in several Authors, that Jupiter, whom from Thunder the Greeks called Greek text, and the Latins Tonans, i.e. The Thunderer, was worship’d by the Gauls under the name of (r) Taranis. Now TaranTaranis. in British signifies Thunder; and suitably to this sense, the Germans may be conceived to have given Jupiter the name of Thonder; for, they call Thursday Thonderdach, as much as to say, The Thunderer’s day.

(q) Fynnon Dhuw, in British signifies Fons Dei; but it would be improper to say Duwfynnon in the same sence; for that wou’d signifie Deus fontis.

(r) Mr. Camden is charged by a modern writer, as putting Taranis instead of Taramis, on purpose to reconcile it better to his Taran, i.e. Thunderer. The charge is too heavy, unless he had proved his Taramis to be the true reading, which I do not find attempted; and why may it not as well be said that he espoused that reading, to make it agree better with the PhœnicianPhoenician Tarem? The Chester-Altar (the inscription whereof see in Cheshire) which gives Jupiter the title of Tanarus, seems to favour our Author’s conjecture. For, Taran being the British, Tanarus instead of Taranus is a slip easie enough, especially to strangers, whom we may imagine not to be so well acquainted with the language.

The Gauls had another God, called by Lucan (s) HesusHesus., by Lactantius (t) Heus: the Author of the Querolus termed him the Barking Anubis, because he was pictur’d in the shape of a Dog. Now (u) Huad among our modern Britains signifies a Dog.

(s) Hizzus and Hazis in the Syrian language is strong and powerful in war. Sammes’s Brit. p.61.

(t) Heus, Mr. Sammes thinks ought not to be put the same with Hesus, but rather, that he is confounded by Lactantius with the known name of Bacchus and Hues, worshiped in these parts. See p.62.

(u) Huad in British is now obsolete; but Bathuad (which is a Compound of it, is their common word for a hound; viz. from Baedhu, to bait; and huad, a dog. The English use (t) where the Germans have (s) as, foot, fus; white; weis; water, wasser, &c. and the same difference might possibly be between the Gaulish and British.

It is very certain, that the Gauls worshiped Mercury, under the name of TeutatesTeutates., as the Inventer of Arts, and the Guide to Travellers. And (w) Duw-Taith in the British, imports as much as The God of Journeys. Nor am I ignorant, that Mercury, by Plato, in his Phædrus Phaedrus and Philebus, is called Theut. Tho’ I know, some will have Teutates to be the German Tuisco mentioned in Tacitus, and the same with Mars; and that from him, we who are descended from the Germans, call Mars’s day, TuesdayTuesday.. Concerning these three Gods of the Gauls, take, if you please, these three Verses of Lucan.Lib. 1.

Et quibus immitis placatur sanguine diro
Teutates, horrensque feris altaribus Hesus,
Et Taranis Scythicæ non mitior ara Dianæ
.

And those vile wretches that with human blood
Teutate’s and fierce Hesus’s altars load,
And barbarous Taranis his shrine that vies
With curst Diana’s Scythian cruelties.

We learn from St. Austin and Isidore, that the foul Spirits, commonly called Incubi, were termed by the Gauls DusiiDusii., because they daily and continually practise their uncleannesses. Now that which is Continual and daily, the Britains do still express by the word (x) Dyth.

(w) Duw-Faith, is the true writing.

(x) It is dydh; but the relation between that and Dusii, seems to be too much forc’d.

Pomponius Mela writes, That a sort of Religious Women, devoted to the service of a certain Deity in Gaul under a Vow of perpetual Virginity, were by them called SenæSenae . I would rather read it (y) LenæLenæ.Lenae if I might be allow’d. For, those Religious Virgins whom we call Nuns, the Britains, as we find in an ancient Glossary, called (z) Leanes; from whence came originally the name of Lean-minster, now Lemster, a very ancient Nunnery among the Britains. The Gauls, saith Polybius, called their mercenary soldiers, GæssatæGæssatæ.Gaessatae . And the Britains at this day call their hired Servants (a) Guessin.

(y) This reading cannot be allow’d; for, besides that Mela expresly says Senæ, He also tells us they were called by the Gauls Cenæ; now the pronunciation of (s) and (c) is so near, that it makes no difference.

(z) Lheian in British is a Nun. But (s) and (th) are sibilating Letters, so that Sene and Lheian may possibly have had the same original, though their initials be different.

(a) GwâsGwas, a Servant; Gwesin a petty Servant.

Servius tells us, that valiant men were by the Gauls called GessiGessi.; and (b) Guassdewr among the Britains signifies a stout and valiant man.

(b) GuâsdewrGuasdewr signifies a stout Servant.

To which also may be referred GesumGesum., a weapon proper to the Gauls, as Pilum was to the Romans, and Framea to the Germans. But of this, by and by.

As PhalanxCaterva. was the proper Name of a Legion among the Macedonians, so was Caterva among the Gauls, as you may see in Vegetius. Nor is this word yet out of date among our Britains, who term a Troop (c) Caturfa; and war, Kad; and the warlike strength of a Legion, Kaderne: in some Copies of Vegetius it is read Caterna.

(c) Catyrva or Katerva, at this day denotes in British an infinite number: but formerly it is probable it signified a vast army, for Kâdkad does not imply war in general, but a set-battle; and Kadarn is strong.

To this Kad may not improperly be referr’d CateiaCateia., which was a sort of warlike weapon among the Gauls, as you have it in Isidore.

(d) GessaGessa., a Gaulish weapon, is interpreted by Servius a Spear or Pike; to which the British (e) Cethilou seems to be a-kin; and that (according to Ninnius’s exposition) signifies stakes burnt at the ends, as also, a warlike seed or generation.

(d) Concerning Gessa, Rheda, Covinus, Essedum, Cateia, Brachæ, Petoritum, words alledg’d by Mr. Camden to confirm his opinion; see more in Vossius de Vitiis Serm. lib. 1. c. 2, and 3.

(e) This is long since obsolete. But if it ever was the same with the Gaulish Ges, we must suppose it a compound, from Kerh, a word that might signifie a Dart or Spear, and Ulw, hot embers.

Pausanias tells us, that the Gauls whom Brennus led into Greece, call’d that sort of fight which consists of three Horses [a breast] Trimarcia.Trimarcia. For an horse, saith he, was among the Gauls called Marca. Now this is purely a British word; for Tri with them signifies three, and March, a horse.

In the same Book, Pausanias writes, that the Gauls call’d their own Country-Shields, ThireosThireos.; which to this day the Britains call Tarian.

CæsarCaesar relates in his Ephemerides or Journals, as we have it from Servius, that once being taken by the enemy in Gaul, and carry’d away on horseback in his armour, they were met by a Gaul that knew him, who insultingly cry’d out Cetos CæsarCetos., which in the Gaulish language was as much as to say, Let go Cæsar. Now, (f) Geduch among the Britains, is a word of the same import.

(f) Gadwch Gaisar, signifies in British, CæsaremCaesarem dimittite: as Kedwch [ or Cedwch] Gaisar, custodite Cæsarem.

RhedaRheda. among the Gauls, saith Quintilian, is a word of the same signification as Caruca (i.e. a Chariot) among the Latins. This word is not now to be found in the British Tongue; but it is apparent that it hath been in it by the words at this day us’d; Rhediad (a course) (g) Rhedec (to run) and Redeefa (a race.) For, that all these came originally from Rheda, is beyond dispute. Nor should I think it absurd, to deduce EporediaEporedia., the name of a City among the Salassi, from the same original; since Pliny saith it took that name from Horse-tamers.

(g) Rhedeg in British.

There was also another sort of Chariot, much us’d in both nations, and call’d by one name, CovinusCovinus., and the driver of it Covinarius. And tho’ the word is lost, and the Chariot too, yet the Primitive thereof, if I may so say, remains among our Britains; in whose language the word Kowain signifies (h) to carry in a Wagon.

(h) To carry corn from the fields to the barn.

EssedumEssedum. was also a Gaulish Wagon, or rather a Chariot fitted for the wars; which Propertius, as well as Cæsar, attributes to the Britains:

Esseda cælatis siste Britanna jugis.

And stop the British Chariots with engraven yokes.

CirciusCircius. is a wind, very well known by that name, to which Augustus Cæsarcaesar not only vow’d, but actually built, a Temple in Gaul. Now Phavorinus, a Gaul by birth, declares in Agellius, that it is a word of Gallic original. Our Gauls, saith he, call by the name of Circius, that wind, which blows from their own coast, and which is the fiercest in all those parts; so named, I suppose, from its blustering and whirling. It is certain, that this particular wind is more raging and violent than any other: And that Cyrch amongst our modern Britains signifies force and violence, (i) plainly appears by the Welch-Litany.

(i) And so Kyrch-wynt would signifie a violent wind; but why Circ alone should signifie that particular piece of violence, there is no reason.

From Livy we learn, that the Pennine AlpsPenninus., by Cæsar call’d Summæsummae Alpes, as over-topping the rest, took not that name from Annibal Pænus paenus[i.e. the Carthaginian] but from the very highest Mountain thereabouts, the top whereof was consecrated, and had the name of Penninus given it by the Mountaineers of Gaul. Now the (k) tops of Mountains are called Pen by our Britains at this day:Appeninus. For instance, (l) Penmon-maur, Pendle, Pen, Pencoh-cloud, and (m) Pennigent, the highest mountains among us, have all borrow’d their names from this word: and so hath also the Apennine in Italy.

(k) And also Promontories.

(l) The true writing is Pen maen maur.

(m) Which is possibly a Corruption from Pen y gwynt, which signifies a windy Promontory.

The Cities of GaulArmorica., which border upon the sea, Cæsar tells us, were call’d by the Gauls AremoricæAremoricae; with whom our modern Britains agree, in applying the same word exactly in the same way. For Armor with them signifies By the Sea, or Upon the Sea. And in the very same notion Strabo calls them in Greek Greek text.

In the reign of the Emperor Dioclesian, the Peasants in Gaul raised a rebellion, and gave their party the name of (n) BaucadæBaucadae .Baucadæ. Now, Swine-herds and Rusticks are called (o) Beichiad by the Britains.

(n) They are called by different Authors Bagaudæ, Vacaudæ, BacaudæBagaudae, Vacaudae, Bacaudae; nor (as Salvianus witnesseth) did they consist wholly of Country-people or Swine-herds, but of many of the better sort too, who, being intolerably oppress’d by the Romans, were forced to take Arms. See Sammes Brit. p.64.

(o) It signifies no more than the bellowing of Oxen; nor does it appear that it ever expressed a Neatherd.

The Thieves of their own Country, saith Sidonius, are called by the Gauls, VargæVargae .Vargæ, L.4. Ep.6. Now, I have observed in the Glossary of the Church of Llandaffe, that Thieves were formerly called (p) Veriad in British.

(p) There is no word in British beginning with V consonant, but instead of that they make use of Gw. However, were there any such as Gweriad or Veriad, it seems too remote from Varga.

The Allobrogæ Allobrogae Allobroges., saith that antient and excellent Scholiast upon Juvenal, were so called, because BrogæBrogae among the Gauls signifies a Country, and (q) Alla, another; as being translated thither from some other country. Now, Bro in Welch signifies a Country, and (r) Allan, without or extraneous; so that the Etymology is just the same in both languages.

(q) Alla (says Sammes) does not signifie another in French, but only in Greek; and the British Bro comes from the PhœnicianPhoenician Baro, in the same sense.

(r) Alh in composition signifies another, as alhtudh extraneus. Alhtvroich in old British might also signify the Inhabitants of the mountains.

There is, saith Pliny, an herb like Plantain, called by the Gauls GlastumGlastum.; with which, writers tell us, the Britains us’d to paint themselves. This is the herb which we now call WoadWoad.: It makes a blue or sky colour, which colour is called Glas by the Welch to this day. This herb, according to Pliny, was by the Greeks called Isatis;Isatis.
The Herb Vitrum.
Luteum in Cæsar.
Pomp. Mela corrected.
and the Dyers termed it Vitrum, as we learn from Oribasius. Out of whom Pomponius Mela may easily be corrected, by inserting vitro instead of ultro, in that place where he saith, Britanni, &c. ultro corpora infecti, that is, it is uncertain whether it were for ornament, or some other end, that the Britains dyed their bodies with Vitrum, or Woad.

The GallathæGallathae , [in Asia Minor] who spake the same language with our antient Gauls, as we learn from St. Jerom, had a little shrub which they call’d CoccusCoccus., wherewith they made a deep red or scarlet colour; and that very colour is at this day called Coch in the British language.

That the BrachæBrachaeBrachæ. was a sort of habit common to the Gauls and Britains, we have shewn before. Diodorus Siculus describes these Brachæ to be a sort of coarse party-colour’d garment. Now, foul tatter’d cloaths are by the present Britains called (s) Brati.

(s) Brattian; and from thence by our North-country-men Brats.

If LainaLaina. was an old Gaulish word, as is hinted in that place of Strabo, The Gauls weave themselves thick coats of coarse wooll, which they call LainæLainae; the Britains have not departed much from it, who now call wooll, by the name of (t) Glawn.

(t) Gwlan in British is wool.

Festus Pompeius tells us, that (u) BardusBardus., in the language of the Gauls, signifies a Singer: and that word is absolutely British.

(u) Concerning the manner of their singing, Quantities of their verses, &c. see Drayton’s Polyolb. p.67. as Selden there quotes it from Dr. Powel, as also p.97.

We learn out of Martial and others, that BardocucullusBardocucullus. was a sort of garment worn by the Gaulish Bards: now as (x) Bard, so the other part of that word, remains entire among the modern Britains, who call a cloak (y) Cucul.

(x) Barah in British, Vates.

(y) Cochol, cucullus.

Gaul, saith Pliny, yieldeth a peculiar sort of corn, which the natives call BranceBrance., we Sandalum, a very fine sort of grain. Among the Britains likewise, a sort of grain which yields a pure white flower, is call’d (z) Guineth Vranc, and with us, in Norfolk, Branke.

(z) Gwenith Ffrank in British; but it is a modern word, and signifies French-wheat, so that we must not fansy it to have any relation to the Gaulish Brance.

The Herb, which the Greeks from its five leaves call Pentaphyllon, was by the Gauls called PempedulaPempedula., as we find in Apuleius. Now, (a) Pymp in British signifies five, and Deilen a Leaf.

(a) Pump-dail in British is quinque folia.

As Pymp for five, so Petor was the word among the Gauls for four; as we learn from Festus, who will have PetoritumPetoritum., a Gaulish chariot or waggon, to be so nam’d from its four wheels. Now, the word Pedwar signifies four among the Britains. (b)

(b) And (which makes the relation greater) Rhod is rota.

Among the wooden instruments, the Canterium of the Latins (the same which we in English call a Leaver,) was call’d (saith Isidore) by the Gauls GuuiaGuuia.; and it is now call’d (c) Guif in Welch.

(c) Gwyn is the truer name, though the modern Authors, usually writing f for v, spell it gwif.

BetullaBetulla., Pliny saith, was a Gaulish tree; we call it Birch. He would say it was a British tree too, if he were now alive: for it grows very plentifully in Britain; and is called in Welch (d) Bedw.

(d) In the plural Badwen; but this looks something forc’d.

Wine diluted with water, AthenæusAthenaeus saith, the Gauls called DercomaDercoma.; and Dwr signifies water among our Britains.

In like manner (not to trouble you with too many instances) Fearne, according to Dioscorides, was called RatisRatis. by the antient Gauls; and is now by the Britains called (e) Redin. The Elder-tree was called ScoviesScovies. by the Gauls; and now by the Britains (f) Iscaw. Serratula in Latin, in Gaulish VetonicaVetonica., is now (g) by the Britains, and by us also, called Betony. That which in Pliny the Latins call’d TerræTerrae adeps, i.e. the fatness of the earth, and the Gauls Marga, is by our Britains call’d Marle.Marga. That which the Latins call candida Marga, white Marle, and the Gauls GliscomargaGliscomarga., might probably be call’d Gluysmarl by the Britains: for Gluys in Welch is bright or shining. TripetiaTripetia., a word in Sulpitius Severus, said to be used by the Gauls for a three-footed stool, is by the Britains termed (h) Tribet. The measure of 100 foot, was called by the Gauls, according to Columella, CandetumCandetum.; in British it is (i) Cantroed. We read in Suetonius, that the bill or beak of a bird was by the Gauls called BeccoBecco.; the same is called (k) Pic by the Britains.

(e) Rhedyn.

(f) Yscaw.

(g) Betony is no British word, but express’d by Cribeu St. Frêd.Fred

(h) Trybedh.

(i) Kant-troed.

(k) Pig.

Nor should I be so wild in my conjectures, as Goropius is, if I should fansy some likeness between Suetonius’s GalbaGalba., which signifies one over-fat, and the British word (l) Galluus, denoting One of a very big size: Or Verrius Flaccus’s BulgaBulga. for a leathern Budget, and the British word (m) Butsiet; or SolduriiSoldurii. in CæsarCaesar (which, in him, are such as had vow’d to live and die together) and (n) Sowdiwr; or Pliny’s PlanaratPlanarat., for a Plow, and (o) Arat, which in British signifies the same thing; or Isidore’s TaxeaTaxea., for Lard, and the British (p) Tew; or Diodorus Siculus’s ZithumZithum,
Cyder.
, and their (q) Cider; or Cervisia, [beer] and KeirchCervisia,
Ale.
, i.e. Oats, of which the Welch in many places make beer; or rather (r) Cwrwf, which we in English call Ale.

(l) The present British know nothing of any such word.

(m) Budget has nothing of British: Bol indeed in that language is a belly, which may suit that fancy well enough.

(n) Sowder is probably pure English; for the British always use Milwr in that sense.

(o) Aradr in British is a plough.

(p) Tew, is fat.

(q) Cider is not British.

(r) Cerevisia and the Welch Kwrwv, are no doubt the same original.

That all these words properly belong’d to the antient Gauls, appears by the Authors we have cited; and you see how exactly they agree in sound and signification with our British words.

Another Argument is, that since the antient names of places in both kingdoms had the same terminations,The ends of the names of places. to wit, Dunum, Briva, Ritum, Durum, Magus, &c. it may be inferr’d that those Nations could not be wholly different. For this is a convincing evidence, that we English are descended from the Germans, because the modern names of our Towns do end in Burrow, Berry, Ham, Sted, Ford, Thorp, and Wich; all which do, in like manner, exactly correspond with the German terminations of Burg, Berg, Heim, Stadt, Furdt, Dorpe, Wic. On the other hand, so rational an account may be given of some Gaulish words, out of our British language, as answering exactly to the nature and property of the things so nam’d; that of necessity we must conclude, either those to have been names imposed by the Britains, or else that the Britains spoke the language of the Gauls. An instance or two to this purpose may be sufficient.

A third part of Gaul, saith Cæsar, is inhabited by those who in their own tongue are called CeltæCeltæ.Celtae, in ours Galli; by the Greeks GallathæGallathae. But whence these people were called Celtæ and Gallathæ, the most learned among the French could never tell us. I wish they would consider, whether this may not be deduc’d from the British word (s) GualtGualt., which to this day signifies the hair of the head; as Gualtoc doth Comata, i.e. long-haired: from whence the names of Celtica, and Gallathæ, and Galli, may very well have been derived; only mollified a little into some difference, in the pronunciation. Now, that the Celtæ were called Comati, from their large heads of hair, which they always wore at its full length, is generally agreed among the Learned:Lipsius de pronunciatione, p.66. and as for the Letters C, K, Q, and G, whether in power or sound, there is but little difference.

(s) Gwalht.

That the noble River of GaronneGarumna, Garonne. in France runs with a mighty violent force, is very well known: From whence the Poets have given it the epithets of the strong, the sea-like, the rapid, Garonne. All which the British word (t) Garrw doth import.

(t) Garw or Garwv, is rough, and Arar, gentle.

The river Arar, or SaonneArar, Saonne., moves so incredibly slow, that you cannot tell by the eye, which way it flows. Hence by the Poets it is called the slow, and the still Arar. Now, Ara among the Britains signifies slow and still.

RhodanusRhodanus, Rhosne., the Rhosne, which receives the Arar, runs with a very swift and violent current; and is therefore term’d quick, swift, and headlong. The word sounds not much unlike Rhedec, which signifies swiftness in running.

Strabo and others tell us, that the Mountains GebennæGebennae [the Cevennes] run out a long way in one continued ridge, in Gaul.Gebennæ.
Mountains of Auvergne, Cevennes.
And that (u) Kevin signifies the ridge of a hill among our Britains, appears by the British Lexicon. There is also near Otteley in Yorkshire, a long ridge of hills which I have seen; at this day call’d the Kevin by the people of those parts.

(u) The British call mountains Kevn, and in the Plural Number Kevneu, that is, backs.

Whereas stones were in old time erected in Gaul upon the Roads, at the distance of fifteen hundred paces from each other; and whereas the French LeucaLeuca. or League containeth, as Jornandes observes, just the same number, and (x) Leach in the British signifies a Stone; I would desire the learned among the French to consider, whether their word Leuca may not be derived from thence.

(x) LhéchLhech.

Near the Sea-side, in that part of France which was heretofore called NarbonensisStony Fields. Campi Lapidei., where Hercules and Albion fought (if we believe the old Fable,) the stones lie so thick, for many miles together, that one would almost think it had rain’d stones there. From whence it is by writers called the Stony Shore, and the Stony Field.

The French at this day call it le Craux; and yet they know not the reason of that name: But in British, stones are call’d (y) Craig.

(y) Stones are called Kerig; but Kraig is a rock; from whence in our Northern parts we still call them Crags.

The PeopleMorini. which in old time inhabited the Sea-coast of Gaul, lying nearest to Britain, were in their own language called Morini. Now, Mor is in British the Sea, from whence that word seems to have been derived. For, the Britains call such as live upon the sea-coast, Morinwyr; as Aremorica in the old Gaulish, and now in the British, signifies by the Sea-side.

So, ArelateArelate, Arles., a famous city of Gaul, which is seated in a marshy and watry soil, seems to have taken the name purely from its situation: For Ar in British, signifies upon, and Laith, moist.

UxellodunumUxellodunum., saith CæsarCaesar, is a Town having on all sides a rocky access, and situate on the top of a high hill. Now, (z) Uchel in British is lofty, and DunumDunum. among the antient Gauls signified an high ground, or a hill, as Plutarch in his little book of Rivers tells us out of Clitiphon; And the same word was also used in that sense by the antient Britains.

(z) This is very often us’d in compound names of places.

Pliny places the Promontory CytharistesCytharistes. in Gaul, near Marseilles, where the town of Toulon now stands. And if you ask our present Britains what they call Cythara, i.e. an harp, they will tell you, (a) Telen.

(a) Telyn is a harp.

Again (to put this matter out of dispute) it is very evident, that though the modern French is made up for the most part of the Latin and German; yet there still remain in it a great many old Gaulish words. And I have had it from some who are skill’d in both languages, that very many of those French words, which can be reduced neither to a Latin nor to a German original (and therefore may be presumed to be remains of the old Gaulish language,) do come as near the British as is possible. For example; The French at this day use the word Guerir, the Britains Guerif, to heal. The French use Guaine, the Britains Guain, for a Sheath. The French Derechef, the Britains Derchefu, for, † Denuòdenuo.Moreover. The French Camur, the Britains Cam, for Crooked. The French Bateau, the Britains Bad, for a Boat. The French Gourmond for a Glutton, the Britains Gormod, for, Too much, or beyond measure. The French Baston, the Britains Pastwn, for a Staff. The French Accabler, the Britains Cablu, for, To oppress. The French Havre, the Britains Aber, for a Haven. And Comb is yet in use in both nations, for a Valley.

Many more words there are of this sort, by the recital whereof I should only tire my Reader; tho’ they immediately tend to confirm this Point.

Whereas Tacitus tells us, that the ÆstiiAEstii, a people of Germany, used the habits and customs of the Suevians, but a language that came nearer to the British; this makes nothing against my assertion. For the languages that are most of all remote, may yet agree in some particulars. Epist. 4. So, Augerius Busbequius, late Embassador from the Emperor to the Grand Signior, observed many German and English words in the Taurica Chersonesus, or Crim-Tartary.

From all which instances, this conclusion may be drawn; That the antient Gauls and Britains spake the same language; and from thence, this other necessary consequence, That the Original of the Britains is to be referr’d to the Gauls. For it is not to be denied, what we before observed, that Gaul, as nearer to Armenia, must of course have been peopled before Britain. Besides (according to Strabo) as Gaul abounded in corn, so did it much more in men. It is therefore reasonable to conclude, that since the Gauls sent Colonies into Italy, Spain, Germany, Thrace, and Asia; they did the same much rather into Britain, a country so much nearer, and as plentiful as any of the rest. And it must redound much to the glory of the British nation, that they had their original from those antient Gauls, who were so famous for military Atchievements; and with whom the Romans for many years maintain’d a war, not for Honour and Empire, but for Self-preservation. And these Gauls were they, who, to use the Poet’s words rather than my own,

——per omnem
Invecti Europam, quasi grando Aquilone vel Austro
Importata, gravi passim sonuere tumultu:
Scit Romanus adhuc, & quam Tarpeia videtis
Arx attollentem caput illo in monte superbum,
Pannones Æmathii nôrunt, scit Delphica rupes
.

On Europe’s spacious tracts, like winter’s hail
Urg’d by the North, or boist’rous South, they fell
With furious noise; as yet the Roman state
Feels the sad blow, and mourns her turn of fate.
Too well Tarpeian tow’rs their force have known,
And Delphick Rocks, and Plains of Macedon.

And a little after,

Intravere Asiæ fines: prope littora Ponti
In gentem crevere novam, quæ tenditur usque
Ad juga Pamphilûm, Garamantica sydera contra
Inter Cappadoces posita, & Bythinica regna
.

O’er-running Asia’s bounds, their barbarous power
Fix’d a new kingdom near the Pontick shore,
Between Bythinia and Cappadocian lands,
Far as Pamphilian cliffs and Garamantick strands.

Nor ought we, on this occasion, to omit the arguments brought by Others, to prove that the Britains are descended from the Gauls. George Buc, a person eminent for his extraction and learning, observes out of Mekercus, that the Germans call a French-man, Wallon; and that, when the German Saxons first came hither and heard the Britains speak the Gaulish tongue, they call’d them Walli, i.e. Gauls. (b) Buchanan adds, that Walch does not barely signify a Stranger among the Germans, but most properly a Gaul. And withal he observes, that the French at this day call that country Galles, which we call Wales: and that the antient Scots divided all the British Nations into Gaol, and Galle, that is (according to his interpretation) into the GallæciGallaeci and the Galli.

(b) How true soever that may be, it is certain that the Opinion he advances of Wales having its name from Gaul, is altogether false, as is prov’d in Cornwall. And besides, why might not the Welsh and the Gauls both of them have their name upon the same occasion, the latter, as being strangers to the Germans, and the former, to the Saxons?

⌈It may not be improper, just to mention in this place, that a † † Mr. Sammes.late Author who fetches the original of the Britains from the PhœniciansPhoenicians, though he cannot deny the affinity between the Gaulish and British languages, proved in so many instances before; doth yet endeavour to reconcile that to his own Conjecture, by saying, 1. That the Commerce of these two Nations (intimated by CæsarCaesar, and other Writers) and that of the Phœnicians with both, might easily cause such a common and promiscuous use of particular Words and Names. To inforce which, he endeavours to show, 2. That those very Words, alledged to prove the Britains of a Gaulish original, are all, or most of them, found in the Phœnician Language; and therefore must be brought by that People, immediately, both into Britain and Gaul.⌉

But, when all is done, if our Britains, right or wrong, are resolved to claim a Trojan Original, I will not make it my business to oppose them: but yet (c) if they will take my advice, they may best ground their Relation to the Trojans, upon their descent from the Gauls. For it is said by some (these are the words of Ammianus) that after the destruction of Troy, a few who fled thence, possess’d themselves of Gaul, at that time unpeopled.

(c) Our Author, where he discourses of the Continuance of the Romans in Britain, delivers it as his Opinion, that the Britains may best claim a relation to the Trojans, by their intercourse for so many hundreds of years with the Romans, who were certainly descended from them.

And here,The British Language. while we have these languages under consideration, we cannot but admire and celebrate the divine goodness towards our Britains, the posterity of Gomer; who, though they have been conquer’d successively by the Romans, Saxons, and Normans; do hitherto enjoy the true Name of their Ancestors, and have also preserv’d their primitive language entire, although the Normans set themselves to abolish it by express laws. The replyGiraldus in his Topography of Wales. of that noble old Gentleman of Wales was not impertinent, who, being ask’d by Henry the second, King of England, what he thought of the strength of the Welch, and of his royal expedition against them, made his answer in these words: This nation, Great Sir, may suffer much, and may be in a great measure ruin’d, or at least weaken’d, by your present and future attempts, as formerly it hath often been; but we assure our selves, it will never be wholly destroyed * * Propter hominis iram.by the anger or power of any mortal man, unless the anger of Heaven concur in that destruction. Nor (whatever changes may happen as to the other parts of the world) can I believe that any other nation or language besides the Welch, shall answer at the last day for the greater part of this corner of the world.

The Name of
BRITAIN.

Big B BUT you will say, if Cumero be the primitive name of the Inhabitants, whence then comes Albion? and whence Britain? a name which hath so much prevailed, that the other is almost forgotten. Give me leave, as to this point, to deliver my real thoughts, which, I am satisfied, are the real truth. The same things may be consider’d under various circumstances, and thereupon be express’d by various names, as Plato tells us in his Cratylus. And if you will search into particular instances, both of modern and antient times, you will observe that all nations have been called by Strangers, differently from what they called themselves. Thus, they who in the language of their own Country, were called Israelites, were termed by the Greeks, Hebrews and Jews; and by the Egyptians, Huesi (as Manethon observes,) because they had Shepherds for their Kings. So, the Greeks call’d those Syrians, as Josephus writes, who nam’d themselves AramæansAramaeans, Those who call’d themselves Chusii, were by the Greeks, from their black faces, call’d ÆthiopiansAEthiopians ethiopians. They who call’d themselves CeltæCeltae, the Greeks call’d GallatæGallatae; either from their milk-white complexion, as some will have it, or from their long hair, as I just now observed. So, those who call’d themselves Teutsch, NumidæNumidae, and HellenæHellenae, were by the Romans call’d Germani, Mauri, and GræciGraeci; [Germans, Moors, and Greeks.] So at this day (not to produce too many instances) they who are in their own Tongue call’d Musselmen, Magier, Czechi, Besermanni, are by all the Europeans called Turks, Hungarians, Bohemians, and Tartars. And even in England, we, who in our own tongue call our selves Englishmen, are by the Welch, Irish, and Highland-Scots, call’d Sasson, i.e. Saxons. After the same manner we may imagin that our Ancestors, who called themselves Cumero, were upon some other account, either by themselves, or by others, called Britons; from whence the Greeks fram’d their Greek text, and handed the same word to the Romans. Thus much being premis’d, we will now enquire into the several names of this Island.

As to the name AlbionAlbion., I am not much solicitous about it. For it was impos’d by the Greeks for distinction-sake; all the Islands that lay round it being call’d by one general name, BritannicæBritannicae and BritanniæBritanniae, i.e. the British Isles. The Island of Britain, saith Pliny, so famous in the writings of the Greeks and Romans, is situate to the north-west, at a great distance from, but just opposite to, Germany, France, and Spain, three Countries that take up much the greatest part of Europe. It is particularly call’d Albion; whereas all the Isles about it are nam’d Britanniæ.Britanniæ. Whereupon Catullus, concerning CæsarCaesar, hath this expression,

Hunc Galliæ timent, timent Britanniæ.
Both Gaul and Britain our great Cæsar dread.

Also in the same Epigram, he calls this Ultimam Occidentis Insulam, i.e. the farthest Island of the west. The name Albion seems to have had its rise meerly from a vain humour of the Greeks, and a fondness in that people for fables and fictitious names; which themselves call’d Greek text. For seeing that nation has, in the pure strength of Fancy, named Italy, Hesperia, from Hesperus, the son of Atlas; France, Gallatia, from a certain son of Polyphemus, &c. I cannot but believe, that in the same fanciful humour they invented for this Isle the name of Albion, from Albion, Neptune’s son; as Perottus and Lilius Giraldus have observ’d before me: unless one should chuse rather to derive it from Greek text, a word, which Festus saith, signifies white in Greek, whence the Alps may also have taken their name: for our Island is surrounded with white rocks, which Cicero calls Mirisicas Moles, vast and prodigious piles. For which reason in the (a) Coins of Antoninus Pius, and Severus, Britain is figuredThe figure of Britain., sitting upon Rocks, in a woman’s habit; and by the British Poets is stiled (b) Inis WenInis Wen., that is, the White Island. Not to observe, that Orpheus in his Argonautics (c) (if they be his) calls that Island, Greek text, The white land, which lies next to Jernis, or Ireland, and which can be no other but our Britain; the same, which in a few verses before, he seems to have call’d Greek text for Greek text.FracastoriusLib. 1. de morbis contagiosis. also, in his discourse concerning that pestilential fever which rag’d in England under the name of the Sweating Sickness, delivers it as his Opinion, that it was occasioned by the nature of the English soil, which is very much upon Chalk, or a white sort of Marle; and supposes that from thence our Island took the name of Albion. (d) ⌈So, an Island in the Indian Sea, was call’d Leuca, white; and also another in Pontus, which agreed with this of our’s so far, as to be thought Fortunate , and to be a receptacle of the Souls of those great Heroes, Peleus and Achilles. So a place by Tyber also was call’d Albiona.⌉

(a) One of those Coins of Antoninus Pius, having Britain sitting upon the rocks, is in the hands of Mr. Thoresby of Leeds, with this inscription, Antoninus. Aug. Pius. P. P. Tr. P. xviii. Reverse. Britannia. Cos. 1111-SC.

(b) The learned Selden (Annot. ad Polyolb. p.20.) thinks this instance the most considerable of all for this purpose; because in Antiquity it is usual to have names among strangers, corresponding to those of the inhabitants. So the Redde-Sea is by Strabo, Curtius, Stephanus, and others, call’d ErythræusErythraeus; and Nile, in Hebrew and Ægyptian aegyptian egyptiancall’d black, is observ’d by that Prince of Learning Joseph Scaliger, to signify the same colour in the word Greek text, us’d for it by Homer; which is inforced by the black statues, among the Greeks, erected in honour of Nile, call’d also expressly Greek text.

(c) See Usher’s Antiquit. Britan. Eccles. p.378. fol.

(d) As Buchanan will not allow that their Albania could come from a Latin word, so neither will Somner let our Albion have that original; but, with Albania, derives it from the Celtick Alpen, Alben, and such like words, intimating a mountain, high hill, &c. which answers the nature of the place, whether we consider the inner parts of the Island, or those moles mirificæ, (mentioned by Cicero) upon the Sea-Coasts.

He had but little honesty, and as little modesty, who was the Inventor of that idle story, not to be heard without indignation, That this Island took the name of Albion from (e) Albina, one of the thirty daughters of Dioclesian a King of Syria, who on their wedding-night kill’d all their husbands, and then coming over hither in a vessel without oars, were the first that took possession of the Island, where a sort of carnal Spirits got them with child; and thence issued a race of Giants. (f) Nor need I be at much pains to enquire, why, in that old Parodia against Ventidius BassusInsula Cæruli., it is call’d Insula CæruliCaeruli; considering that it is surrounded with the Sea, which the Poets stile CærulusCaerulus and CærulumCaerulum. So Claudian, concerning Britain,

——Cujus vestigia verrit Cærulus. ——

——Whose steps the azure sea
Sweeps with his tide.——

I omit, that it is by Aristides call’d the Great and the farthest Island. That it was also call’d RomaniaRomania., seems to be insinuated by those passages in Gildas, where he tells us, that this Island was so absolutely brought under the Roman power, That the name of the Roman slavery stuck to the very soil. And a little after; So that it might now be accounted Romania, rather than Britannia. And within a page or two, An Island, bearing the Roman name, but not observing the laws or customs of the Romans. Nay, Prosper Aquitanus expressly calls it, The Roman Island. Hither also may be refer’d that prediction of the Aruspices or Sooth-sayers, when the Statues of Tacitus and Florianus the Emperors were thrown down with Thunder; viz. That out of their Family should arise an Emperor who, amongst other great actions, should set Presidents over Taprobana, and send a Proconsul intoVopiscus in Floriano. the Roman Island; which the Learned understand of our Britain; tho’ it was a Province Presidial, and never Proconsular, as we shall hereafter shew. If some will still believe that it was also call’d SamotheaSamothea., from Samothes, Japhet’s sixth son, I cannot help it. I know very well whence all that is borrow’d; out of Annius Viterbiensis, who, like all other Cheats, putting specious titles upon bad wares, hath imposed upon the credulous his own forgeries under the name of Berosus.

(e) This is fetch’d out of the Chronicle of St. Albans. But our Author seems here to confound two fabulous opinions into one, making this Albina, at the same time daughter of Dioclesian, and one of the Danaides, daughters of Danaus: for they it were, who are said to have kill’d their husbands, and come over hither.

(f) See Virgil’s Catalects, and Scaliger upon the place. For this reason it is we find, in the Coins of Antoninus Pius, Britain represented by a woman sometimes sitting upon a rock, sometimes upon a sort of a globe in the Ocean. And Prosper the Rhetorician, calls the Britains ÆquoreiAEquorei.

But, as to the name and original of Britain, the various opinions concerning it, have made it a very doubtful point; for which reason, I here apply my self to our Britains, for leave to interpose my judgment among the rest; and that they would put a favourable construction upon what I do; that as they desire to know the truth, so they would pardon those that search after it, and allow me the same liberty that Eliot, Leland, Llwyd, and others, have taken. For if Humphrey Llwyd, a learned Britain, was not blam’d, but commended, for producing a new Etymology of Britain, different from the common one of Brutus, without prejudice to that story; I hope it will be no crime in me, who here meddle not with the History of Brutus, if I briefly enquire after another original. And where can I so properly search, as in our British language? which as it is pure and unmix’d, so extreamly ancient: and on this double account, we may promise our selves considerable assistance from it. For antient languages are highly serviceable to the finding out the first originals of things; and Plato, in his Cratylus, tells us, that the primitive names of things, long since worn out of use, are still preserv’d in the barbarous Tongues as the most antient. And, though those matters are so very obscure by reason of their great Antiquity, that we rather earnestly wish for the truth, than have any reasonable hopes to discover it; yet I shall do my utmost to clear this point, and shall briefly propound my own judgment, not magisterially imposing it upon any man, but being ready to admit, with the highest satisfaction, any other opinion that shall be more probable. For I love Truth of another’s discovery, altogether as well as my own; and equally embrace it, where-ever I find it.

In the first place, I will take it for granted, with the Reader’s leave, that all antient nations had their own proper names from the beginning, and that the Greeks and Latins, afterwards, fram’d names for every Country out of those of the People, with variation enough to accommodate them to their own Dialect. Or, to explain my self further, that the People were known and distinguish’d by names, before the Countries they inhabited; and that the Countries were afterwards denominated from the People. Who can deny but the names of the Jews, the Medes, the Persians, Scythians, Almans, Gauls, Getulians, Saxons, English, Scots, &c. were in being, before those of JudæaJudaea, Media, Persia, Scythia, Almaine, Gaul, Getulia, Saxony, England, Scotland, &c? Nor is any thing more evident, than that these last were coin’d out of the first. We read, that from the Samnites, the Insubres, and BelgæBelgae, Livy and CæsarCaesar were the first that call’d the Countries themselves, Samnitium, Insubrium, and Belgium. From the Franks (in the time of Constantine the Great, as appears by the Coins of that Emperor) the Country where they were seated, first took the name of Francia or France. And Sidonius Apollinaris was the first, that framed the name of Burgundy from the Burgundians. Now, we have all the reason in the world to believe, that after the same manner the Inhabitants, or else the Gauls their next Neighbours, gave this Island the name of Britain. For there are circumstances, which make it probable, that the Natives were called Brit or Brith in the old barbarous Language; especially, that Verse, which passes under the name of Sibyl,

Greek text

The British tribes and wealthy Gauls shall hear
The purple waves come rowling from afar,
While tides of blood the wond’ring Pilots fear.

Next, the authority of Martial, Juvenal, and Ausonius: This Island’s being also by Procopius call’d Britia; then, the ancient Inscriptions, set up by the Britains themselves, in which we read Brito, Britones, Brittus, COH. BRITON ORDINIS BRITTON, and at Rome, in the Church of S. Maria Rotunda, NATIONE BRITTO. Together with an Inscription to be seen at Amerbach in Germany; which I will here insert, because it mentions Triputium, some place in Britain, not yet known,

NYMPHISO
NO BRITTON
TRIPUTIENO
SUB CURA
MO VLPI
MALCHI
* 7. LEG. XXII.* Centurionis.
PO PO FO

The Saxons also themselves, in their own Language, called the Britains Saxon: Brits, and particularly Witichindus the Saxon, throughout his History, uses the wordBRIT. BritæBritae. So that, without all doubt, Brit is the primitive, from whence Brito is derived; and from whence we may expect some light towards the original of the name of Britain.

Now, it was the general custom of all nations, to apply to themselves such names as had respect to something wherein they either excell’d, or were distinguish’d from the rest. Some, from the dignity of their Founders, as the Jonians from Javan, the Israelites from Israel, the Chananites from Chanan the Son of Cham. Others, with respect to their particular Natures, Customs, or Employments; as the Iberi, according to the Hebrew derivation, because they were Miners; the Heneti, because they were Wanderers; the Nomades, because they employ’d themselves mostly about Cattel; the Germans, because they were accounted stout and warlike; the Franks, because free; the Pannonians, in the opinion of Dion, from Pannus, as wearing cloath-coats with long sleeves; the ÆthiopiansAEthiopians ethiopians from their blackness; and the Albans, as born with white hair. From whence Solinus remarks, That even the Colour of the hair did give name to a nation. And our Country-men, who, passing under the general name of Cimbri or Cumeri in common with the Gauls, had no other mark or character so proper to difference and distinguish them from the rest, as that peculiar Custom of painting their bodies: (For the best writers that are, Cæsar, Mela, Pliny, &c. do all agree, that the Britains us’d to paint themselves with Glastum, or woad; and the word GlasGlas., signifies Blue in Welch to this day:)

WhatBritons, whence took of their name., if I suppose then, that our Britons had that name from their painted bodies; for the word BrithBrith, what it is., in the antient language of this Island, signifies any thing that is painted and coloured? Nor can any one in reason censure this, as absurd, or over-strain’d, seeing it has the proper marks of a just Etymology; the words sound alike, and the name (which is as it were the picture of the thing) expresses the thing it self. For Brith and Brit are very near in sound; and the word Brith, among the Britains, expresses to the full what the Britains really were, that is, painted, stained, died, and coloured. These Epithets the Latin Poets use to give them;Lib. 1. Cynegetic. and Oppian terms them Greek text, i.e. having backs of several colours.

Nor will it be improper here (though, it may seem of no great moment) to set down an observation of my ownOld Britains names drawn from colours., That in the names of almost all the antient Britains, there appears some intimation of a Colour, which, without doubt, arose from this custom of Painting. The Red Colour is by the Britains call’d Coch and Goch; which word, I fansy, is part of these boadicea caratacus names, Cogidunus, Argentocoxus, Segonax. The black colour they call ; of which methinks there is some appearance in Mandubratius, Cartimandua, Togodumnus, Bunduica, Cogidunus. The white colour is called Gwyn, the plain footsteps of which word, methinks, I see in Venutius and Immanuentius. Gwellw, in Welch, signifies a Waterish colour, and this discovers it self evidently in the names of Vellocatus and Carvillius, and Suella. Blue in British is Glas; and that plainly appears in the name of King Cuniglasus, which Gildas interprets Fulvus, or, as it is in some other copies, Furvus Lanio, a dark colour’d Butcher. Aure, the name for a Gold colour, is plain in Cungetorix and Arviragus. A lively and brisk colour is by them call’d Teg, whereof we have a slight hint in Prasutagus, and Charactacus. And, if we allow that the Britains borrow’d the names of mixt colours, together with the colours themselves, from the Romans (as they did certainly their Werith for Green, from Viridis; and Melin for Straw-colour, from Melinus;) then I may have leave to fansy, that I discover somewhat of the colour call’d Prasinus, or Grass-green, in the name of Prasutagus; and of the colour call’d Minium, i.e. Vermilian, in that of Adiminius, son to King Cunobelinus. Rufina also, that learned British Lady, took her name from the Latin Rufus, the red or flame-colour: as Alban, the first Martyr of Britain, from Albus, i.e. White. If any person, skill’d in that antient language, would in like manner examine the rest of the British names that occur in old Writers (of which sort there are not above four or five remaining) it is very probable he would find in every one, some signification of a Colour. Nor ought we to omit, that the most common names at this day among our Britains, Gwyn, Du, Goch, Lluid, were taken from the white, black, red, and russet Colour. So that it cannot seem strange, that a nation should derive its (g) general name from Painting, where all the people painted their bodies; and where in old time it was, and at present is, the fashion among the Inhabitants, to take their names from Colours. But to return to our business; if all this can be thought foreign to it.

(g) Mr. Somner, not without some colour of reason, has express’d his dislike of this Original. For 1. It does not appear (how generally soever the Opinion may be receiv’d) that the old Britains did paint their bodies. Glasto inficiunt, quod cæruleum efficit, atque hoc horribiliores sunt in pugna aspectu, &c. says Cæsar, and agreeably, Pomponius Mela, Vitro corpora infecti; to both which, Pliny’s words do very well suit, Simile plantagini glastum in Gallia vocatur, quo Britannorum conjuges nurusque toto corpore oblitæ, quibusdam in sacris & nudæ incedunt Æthiopum colorem imitantes. Now, there is a great difference between barely dying, or dawbing the body (which implies no more than colouring,) and painting, which necessarily supposes certain figures drawn upon the body. Besides, supposing some of the Britains did paint themselves, and Cæsar (the best authority of that kind) be interpreted in this sense; yet it is only the Albion he speaks of; whereas all the Isles in our Ocean were call’d, by one general name, Insulæ Britannicæ; and therefore, unless it appeared that all the rest followed the same Custom (as it does not) Britannia under that notion cannot properly be applied to them.

It is most certain, that in the British Histories, an Inhabitant of Britain is call’d in that language Brithon.

The note of aspiration is not to be regarded, since the Britains (whose tongue, St. ChrysostomIn Serm. Pentecost. saith, was lingua Sibila, a hissing tongue) were always pleas’d with aspirations, which the Latins as studiously avoided: and as Brito came from Brith, so did Britannia also, in my opinion. Britannia (saith Isidore) was so called from a word of that Nation. And whereas the most antient Greeks (the first who gave the name of Britain to our Island) whether on account of Trade or Piracy, were wont to make long voyages, keeping always close to the shore (as Eratosthenes hath observ’d;) they might either be inform’d by the Natives, or learn from the Gauls who spoke the same language, that the people of this Island were call’d BrithTania.
So the Germans now add Landt to the names of Countries.
and Brithon, and thereupon, to the word Brith might add Tania, a termination, which in Greek (as the (h) Glossaries tell us) signifies a Region or Country. Out of these two words, they compounded the name of Greek text, corruptly written Greek text, i.e. the Country of the Britons. Lucretius and Cæsarcaesar have nam’d it more truly Britannia; and they are the first of the Latins that make mention of it.

(h) The learned Casaubon has express’d himself dissatisfy’d with the bare authority of Glossaries in this point, unless it also appeared that some writer had us’d the word Greek text in that sense. What he imagins might occasion such a Mistake in the Glossographers, is the Greek text, used to signify a little slip or tongue of land or shore. See Camden’s Epist. p.60.

That the matter stands thus as to Britain, I do the more firmly believe, because we find not in all the world besides, above three Countries of any considerable largeness, the names whereof do end in Tania; and these lie in this Western part of the world, to wit, Mauritania, Lusitania, and Aquitania; (i) of which, I question not, but that the Greeks who first discover’d those countries, were the Inventers, and that from them the Latins afterwards receiv’d them. For, from the name of the Mauri, they made Mauritania, The country of the Mauri; which, according to Strabo, was by the natives called Numidia. From Lusus, the Son of Bacchus, they framed Lusitania, that is, the Country of Lusus; and perhaps they call’d Aquitain by that name, ab aquis, as Ivo Carnotensis thinks, since it is a country seated upon the water. In which sense also (as Pliny tells us) it was formerly called Armorica, i.e. upon the Sea-coast. As for Turditania and Bastitania, names of smaller countries in Spain (and consequently lying also in these Western parts of the world) they may be very properly reduc’d under the same head, and seem to signify no more than the countries of the Turdi, and the Basti. Nor is it unusual for Names to be compounded of a Foreign and a Greek word. Words are compounded, (saith Quintilian)Lib. 1. either of our own (i.e. Latin) and a foreign word, as Biclinium; or just the contrary, of a foreign word and a Latin tack’d to it, as Epitogium and Anticato; or of two foreign words, as Epirrhedium. And this is the most usual sort of Composition, in the names of Countries. Is not the name of Ireland a manifest Compound of the Irish Erin, and the English Land? Is not Angleterre, a name made by the conjunction of a French with an English word? Was not the name of Franclond (for so our old Saxons called France) a Compound of the French and Saxon Language? Came not Poleland likewise from a Polish word, signifying a plain or level, united with a German? Lastly, was not the name of Denmark compounded of a Danish word, and the German March, which signifieth a bound or limit? But in a matter so evident, more Instances are needless.

(i) There are two more which have the same termination, Capitania, and Occitania. Ibid.

Nor is it at all to be wonder’d, that the Greeks should give our Isle this addition of Tania; when St. Jerom, in his Questions upon Genesis, proves out of the most antient Authors, that the Grecians had their Colonies and Plantations along all the Sea-Coasts in Europe, and in all the Islands, even as far as Britain. Let us, saith he, look into Varro’s Treatise of Antiquities, and that of Sisinius Capito, and into the Greek writer Phlegon, and several others eminent for their learning; and we shall see, that almost all the Islands and Sea-coasts over the whole world, with the lands bordering there-upon, were generally possessed by the Greeks. For that people (as I have said before) possessed all the Sea-coasts, from the Mountains Amanus and Taurus, as far as the British Ocean.

(k)That the Greeks came into Britain. That the Greeks did land in this Island, and made their Observations on the situation and nature of it, will be a point past all question, if we observe what AthenæusAthenaeus hath written concerning Phileas Taurominites (of whom more anon) who was in Britain in the 160th year before the coming of CæsarCaesar: Next, if we remember the Altar, with an inscription to Ulysses, in Greek Letters: And lastly, if we consider what Pytheas hath related before the time of the Romans, concerning the distance of Thule from Britain. For who should discover to the Greeks, either Britain, or Thule, or the Countries of Belgium, especially their Sea-coasts; unless the Ships of the Grecians had been in the British and German Ocean, and given their Geographers an account of them? Can we imagin, that Pytheas could have known any thing of what lay six days sail beyond Britain, but that some of the Greeks gave him information? How else could the Greeks come to know, that there were such places as Scandia, Bergos, and Nerigon, from whence the passage lay by sea to Thule? These very names seem to have been much better known, even to the most antient among the Greeks, than to Pliny, or any of the Romans. Accordingly, Mela tells us, That Thule had been celebrated by the Grecian Poets; and Pliny saith, Britain was an Island famous in the writings of the Greeks and Romans. By this means, so great a number of Greek words have crept into the British and French language; as also into the Belgic or Low-Dutch; and therefore, Lazarus Bayfius, and BudæusBudaeus, have taken occasion to value their Country upon this, that the French were in old time Greek text, i.e. Great admirers of the Greeks, building upon a few French words, which discover some marks of the Greek: And Hadrianus Junius seems no less pleas’d, when he can light on a Belgick word that will admit of a Greek Etymology. By the same rule, our (l) Britains may also glory in their Language,Greek words, in the British language. since it hath a great many words which are deriv’d from a Greek original. But the learned Sir Thomas SmythIn his book of English Orthography., Secretary of State to Queen Elizabeth, attributes it rather to this accident, that when all the rest of Europe was disturb’d and harrass’d with wars, a great number of Greeks fled hither for safety.

Thus, you have my thoughts, (m) and perhaps my mistakes, concerning the original of the Britains, and the name of Britain. If they are false, may the discovery of Truth show it. In this intricate and obscure search after Antiquities, he merits who errs but a little; and it often happens, that things which at first sight are judged false, appear very true upon a more serious consideration. If I were standing before Truth her self as my Judge, I could say no more. As for our Country-men the Britains, I do with all earnestness intreat the learned among them, to employ their utmost care and diligence in this enquiry; that so, at the appearance of Truth, all Conjectures may vanish, like mists before the Sun.

(k) Concerning the knowledge the Greeks and Romans seem to have had of Britain, see more hereafter, under the title Britannorum mores.

(l) And if that be a good bottom, so may the English too, several of whose Words are shewn by some late Lexicographers to have a near affinity with the Greek. But, which is more, even in point of Idiom, there do not want instances to shew an Analogy between them. For, Greek text, in Hesychius, is our heart of a tree; Greek text, to take in hand with us; Greek text, to put in mind; Greek text, in Lucian, to be led by the nose; Greek text, in Diogenes Laërtius, to make water; Greek text, he left speaking; Greek text, in Isocrates, his tongue runs before his wit; Greek text, (among the Greek Adagies collected by Schottus) a rope of sand; Greek text, a rowling-stone gathers no moss.

(m) The same Author, that has express’d his dissatisfaction in Mr. Camden’s Brith-tania, has left us a Conjecture of his own, no less plausible than learned, viz. that it comes from Brydio, signifying in British fervere, æstuare, fervescere, calefacere, calefieri, &c. pointing out the heat and violent motion of this Sea, so much talk’d of by Authors. By one it is call’d Oceanus barbaris fluctibus fremens; by another it is said, horrendis attolli æstibus. And the Irish Sea is called by Solinus, undosus & inquietus; toto in anno (so he goes on) non nisi pauculis diebus est navigabile. Giraldus Cambrensis follows him, and gives us almost the same description of it: and Camden, in his account of this matter, has shown these Seas to have been famous for their ruggedness. See him in Kent, and in his Discourse upon the British Isles. Now, since this Quality of our Seas has been in all ages so eminent; since also the British Brydio so fully expresses that Quality, we must at least allow this Conjecture some share of Probability. Doubtless, from the same original was their Brydaniaeth, iracundia, fervor, &c. which leads us naturally to Brydain, in Saxon Saxon: Brytane, and with us Britain.

ornament
The Manners of the
BRITAINS.

Big AAS for the Affairs of the Britains in elder times, their State and Government, their Laws and Customs; we were promised a treatise of them by Mr. Daniel Rogers, an excellent Person and particularly eminent for learning, and to whom I had great Obligations: but he being taken away in the flower of his age, before he had done any thing upon that subject, I will present the Reader with these few MemoirsManners and Customs of the Britains. concerning their Customs, taken, word for word, out of ancient Authors.

Cæsar.caesar money The mony us’d by the Britains is Brass; or iron * * Annulis in the text: some read laminis.rings at a certain weight, instead of it. They think it unlawful to eat hares, hens, and geese; however, they keep them for their Pleasure. The most civiliz’d by far, are those who inhabit Kent, a country which lies upon the sea-coast, where they are not much different from the Gauls in their way of Living. Most of the inland People sow no corn, but live upon milk and flesh; and are cloathed with skins. All the Britains dye themselves with Woad; which makes them of a skie colour, and thereby the more terrible in Battle. They wear their hair long upon the head, but close and bare in all parts of the Body except the head and the upper-lip. TheySeld. Præf. ad Polyolb. have, ten or twelve of them, Wives together in common, especially brothers with one another, and parents with children; but if any of the Women bring forth, the child is counted his only who first married her. In Battle, their way is generally to fight in * Way of fighting in Chariots. * Essedis.Chariots: First, they scour up and down in them, and fling darts, and many times disorder the enemy’s ranks by the terrour of their Horses and the noise of their Chariot-wheels. When they have wound themselves in among the Horse, they skip from their chariots, and fight on foot. The charioteers in the mean time retire, and place themselves so, that their masters may readily mount again, in case they are overpower’d by the number of the enemy. Thus they answer both the speed of the Horse, and the steadiness of the Foot, and by daily use and practice are so expert in it, that upon the side of a steep hill, they can stop and check their horses at full speed; can turn, and run upon the beam, rest upon the yoke, and from thence whip presently into their chariots. They often give ground and retreat on purpose; and when they are at a little distance from our Legions, they come out of their chariots, and fight the enemy at disadvantage. The way of their Cavalry was such, that it proved equally dangerous, to pursue or to be pursued by them. Moreover, they never fought close, and in Bodies, but thin, and at some considerable distance; having others so posted that one party might succour another, and the weary might be reliev’d by fresh supplies.

Strabo. The Britains exceed the Gauls in stature, and their Hair is not so yellow, nor their bodies so well set. Let this be a sufficient argument of their tallness, that I my self have seen at Rome some of their Youth taller by half a foot than other men. Yet their legs were but weak, and the other parts of the Body not well made nor handsome. In their ways and Customs, they partly resemble the Gauls, but are in some things more simple and barbarous: so that some have not the art of making Cheese, tho’ they abound with milk; others know neither gardening, nor any other part of Husbandry. They have many Potentates among them. In battle, they use Chariots in great numbers, as some of the Gauls also do. WoodsBritish towns. with them are instead of Cities; for having cut down trees, and enclosed a large round plot of ground with them, there they build huts to live in, and make folds for their Cattle; which are not design’d to endure long.

Cæsar likewise. It is call’d a Town among the Britains, when some thick wood is fenc’d round with a trench and rampire; where, to avoid incursions, they retire and take refuge.

Diodorus Siculus. The Britains live in the same manner that the ancients did; they fight in chariots, as the ancient heroes of Greece are said to have done in the Trojan wars. Their houses, for the most part, are made of reeds or wood. They inn their corn in the ear, and thresh out no more at a time than may serve for one day. They are simple and upright in their dealings, and far from the craft and subtilty of our Countrey-men. Their food is plain and natural, and has nothing of the dainties of the rich. The Island is very populous.

Pomponius Mela. Britain has its Nations, and its Kings over them; but all are barbarous. And as they are at a great distance from the Continent, they are more unacquainted with the wealth and riches of other Places; their’s consisting wholly in cattle and the extent of their Grounds. They * *  Ultro Corporæ infecti. But in the margin glasto vel vitro.paint their Bodies; whether for show and beauty, or some other reason, is uncertain. They make war upon the slightest occasions, with frequent incursions upon one another; prompted chiefly by an ambition of Sovereignty, and of enlarging their territories. They fight, not only on horseback and on foot, but also in their wagons and chariots, armed after the way of the Gauls: they call them Covins, withFalcatis axibus.hooks and scythes at the axle-trees.

Cornelius Tacitus, The Britains are nearest to the Gauls, and like them; either by reason of the same original, or because, in Countries opposite to one another, a like climate gives a like make and complexion. However, all things consider’d, it is probable this neighbouring Country was peopled by the Gauls. One finds the same Religious rites and superstitions among them. Their language is not much different, and they are alike bold and forward in any dangerous Enterprise; and, upon an encounter, alike cowardly. Yet the Britains shew more heat and fierceness than the other, as being not yet soften’d and effeminated by peace. For we find, that the Gauls likewise were once famous in war, till Cowardice came in with Peace, and their Valour and Liberty sunk together. Which very thing has befallen those of the Britains who have been conquer’d; whereas the rest continue such as the Gauls were. The strength of their Arms consists in their Infantry; and some of their Nations fight in chariots. The greatest person among them drives, and his servants defend him. Heretofore they were govern’d by Kings, but now they are drawn, under petty Princes, into parties and factions. Nor was there any thing of greater advantage to the Romans, against the most powerful among them; than their not concerting one common interest. It is seldom that above one or two Cities unite against a common enemy; so that whilst every one fights single, all are conquer’d.

In another place. It is common among the Britains to consult the Gods, by surveying the entrails of beasts, and to go to war under the conduct of Women. They make no distinction of sex in point of Government. And therefore some learned men think that Aristotle spoke of the Britains, where he takes notice of some warlike nations beyond the CeltæCeltae, subject to the Government of Women.

Dio NicæusNicaeus, out of Xiphilin’s Epitome, concerning the Britains in the North part of the Island. They till no ground, but live upon prey and hunting, and the fruit of trees: Fish (though they have it in very great plenty) they will not taste. They dwell in tents, naked, and without shoes. They use their wives in common, and bring up all the children among them. They are in a great measure a Democracy. They take mighty pleasure in robbery and plunder; and fight in chariots. Their horses are small and swift. They themselves run at a great rate. When they are engag’d, they are firm and immoveable. Their weapons are a shield and a short spear, in the lower end whereof is a piece of brass like an Apple, that, by shaking it, they may terrifie the enemy. They have daggers also: and they endure hunger, cold, and all kinds of hardships with wonderful patience. For in the bogs they wll continue many days without food, up to their very heads. In the woods, they live upon barks of trees and roots. They have a certain kind of meat ready upon all occasions, of which if they take but the quantity of a bean, they are neither hungry nor dry.

Herodian, They know not the use of cloaths; but about their necks and bellies they wear iron (thinking it an ornament and a sign of great Riches) as other Barbarians do gold. They paint their bodies with sundry colours and with all kinds of animals represented in them; and therefore they wear no cloaths, lest they should hide and cover it. The people are warlike and bloody, arm’d only with a narrow shield, and a spear, and a sword hanging by their naked bodies. They are altogether strangers to a coat of mail or helmet; supposing it would prove but a burthen to them, in their march over bogs and mosses; from which so much fog and vapour is exhaled, that the air in those parts is always thick and cloudy.

What remains (which is but little) I will pick up here and there, and set down as briefly as I can. Pliny of Magick.Magick in Britain. But why should I take notice of these things, in an Art which hath travers’d the Ocean, and reach’d the utmost bounds of Nature? Britain at this dayCelebrat.exercises it with so much pomp and ceremony, that one would imagin the Persians had been taught it by them.

The same Author. There grows in Gaul an herb like plantane, call’d Glastum,Glastum Woad. wherewith the British wives and virgins dye their bodies all over, and so, like Blackamoors, they are wont at certain Sacrifices to go naked. The choicest food among them is the Chenerotes,Chenerotes. a kind of fowl less than a wild Goose. The Britains wear rings upon their middle finger; they manure their ground with * * Marga.Marle.

Solinus tells us,Manner of Painting. That they painted themselves with certain marks, which Tertullian calls Britonum stigmata. He says farther, The Country is partly possess’d by Barbarians; who have the shapes of several beasts artfully cut on the bodies in their youth, that the prints in the flesh may grow and increase as the bodies do. Nor is there any thing reckon’d a greater sign of patience and courage among these Barbarous Nations, than to make such scars in their limbs, as may receive the deepest dye.

Dio. They worship’d Andates,Andates. that is to say, the Goddesses Victoria andAndrastes.

CæsarCaesar and Lucan. Shipping of the Britains. They had Ships, the keel and mast whereof were made of light wood; the other parts were cover’d over with leather. Solinus. Sailors did never eat, till their voyage was finish’d. Their drink was made of Barley (and so it is by us at this day,) as Dioscorides says; who mis-names it CurmiCurmi. for Kwrw; for so the Welch term what we call Ale. Most of them had only one wife, as Eusebius says, Præpar. 6. Plutarch writes, That some of them would live an hundred and twenty years; the natural heat of the body being preserv’d by the coldness of the Country.

AsThe British Tyrants. for those ancient Days of inhuman Tyrants, which Gildas speaks of, I know not what he means by them, unless it be those who took upon them the Government here, in opposition to the Romans, and were call’d at that time Tyranni. For he presently adds from S. Jerome, Porphyry raging in the east like a mad dog against the Church, proceeds after this vain and wild manner; calling Britain a Province plentiful in Tyrants.

I shall say nothing of their ancient Religion, since it was not really a Religion, but a confused heap of Superstitions. For after the Devil had bury’d the true Religion in darkness, Gildas tells us,Religion of the Britains. That the spectres of Britain were purely hellish, more numerous almost than those of ÆgyptAEgypt egypt, of which some are yet remaining, strangely featur’d and ugly, and to be seen within and without their forsaken walls, looking stiff and grim, after their usual manner.

As for the Britains being at the rape of Hesione with Hercules (which is inferr’d from those verses of Cornelius, supposed by some to be the same with Nepos, where he describes the marriage of Telemon and Hesione:

——Et in aurea pocula fusi
Invitant sese pateris plebs mixta Britanni, &c
.

With generous wine the golden Vessels flow’d,
And well-fill’d bowls went round the undistinguish’d crowd;
Britains among the rest.——)

this is plainly poetical; and, that the Author of it was not Cornelius Nepos, as the Germans will have it, but Josephus Iscanus, I can clearly demonstrate. For he makes mention of our Henry II, and of Thomas Archbishop of Canterbury.

Whether or no Ulysses Brodæus, l.3. c.4. Miscel.
Ulysses never in Britain.
came thus far (of whom Solinus says, it is manifest from an Altar with an inscription of Greek letters on it, that he landed in Caledonia,) is question’d by BrodæusBrodaeus: and (a) I should rather imagine it erected in honour of Ulysses, than that it was raised by him; tho’ they would have this Ulysses to be Elizza, Japhet’s grandson. For it appears by history (what we have likewise already observ’d) that the ancient Greeks were great Travellers both by sea and land; and therefore it ought not to seem strange, if we find their names and monuments in several places. And they took those names, not so much from their own Ancestors, as from Heroes, who were equally honour’d, if not more, than Confessors and Martyrs among Christians. As therefore the Countries newly found out, have their names from St. John, St, Dominic, St. Francis, and many other Saints; so none will deny, but the same was practis’d among the Greeks. And, of all their Heroes, which of them made Voyages, either more frequently, or more long and tedious, than Ulysses? No wonder then that Mariners should generally make their Vows to him, and consecrate the places of their Arrival to his name. Thus Ulyssipo, upon the mouth of the river Tagus, had its name; and thus in other places came those monuments of Ulysses, Laertes, and their Companions; which are not to be ascribed to Ulysses as the founder, but, as we may suppose, were dedicated to that Hero by Grecian Travellers, who himself was of all others the greatest.

(a) See Mr. George Carleton’s opinion of this matter, in a letter to Mr. Camden, publish’d in his Epistles, p.112.

John Tzetzes, in his Variæ HistoriæVariae Historiae, writes, That our British Kings made Cato the elder (that noted enemy to the vice and debauchery of the Romans) many Presents, in honour to his Virtue; and this, long before the name of Britain was known at Rome. I leave him to make good the truth of this story; but how fabulous an Author he is, the Learned are sufficiently aware.

Nor would I have the Reader believe, that AlexanderAlexander the Great never in Britain. the Great came from the East-Indies to the Streights of Gibraltar, and to Britain; upon the authority of Cedrenus, against other Historians: (From thence being come into Aphasis, * * Greek text.Gades, and the British nation, and having furnish’d himself with a thousand hulks, &c.) That of Trithemius out of Hunnibald, is just as true, That King Bassanus put away his wife, the King of the Orcades’s daughter, in the year before Christ 284, and that thereupon he made war against Bassanus with the auxiliaries which he had from the King of the Britains.

Eclogae Neither would I have anyone imagin, that HannibalHannibal never in Britain. carry’d on a War in Britain, because of that passage of Polybius, in the Eclogæ, of the XI Book. Greek text Greek text Greek text Greek text Greek text Greek text. For the place is corrupted, and it should be read Greek text for Greek text; as it is also in the 42 Book of Dio; and in both places, they are speaking of the Brutii in Italy. And yet I will not deny, but the Greeks about this time might arrive in our Island. For AthenæusAthenaeusHiero’s Ship., describing from Moschion a very ancient Author, that ship of Hiero which was thought a miracle for greatness and workmanship, tells us, That the Main-mast of it was, with much difficulty, found by a Swine-herd in the mountains of Britain, and from thence convey’d into Sicily by Phileas Taurominites, a Mechanick: But I fear the Criticks will here also read Greek text for Greek text, and refer it to the Brutian-Hills in Italy.

Yet it is likely, that some of the BritainsThe Britains in expeditions with the Cimbrians. went with the Cimbrians and Gauls in those Expeditions into Greece and Italy. For, besides the name common to both; in the ancient British Book of the TriadesTriadum Liber., where we find mention of three great armies rais’d in Britain, it is said, that a certain foreign Captain drew a mighty army out of this kingdom; which, having destroy’d great part of Europe, at last settled upon the Grecian sea; I suppose, meaning Galatia. And that Brennus, so famous both in Greek and Latin Authors, was a Britain; some think may be easily made out. For my part, I know only thus much, that the name is not yet quite lost among the Britains, who in their language call a King Brennin.

However, that BritomarusBritomarus, a Britain. a warlike Captain among them, and mention’d by Florus and Appian, was a Britain, is plain from the word it self, which signifies a Great Britain. I will not here wrest that of Strabo (who says that Brennus was by birth a Prausian,) so as to make him a Britain; and whereas Otho FrisingensisLib. 2. c.13. writes, that the Briones, a race of the Cimbri, settled themselves towards the head of the Drave, I will not venture to change Briones into Britones; though the Criticks of our age seldom stick at such things.

ToBritain known but late to the Greeks and Romans. give my own opinion once for all: As the Romans, notwithstanding they were so great and eminent, were not known to Herodotus nor the ancient Greeks; and the Gauls and Iberians were for a long time utterly unknown to the ancient Historians; (b) so I have always thought, that it was late before the name of the Britains was heard of by the Greeks and Romans. As for that Tract De Mundo, which goes for Aristotle’s, and makes mention of the Britains, and Albion, and Hierna; it is not so old as Aristotle, but of a much later date, as the learned think. For certain, this part of the world was not known to the noble Historian Polybius, who, in company with the famous Scipio, travell’d a great part of Europe about 370 years before Christ. (c) He tells us, That whatever tract lies north-ward between the Tanais and Narbo, is unknown to this day; and that whatever is said or written of it, is all idle and fictitious. Much after the rate that some at this day may be thought to do, who perswade themselves that Hamilco, being sent by the Carthaginians to discover the western coasts of Europe, arriv’d here many years before; when all the while there is no other ground for this voyage, but a verse or two in Festus Avienus.

(b) See what our Author has observ’d upon this head, under the title, Name of Britain, where he seems to allow the Greeks a greater acquaintance with the affairs of this Island, than here he does.

(c) The circumstances of Polybius’s words seem to imply no more, than that as it was doubtful whether the sea encompassed the South parts of Africa, (which he tells us in the very same clause;) so was it, whether the North parts of Europe above Narbo, were encompass’d too. But that he could not mean it in so great a latitude as our Author takes it, is plain from his own description of the Fountains of Rhodanus and Corbilo or Ligeris, with many other places of France, which lay above Narbo: and also from his own promise in the third Book, to write of the Outer or West-sea, and even of the British Islands; which he calls the Bretanick.

And that it was so late e're Britain was known, might well be occasion’d by the situation, as disjoyn’d from the Continent; and because the old Britains were then barbarous (like the other Nations in this part of the world,) and, living much at home, had no great commerce with other Countries. Dio is of the same opinion in this matter, saying, That it was not so much as known to the * * Primis.more ancient Greeks and Romans, whether there was such a place as Britain in the world; and the more modern of them question’d whether it were Continent or Island; That much was written on both sides by some who had no certain knowledge, (as having neither seen the Country, nor learn’d the nature of it from the Inhabitants) but who rely’d on their own Conjectures, according as they had time or inclination to frame them. The first Latin Author that I know of, who mentions Britain, is Lucretius, in those verses of his about the difference of Airs.

Nam quid Britannum cœlum differre putamus,
Et quod in Ægypto est, quâ mundi claudicat axis
,

How different is the air oth’ British Isle
From that which plays upon the wand'ring Nile.

Now, it is granted on all hands, that Lucretius liv’d a little before Cæsar: about which time, Divitiacus King of the † † Suessiones.Soissons, and the most potent Prince in Gaul, govern’d the Britains; as Cæsar himself informs us. But this is to be understood of the sea-coast. For the same Cæsarcaesar affirms, that no other part of Britain besides the sea-coast and what lay over-against France, was known to the Gauls. And yet Diodorus Siculus writes, That Britain was never subject to any Foreigner; neither Dionysius, nor Hercules, nor any God or Hero, have (for ought appears) ever attempted to conquer it. C. Cæsar, for his great exploits sirnamed Divus, is the first that ever subdu’d the Britains, and forc’d them to pay tribute.

Here then our HistorianCensorinus de die Natali. (whoever he be) must begin his history, and not higher: duly weighing what the learned Varro hath said, and I have already hinted; Namely, That there are threeThree Periods of Time. distinct Periods of time; the first, from man’s creation to the deluge,Unknown. which (by reason we know nothing of it) is called Greek text. The second, from the deluge to the first Olympiad, in the year of the world 3189, which (because much of that History is false and fabulous) is call’d Greek text.Fabulous. TheHistorical. third, from the first Olympiad to our own times, call’d Greek text, because the transactions of that Period are related by very good Historians. But though no Nation, how learned soever, except the Jews only, had any true historical relations before that age; yet I know very well that the British history of Geofrey begins three hundred and thirty years before the first Olympiad, that rude and ignorant Period, especially as to those parts, which Varro calls fabulous. Hence therefore (lest I lay a bad foundation, and the whole Building be accordingly weak) I will begin the history of the Romans in Britain; (which seems to be requisite in this place, and may give great light to that which is to follow:) Not collecting it from Fables, which would argue the Author’s vanity in writing, as well as his folly in believing; but from the genuine monuments of Antiquity. And this I will do with as much brevity as I can, for it is not my design to rob any one of the glory of a larger treatise upon this subject.

The ROMANS in
BRITAIN.

Big W WHEN Virtue and Fortune had conspir’d, or rather Providence had decreed, that Rome should be Mistress of the world; Caius Julius Cæsar,Julius Cæsar. having conquer’d all Gaule, cast his eye towards the Ocean, as if the Roman world was not large enough: that, having subdu’d all, both by sea and land, he might by Conquests joyn Countries, which Nature had sever’d. And in thePomponius Sabinus, out of Seneca. 54th year before Christ, he made an Expedition into Britain; either provoked by the supplies which had been sent into Gaul during the course of that war, or because they had receiv’d the Bellovaci who retreated hither, or else (as Suetonius writes) excited by the hopes of British Pearls, the weight and bigness whereof he was wont to poise and try in his hand; but rather than all these, for the sake of Glory, since he rejected the offers of the British Embassadors, who, having notice of his design, came to him, and promis’d to give hostages and to be subject to the Roman Empire.

Take the history of his Entrance into the Island, abridg’d, but in his own words. The places, ports, and havens of Britain being not sufficiently known to Cæsar, he sent C. Volusenus before with a Galley; who, having made what discovery he could, return’d to him in five days. The Britains having intelligence of Cæsar’s intended expedition by the merchants, several Cities sent Embassadors into Gaul to offer hostages, and to promise obedience to the Romans. After he had exhorted them to continue firm in that resolution, he dismissed them; together with Comius Atrebatensis, who had great Authority in those parts (for the Atrebates had before left Gaul, and seated themselves there,) and who was to persuade them to continue true and faithful to the Romans. But he, upon his first landing, was imprison’d by the Britains. In the mean time, Cæsar having drawn together about eighty Vessels to bring over two legions, and about eighteen more for the horse, set sail from the country of the Morini, at three in the morning, and about four on the day following arrived in Britain, at a place inconvenient for landing; for the sea was narrow, and so pent in by the Hills, that they could throw their darts from thence upon the shore beneath. Having therefore got wind and tide both favourable, he set sail again, and went about eight miles farther, and there, in a plain and open shore, rid at anchor. The Britains, perceiving his design, dispatch’d away their horses and chariots, to keep the Romans from landing. Here the Romans had one great difficulty: for those large ships could not ride close enough to the shore in that shallow sea; so that the soldiers were forced to leap down from those high Ships in places unknown and under heavy armor, and fight at the same time with the waves and with the enemy. On the other side, the Britains, who knew the place, were free and uncumber’d; and fought either on dry ground, or but a very little way in the water. So that the Romans were daunted, and fought not with the same heart and spirit that they us’d to do. But Cæsar commanded the transport-ships to be remov’d, and the galleys to be row’d up * * Ad apertum latus.just over-against the Britains, and the slings, engines, and arrows to be thence employ’d against them. The Britains, terrify’d with the form of the ships, and the rowing, and the strangeness of the Engines, gave ground. At the same time, an Ensign of the tenth Legion, beseeching the Gods that his design might be for the honour of the Legion (My fellow-soldiers, says he, leap down, unless you will see the Eagle taken by the Enemy; for my own part, I am resolv’d to do my duty to my Country and my General) immediately jump’d out, and advanced with his Eagle towards the enemy; and thereupon all follow’d. (But, if we believe Julian, it was Cæsar himself who first leap’d out.) Now began a resolute fight on both sides; but the Romans, being cumber’d with arms, toss’d with the waves, and wanting footing, and withal confus’d; were in strange disorder, till Cæsarcaesar made the Pinnaces and Boats ply about with recruits to succour them. As-soon as the Romans got sure footing on dry ground, they charg’d the Britains, and quickly put them to flight; but could not pursue them, their horse being not yet arriv’d. The Britains upon this defeat, presently sent Embassadors (and with them Comius Atrebatensis, whom they had imprison’d) to desire peace; laying the fault upon the rabble, and their own imprudence. Cæsar, upon this, easily pardon’d them, commanding hostages to be given; which he receiv’d in part, with a promise to deliver the rest. This peace was concluded the fourth day after his landing in Britain.

Britannia Romana map, left. Note overlap. Britannia Romana map, right. Note overlap.

Britannia Romana

At the same time, those eighteen ships wherein the horse were transported, as they came in sight of Britain, were suddenly driven to the westward by stress of weather, and had enough to do to recover the Continent of Gaul. The same night, the moon then at full, the galleys which were drawn to shore, were filled by the tide, and the transport-ships which lay at anchor were so shaken by the storm, that they were altogether unfit for service. This being known to the British Princes (that the Romans wanted horse, ships, and provision,) they revolted, and resolved to hinder them from forraging. But Cæsar, foreseeing all this, took care to bring in Provisions daily, and to repair his fleet with the timber of those twelve which were most shatter’d. While Affairs stood in this posture, the seventh Legion which was sent out to forage, being at their work, was suddenly set upon by the Britains, and encompass’d by their horse and Chariots. Their way of fighting in ChariotsFighting in Chariots. (as I have already observ’d) is this: First, they drive up and down, and fling their darts, and disorder the ranks of the enemy with the terror and noise of their horses and Chariots; and if they once get within the ranks of the horse, they light from their Chariots and fight on foot. The Charioteers draw off a little in the mean time, and place their Chariots so, that in case their masters are over-power’d by the numbers of the enemy, they may readily retreat thither. Thus, they answer at once the speed of the horse, and the steadiness of the foot; and are so expert by daily use and exercise, that on the side of a steep hill they can take up and turn, run along upon the beam, stand upon the yoke, and from thence whip into their Chariots again. But Cæsar coming luckily to their relief, the Romans took heart again, and the Britains stood their ground; who in hopes of freeing themselves for ever (by reason of the small number of the Romans, and the scarcity of provisions among them) got together a great Body, and march’d to the Roman Camp; where Cæsar engag’d them, put them to flight, slew many of them, and burnt all their houses for a great way together. The very same day, the British Embassadors address themselves for peace to Cæsar; and he grants it, doubling their hostages, and commanding them to be sent into Gaul. Soon after, * * Proxima æquinoctii die.the ÆquinoxAequinox equinox being within a day, he set sail from Britain, and arriv’d safe with his whole fleet on the Continent: whither only two Cities of Britain sent their hostages; the rest neglected it. Upon Cæsar’s letters, and his account to the Senate of what he had done, a † Supplicatio.

Dio. lib.39.
procession of twenty days was decreed him; though he had gain’d nothing of consequence, either to himself or Rome, but only the glory of making the Expedition.

The next year, having prepar’d a great fleet (for, including * * Annotinis.transport-ships and private vessels built by particular persons for their own use, it consisted of above 800 sail) with five legions and two thousand horse he set sail from Portus Itius, and landed his army in the same part of the Island where he had landed the foregoing summer. But there was not an enemy to be seen now; for though the Britains had been there in great numbers, yet, terrify’d by this fleet, they had retir’d into the upland country. Here Cæsar encamp’d his army in a convenient Place; leaving ten cohorts, and three hundred horse, to guard the ships. And in the night, marching himself twelve miles into the Country, he found out the Britains, who retreated as far as the river, but gave him battle there; and being repulsed by the Roman cavalry, betook themselves to certain woods, which were fortified by art and nature. But the Romans † Testudine facta.locking their shields together like a roof close overhead, and raising a mount, took the place, and drove them from the woods; however, they pursu’d them no farther, having a Camp to fortify that night.

The day after, Cæsar sent his army in three bodies to pursue the Britains; but soon recall’d them, upon the news that his fleet was the night before wreckt, torn, and cast upon the shore, by a great storm. So, returning to the ships, he drew them to land in ten days time, and entrench’d them within the circuit of his camp, and then went back to the wood from whence he came. Here the Britains had posted themselves with great reinforcements, under the conduct of Cassivellaun or CassibelinCassibelin., who, by common consent, was made their Prince and General. Their horse and Chariots encounter’d the Romans in their march, with much loss on both sides. After some pause, as the Romans were taken up in fortifying their camp, the Britains fell upon the guards with great fierceness, and charg’d back again through two Cohorts, which, with the flower of two Legions, Cæsar had sent to intercept them; and so made a safe retreat. The day following, the Britains appear’d very thin here and there upon the hills; but at noon, Cæsar having sent out three legions and all his horse, to forage, the Britains fell upon them; but were repulsed with great slaughter. And now those Aids which they had got together, went off and left them; so that the Britains never after encounter’d the Romans with their full strength. From hence, Cæsar marched with his army to the River ThamesThe River Thames., into the territories of Cassivellaun; where, on the other side of the river, he found a great army of the Britains drawn up; having fasten’d sharp stakes in the bottom of the river. However, the Romans wading up to the neck, went over so resolutely, that the Britains quitted their post and fled; but not for fear of tower-back’d Elephants, as PoliænusPoliaenus has it.

Cassivellaun, despairing now of any success by fighting, retains with him only four thousand Charioteers, and resolves to watch the motion of the Romans, sallying out upon their horse, as oft as they happen’d to separate and straggle in foraging; and so he kept them from ranging in the Country. In the mean time the TrinobantesThe Trinobantes. surrender themselves to Cæsar, desiring he would protect MandubratiusMandubratius, also call’d Androgeus. (call’d by Eutropuis and Bede, out of some lost pieces of Suetonius, Androgorius, and by our Britains Androgeus) against Cassivellaun, and send him to be their Governour. Cæsarcaesar sends him, and demands forty hostages, and provision for his army. After their example, the Cenimagni, Segontiaci, Ancalites, Bibroci, and the Cassii, surrender themselves; from whom Cæsar having learnt that Cassivellaun’s town was not far off, fortified with woods and fens; he goes and assaults it in two places. The Britains fly out at another side; yet many of them are taken in the flight, and cut off.

In the mean time, at the command of Cassivellaun, four petty Kings of Kent, Cingetorix, Carvilius, Taximagulus, and Segonax, fell upon the Camp in which the Romans had intrench’d their Shipping; but the Romans issu’d out, and beat them off, taking Cingetorix Prisoner. Cassivellaun, after so many defeats (but mov’d more particularly by the revolt of those Cities) sent Embassadors, with Comius Atrebatensis, to Cæsar, to treat of surrendring. Cæsar, having resolv’d to winter on the continent, demands hostages, and appoints a yearly tribute to be paid from Britain to the Romans, ordering Cassivellaun to do nothing prejudicial to Mandubratius, or the Trinobantes; and so transports his whole army, with a great number of captives, at two embarkments. Thus much from Cæsar, of his own War in Britain.

Eutropius, from some pieces of Suetonius which are now lost, adds farther:

Scævascaeva one of Cæsar’s soldiers, and four more with him, came over before in a little ship to a rock near the Island, and were there left by the tide. The Britains in great numbers fell upon these few Romans; yet his companions got back again. Scæva continues undaunted, overcharg’d with weapons on all sides; first, resisting them with his spear, and after with his sword, single against a multitude. And when he was at length weary and wounded, and had lost both helmet and buckler, he swam off with two * * Loricis.coats of mail to Cæsar’s Camp; where he begg’d pardon for his rashness, and had the honour to be made a Centurion.

WhenAthenæus. Cæsar first came into this Island, he was so moderate, and so far from the pomp and state of the present age, that Cotas (who was the greatest Officer in his camp but one) tells us in his Greek Commentary concerning the Commonwealth of Rome, that all his retinue was but three servants. When he was in Britain, says Seneca, and could not endure that his greatness should be confin’d within the Ocean, he had the news of his daughter’s death, andPublica secum fata ducentum.
Pliny.
the publick calamities like to follow thereupon; yet he soon overcame his grief, as he did every thing else. Returning Conqueror from Britain, he offer’d to Venus Genetrix in her Temple, a Corslet of British Pearls.Servius Honoratus. Some of his British Captives he appointed for the Theater, with certain tapestry-hangings wherein he had represented his British Victories. These were often taken away by the Britains, being the People represented in them; and hence that of Virgil;

——Utque
Purpurea intexti tollant aulæa Britanni
.

And how the tap’stry where themselves are wrought,
The British slaves pull down.——

AndIn the Gardens of Cardinal de Carpento. the Britains were not only appointed to serve the Theater, but also (to note this by the by) the Emperor’s Sedan; as appears by an old Inscription of that age, which makes mention of a Decurio over the British * * Lecticariorum.Sedan-men. Of this Conquest of Cæsar’s, an ancient Poet writes thus,

Vis invicta viri reparata classe Britannos
Vicit, & hostiles Rheni compescuit undas
.

Unconquer’d force! his fleet new rigg’d o’recame
The British Troops, and Rhine’s rebellious Stream.

Hither, also may be referr’d that of Claudian, concerning the Roman valour:

Nec stetit oceano, remisque ingressa profundum,
Vincendos alio quæsivit in orbe Britannos
.

Nor stop’d he here, but urg’d the boundless flood,
And sought new British Worlds to be subdu’d.

Moreover, Cicero in a Poem now lost, intitl’d QuadrigæQuadrigae, extols Cæsar for his exploits in Britain, to the very skies, and as it were in a poetical chariot: and this we have upon the authority of Ferrerius Pedemontanus. For thus he writes, I will draw Britain in your colours, but with my own pencil. However, others are of opinion, that he only frighted the Britains by one successful battle; or, as Lucan says, who indeed had no kindness for Cæsar’s Family,

Territa quæsitis ostendit terga Britannis.

Fled from the Britains whom his arms had fought.

And Tacitus, a grave and solid Author writes, that he did not conquer Britain, but only shew’d it to the Romans. Horace hints, as if he scarce touch’d it; when, flattering Augustus, he says, the Britains remained untouch’d,

Intactus aut Britannus ut descenderet
Sacra catenatus via
.

Or Britains yet untouch’d, in chains shou’d come,
To grace thy triumph, through the streets of Rome.

And Propertius,

Te manet invictus Romano Marte Britannus.

Britain, that scorn’d the yoak of our command,
Expects her fate from your victorious hand.

So far is that of the Court-historian Velleius Paterculus from being true; Cæsar pass’d twice through Britain; since it was hardly enter’d by him. For, many years after this expedition of Cæsar, the IslandDio. was subject to its own Kings, and govern’d by its own Laws.

AugustusAugustus. seems industriously to have neglected this Island; for he reckon’d it a kind of † Concilium.Decree, as Tacitus says (and perhaps he thought it the wisest way) That the Roman Empire should be bounded, i.e. that the Ocean, the Istre, and the Euphrates, were the limits which nature had set it: To the end it might be an adamantine Empire (for so AugustusIn the Cæsars. expresses it in Julian) and not, like a ship which is too big, prove unweildy, and sink under its own weight; as it has usually happen’d to other great States. Or else, as Strabo thinks, he contemn’d it, as if its enmity was not worth the fearing, nor any thing in it worth the having; and it was thought, that no small damage might be done them by those other Countreys about it. But, whatever might be the cause, this is certain, that after Julius had been here, and the Civil Wars of the Empire broke out, Britain for a long while was not regarded by the Romans, even in peaceful times. Yet at last, Augustus was on his Journey from Rome to invade Britain. Whereupon, Horace at that time addresses himself to the Goddess Fortune at Antium;

Serves iturum Cæsarem in ultimos
Orbis Britannos
.

Preserve great Cæsarcaesar, while his arms he bends
To seek new foes in Britains farthest lands.

But, after he had got as far as Gaul, the Britains sent their addresses for peace; and some petty Princes, having obtained his favour by EmbassiesStrabo. and by good offices, made oblations in the Capitol, and rendred almost the whole Island intimate and familiar to the Romans; so that they paid all imposts very contentedly, as they do at this day, for such commodities as were convey’d, to and fro, beween Gaul and Britain. These were, ivory, bridles, * * Torques.Chains, amber, and glass Vessels, and such common sort of ware. And therefore there needed no garrison in the Island. For it would require at least one Legion and some horse, if Tribute was to be rais’d; and that would hardly defray the charge of the Forces; for the imposts must necessarily be lessen’d, if a tribute was impos’d; and when violent courses are once taken, danger is never far off. The next year likewise, he intended a descent upon Britain, for breach of treaty; but he was diverted by an insurrection of the Cantabri and others in Spain. And therefore there is no reason to believe Landinus Servius, or Philargyrus, who would conclude that Augustus triumph’d over the Britains, from those verses of Virgil:

Et duo rapta manu diverso ex hoste trophæa
Bisque triumphatas utroque à littore gentes
.

Gain’d from two foes two trophies in his hands,
Two nations conquer’d on the neighbouring strands.

To that Submission of the Britains, without question, this of Horace relates:

Cælo tonantem credidimus Jovem
Regnare; præsens divus habebitur
Augustus, adjectis Britannis
Imperio, gravibusque Persis
.

When thundring Jove we heard before,
Trembling we own’d his heavenly power.
To Cæsar now we’ll humbly bow,
Cæsar’s a greater god below.
When conquer’d Britain sheaths her sword,
And haughty Persia calls him Lord.

TiberiusTiberius. (no way ambitious to extend the bounds of the Empire,) seems to have follow’d the policy of Augustus; for he produc’d a book written with Augustus’s own hand, containing the Revenue of the Empire; how many citizens and allies were in arms, and the number of fleets, kingdoms, provinces, tributes, or imposts belonging to the State; with his advice at last, of keeping the Empire within bounds. Which, as Tacitus says, pleas’d him so well, that he made no attempt upon Britain, nor kept any Forces there. For where Tacitus reckons up the Legions, and in what countreys they were garrison’d at that time, he makes no mention of Britain. Yet the Britains seem to have continued in amity with the Romans; For Germanicus being on a voyage at that time, and some of his men driven by stress of weather upon this Island, the petty Princes sent them home again.

It is evident enough, that Caius CæsarC. Caligula. design’d to invade this Island; but his own fickle and unsteady temper, and the ill success of his great armies in Germany, prevented it. ForSuetonius in Caligula. to the end he might terrifie Britain and Germany (both which he threaten’d to invade) with the fame of some prodigious work, he made a bridge between the BaiæBaiae and the Piles of Puteoli, three thousand six hundred paces in length. But he did nothing more in this expedition, than receive AdminiusAdminius. the son of Cunobellin, a King of the Britains, who was banish’d by his father, and had fled with a small number of men, and surrender’d himself to the Emperor. Upon that, as if the whole Island had been also surrender’d, he wrote boasting letters to Rome, often charging the Express that was sent, to drive up * * Ad forum atque Curiam.into the very Forum and Senate-House, and not to deliver them but in Mars’s Temple and in a full Senate, to the Consuls. AfterwardDio., marching forward to the Ocean (as if he design’d a descent upon Britain) he drew up his army on the shore; and thenTriremi conscensâ.taking ship and launching out a little, returned, and being seated in a high pulpit, gave the signal for battle, commanding an alarm to be sounded; and on a sudden ordered the soldiers to gather shells. With these spoils (for he wanted those of the enemy wherewith to triumph) he pleased himself as if he had conquered the very Ocean; and so having rewarded his soldiers, he brought the shells to Rome, that his booty might be seen and admir’d there. And in memory of his victory, he built a very high tower;Pharus. from which, as from a watch-tower, there might be lights kept for the direction of sailors in the night. The ruins of it are sometimes seen on the coast of Holland at low water; and it is called by the people thereabouts Britenhuis; where they often find stones with Inscriptions, one of which was C.C.P.F. and is interpreted by them, I know not how truly, Caius Caligula Pharum Fecit. But more of this, in the British Islands.

From hence-forwardClaudius., the inner parts of Britain (defeated by civil factions of their own rather than by the power of the Romans, and after much slaughter on both sides,) fell by little and little under the subjection of the Empire. For, while they fought singly one by one, all were conquer’d in the end; being so bent upon their own destruction, that till they were all subdued, they were not sensible that what any part lost, was a loss to the whole. Nay, such was the power of ambition among some of them, that it corrupted and drew them over to the enemy’s side, making them zealous for the Roman interest to the destruction of their own country. The chief of these was BericusBericus., who perswaded Claudius to invade Britain (which no one had attempted since J. Cæsar,) being then embroiled by faction and civil wars; upon pretence of their protecting certain fugitives. Claudius therefore orders Aulus Plautius the PrætorAulus Plautius.Praetor, to lead an army into Britain, who had much difficulty to get the soldiers out of France; for they took it ill,Dio. that they were to carry on a war in another world; and drew out the time with delays. But when Narcissus, who was sent to them by Claudius, mounted the Tribunal of Plautius, and began to speak to them; the soldiers were so offended at it, that they fell into the common Cry, Jo Saturnalia (for it is a custom, during the Saturnalia, for the slaves to celebrate that feast in the habit of their masters,) and forthwith followed Plautius chearfully. Having divided his army into three bodies, lest, all arriving in one place, they might possibly be hindred from landing; they were driven back by contrary winds, and so found some difficulty, in Transporting. Yet taking heart again (by reason a meteor run from east to west, whither they were sailing,) they arrived at the Island without any disturbance. For the Britains, upon the news of what I have already mentioned, imagining they would not come, had neglected to muster; and therefore, without uniting, withdrew into their fens and woods, hoping to frustrate the enemy’s design, and wear them out with delays, as they had serv’d CæsarCaesar. Plautius therefore was at much trouble to find them out. After he had found them (they were not then free, but subject to several Kings) he first overcame Cataratacus, and after him Togodumnus, the sons of Cynobelline who was then dead. These flying before him, part of the Bodunni surrender’d, who at that time were subject to the Catuellani. Leaving a garrison there, he went on to a certain river; and the barbarians thinking it impassable by the Romans without a bridge, lay careless and negligent in their Camp on the other side. Plautius therefore sends the Germans over, being accustomed to swim through the strongest current in their arms. These falling upon the enemy by surprise, struck not at the men, but altogether at the horses in their chariots; which being once disorder’d, the men were not able to sit them. Next to them, he made Flavius Vespasianus who was afterwards Emperor, and his brother Sabinus a Lieutenant, march over; who by surprise pass’d the river, and cut off many of the Britains. However, the rest did not fly, but engaged them so resolutely next day, that it continued a doubt which way the victory inclin’d; till C. Sidius Geta, after he had been well-nigh taken by the enemy, gave them such a Defeat, that the honour of a Triumph was granted him at Rome for this great service, though he had never been Consul. From hence, the Barbarians drew back towards the mouth of the Thames, where it stagnates by the flowing of the tide; and being acquainted with the nature of the places (which were firm and fordable, and which not,) passed it easily; whereas the Romans in pursuing them, ran great hazards. However, the Germans swimming, and the others getting over by a bridge above, they set upon the Barbarians, and killed great numbers of them; but in the heat of the pursuit, they fell among bogs and lost many of their own men. Upon this indifferent success, and because the Britains were so far from being daunted at the death of Togodumnus, that they made preparations, with greater fury, to revenge it, Plautius went no farther; but fearing the worst, took care to secure what he had already got, and sent to Rome for Claudius; being commanded so to do, if affairs were in a dangerous condition. For this expedition, among much equipage and preparations of other kinds. ElephantsElephants. were also provided. Claudius, upon receiving this news, commits the government of affairs Civil and Military to Vitellius his fellow-Consul (for he had put him in that office with himself, for six months:) And now he sails from the City to Ostia, and from thence to Marseilles, and so on, the rest of his journey, partly by land, and partly by sea, till he came to the Ocean: then he sail’d over into Britain; where he went directly to his forces that were expecting him at the Thames. Having taken upon himself the command of the army, he pass’d the river, and upon a set battle with the enemy, who were posted there to receive him, obtained the victory, took Camalodunum, the Royal seat of Cunobellin, and a great number therein, prisoners; many by force, and others by surrender. Upon this, he was several times greeted Emperor; a thing, contrary to the Roman practice: for it was not lawful for a General to assume that title above once in one war. To conclude, Claudius having disarmed the Britains, leaves Plautius to govern them, and to subdue the rest; and returns himself to Rome, having sent Pompeius and Silanus, his sons-in-law, before him, with the news of his victory. Thus Dio. But Suetonius says, that he had part of the Island surrender’d to him, without the hazard of a battle or the expence of blood. His stay in Britain was about sixteen days; and in that time he remitted to the British Nobility the Confiscation of their goods; for which favour they frequented his temple, and adored him as a God. And now, after six months absence, he returns to Rome. It was esteemed so great an Action to conquer but a small part of Britain, that anniversary games, triumphal arches both at Rome and at Bullogne in Gaul, and lastly, a glorious triumph, were decreed by the Senate, in honour of Claudius: at which, the Governours of the Provinces, and also some outlaws, were permitted to come into the City, and be present. Upon the top of the Emperor’s Palace, was fixed a naval crown, to imply his conquest and sovereignty of the British sea. The Provinces contributed golden crowns; Gallia Comata one of nine pound weight, and the hither-Spain one of seven. His entry into the Capitol was by steps, and upon his knees, supported by his sons-in-law on each side; and he enter’d the Adriatick sea, triumphant, in a great house, rather than in a ship. The first seat was allowed to his consort Messalina; and it was farther decreed by the Senate, that she should be carried in a * * Carpento.Chariot. After this, he made triumphal games, taking the Consulship upon him for that end. These were shewn at once in two Theatres; and many times upon his going out, they were committed to the charge of others. He promis’d as many Horse-races as could be run that day; yet they were in all but ten matches; for between every course there was bear-baiting, wrestling, and pyrrhick dancing by boys sent out of Asia on purpose. He also bestow’d triumphal † Ornamenta.honours upon Valerius Asiaticus, Julius Silanus, Sidius Geta, and others, for this victory. Licinius Crassus Frugi was allowed to ride next after him, his horse in trappings, and himself in * * Veste palmatâ.a robe of date-tree-work. Upon Posidius Spado he bestow’d † Hastam puram.a Spear without an head; to C. Gavius he gave chains, bracelets, horse-trappings, and a crown of gold; as may be seen in an antient marble at * * Taurini.Turin.

In the mean time, Aulus Plautius carry’d on the war with such success, that Claudius decreed him an Ovation, and went to receive him at his entry into the City; giving him the right-hand, both as he rid to the Capitol, and return’d from it. And now VespasianVespasian. began to appear in the world; who being by Claudius made an Officer in the Wars of Britain, partly under Claudius himself, and partly under Plautius, fought the enemy thirty times, subdu’d two of their most potent Nations, took above twenty towns, and conquer’d the Isle of Wight.Sueton. in Vespasian. c.4. Upon this account, he was honour’d with triumphal Ornaments, and twice with the Priesthood in a short time: and also with the Consulship, which he enjoy’d the two last months of the year. Here also Titus serv’d as Tribune under his father, with the reputation of a laborious and valiant soldier (for he set his father at liberty, when besieg’d by the enemy;) and he was no less famous for his character of Modesty;Sueton. Titus. c.4. as appears by the number of his ¦ ¦ Imaginum.Statues, and the Inscriptions of them, throughout Germany and Britain. What was transacted afterwards in Britain, till the latter end of Domitian’s reign, Tacitus (who is best able) shall inform you. P. Ostorius, ProprætorPropraetorP. Ostorius, Proprætor. in Britain, found affairs in great disorder, by reason of the many inroads into the territories of our Allies; and those the more outragious, because they did not expect that a General but newly made, and unacquainted with the army, would take the field to oppose them in the beginning of winter. But Ostorius, sensible how much first Events would either sink or raise his reputation, set out against them with such Troops as were at hand; put those who resisted him to the sword, and pursu’d the rest who were dispersed and routed, that they might not rally and unite again. And because a treacherous and slight peace would be no security to the General or his Army, he prepared to disarm the suspicious, and to post his forces upon the rivers Antona and Sabrina, to check them upon all occasions. But first, the IceniIceni. could not brook this, a potent nation, and not yet shaken by the wars; having before sought the friendship of the Romans. By their example, the bordering nations rise likewise; encamping in a convenient place fenc’d with an earthen rampier, and accessible by a narrow passage only, to prevent the entrance of the horse. The Roman General, though without his Legions, drew up his Auxiliary troops to force the Camp; and, having posted his Foot to the best advantage, brought up the Horse likewise for the same service. The signal being given, they forc’d the rampart, and disorder’d the Enemy pent up and hinder’d by their own * * Claustris.entrenchments. However, they defended themselves with great valour, being conscious of their own baseness in revolting, and sensible that their escape was impossible. M. Ostorius, the Lieutenant’s son, had the honour of saving a citizen in this battle.

By this defeat of the Iceni, other States that were then wavering, were confirm’d and settled; and so he march’d with his army among the CangiCangi., wasting the fields, and ravaging the Country. Nor durst the enemy engage us; but, if by ambuscade they happen’d to fall upon our rear, they suffer’d for their treachery. And now he was advanc’d * * Quod hyberniam Insulam aspectat.as far almost as the Irish Sea, when a sedition among the BrigantesBrigantes. recall’d him; resolving to make no new conquests, till he had secur’d the old. The Brigantes were soon quieted; a few who had taken up arms being put to death, and the rest pardoned. But the Silures were not to be reclaim’d by severity or mercy; and therefore a Legion was encamp’d there, to awe and restrain them. To further this, CamalodunumThe Colony of Camalodunum., a Roman Colony, with a strong body of Veterans, was planted in the new conquests; as an Aid in readiness upon any revolt, and a means to inure their Allies to law and order. Some cities were given to King Cogidunus; according to an ancient custom of the Romans, that Kings themselves might be their tools to enslave others.

From hence they marched into the country of the Silures; who, besides their own natural fierceness, rely’d much upon the valour of CaractacusCaractacus., eminent above all the Commanders in Britain, by his long experience in affairs both doubtful and prosperous. He, knowing the Country better than the Enemy, and being at the head of a weaker army, removes the war into the territories of the OrdovicesOrdovices., drawing to his assistance all such as were averse to Peace; and there he resolves to try his last fortune, posting himself so, that the passes, retreats, and all other things were on his side, and the disadvantages all on ours. No access, but by steep mountains; and where they were passable, block’d up with stones as with a rampier, and a river before him, the fords whereof were difficult and uncertain, and these guarded by hisMajorum, in the Margin Nationum.best troops. Besides, their several commanders went up and down, confirming and encouraging the soldiers, with the great hopes of victory, and the little reason to doubt of success, and such like motives. Caractacus, riding up and down, put them in mind, that this was the Day, and this the Engagement, that would either begin their liberty or their bondage for ever; reciting the names of their ancestors, who had driven CæsarCaesar the Dictator out of Britain; whose Valour hitherto had preserv’d Them from slavery and taxes, and the Bodies of their wives and children from dishonour. The soldiers, inflam’d with these speeches, bound themselves by mutual vows, after their respective Rites, that neither weapons nor wounds should ever make them yield. This Courage and Resolution amaz’d the Roman General: a river to cross, a rampier on the other side, steep mountains in the way; every thing terrible, and strongly guarded; all this quite daunted him. However, his army clamour’d to be led on, crying, that nothing was impregnable to Valour; which zeal was the more encreas’d by the outcry of the * * Præfecti as Tribuni.Officers to the same purpose. Ostorius, observing what passes might be won, and what not, leads them on in this fury, and passes the river without any great difficulty. Being advanc’d to the rampier, while the darts play’d on both sides, we lost more men, and had more wounded. But the Romans, † Facta testudine.closing their ranks and their targets over-head, threw down that loose and irregular pile of stones, and engaging them hand to hand, forced them to the tops of the mountains, whither they were pursued by the Soldiers, ¦ ¦ Ferentarius, gravisque miles.of heavy as well as light Armour: the light gall’d them with darts, the other, pressing up thick and close, put them into disorder; having neither head-piece nor coat of mail to defend them. If they made a stand against the Auxiliaries, they fell under the sword and * * Pilis.Javelins of the Legionaries; if they faced about to the Legionaries, they were cut offSpatis & hastis.by the swords and pikes of the Auxiliaries. This was an entire victory: Caractacus’s wife and daughter were taken; and his Brothers surrender’d themselves. He (as one mischief ever falls upon the neck of another) craving the protection of Cartismandua Queen of the Brigantes, was seiz’d by her, and delivered to the Conqueror, in the ninth year of the British war. Upon this, his renown spread in the Island, and in the provinces adjoyning; so that his name grew famous in Italy; where they long’d to see who he was, that for so many years had defy’d the mighty power of the Empire. Nay, the name of Caractacus was not inglorious at Rome itself: And Cæsar, by extolling his own victory, made the Captive more eminent. For the people were called together, as to somewhat great and wonderful. The Emperor’s guards were drawn up in the plain before their Camp. Then came the King’s vassals and retinue, his trappings, chains, and other trophies, acquir’d in foreign wars; next, his brothers, his wife, and daughter; and last of all, himself. The address of others was base and mean, through fear; but Caractacus, not dejected either in Looks, or Words, spoke to this purpose, as he stood at Cæsar’s Tribunal.

If the moderation of my mind in prosperity, had been answerable to my Quality and Fortune, I might have come a friend rather than a captive, into this city; and you, without dishonour, might have been Confederates to one, royally descended, and then at the head of many nations. As to my present condition; to me it is disgraceful, to you it is glorious. I had horses, men, arms, riches; why is it strange that I should be unwilling to part with them? But since your power and Empire must be universal, we of course, as well as all others, must be subject. If I had forth-with yielded, neither my fortune, nor your glory, had been so eminent in the world. My grave would have buried the memory of it, as well as me. Whereas, if you suffer me to live now, I shall stand an everlasting monument of your Clemency.

Upon this speech, Cæsar pardon’d not only him, but his wife and brothers; and being all unbound, they made their addresses to Agrippina (with the like commendation and reverence as they had done to Cæsar;) she sitting in another high Chair at no great distance. A thing strange and unknown to our Fore-fathers, that a woman should sit commanding at the head of the Roman troops. But she carried her self like a partner and associate in the Empire, as gotten by the valour of her Ancestors. After this, the Senators being called together, made many glorious speeches concerning their Prisoner Caractacus; asserting it to be no less great, than when P. Scipio shewed Siphaces; or L. Paulus, Perses; or whoever else shew’d captive Kings to the People. To Ostorius they decreed the honour of a Triumph.

These Victories in Britain are related by Writers, as the most famous monuments of the Roman Bravery. Hence Seneca. Claudius was the first who could glory in conquering the Britains; for Julius Cæsarcaesar did no more than shew them to the Romans. In another place also,

Ille Britannos
Ultra noti
Littora ponti,
Et cæruleos
Scuta Brigantes
Dare Romuleis
Colla cathenis
Jussit, & ipsum
Nova Romanæ
Jura securis
Tremere Oceanum.

’Twas he, whose all-commanding yoke,
The farthest Britains gladly took ;
Him the Brigantes in blue arms ador’d,
When subject waves confess’d his power,
Restrain’d with laws they scorn’d before,
And trembling Neptune serv’d a Roman Lord.

And thus Seneca the Tragedian concerning Claudius, in his Octavia,

Cuique Britanni
Terga dedere, ducibus nostris
Ante ignoti, jurisque sui
.

The haughty Britains he brought down,
The Britains to our arms unknown,
Before, and masters of their own.

In the same place likewise, upon his passing the Thames.

En qui oræ Tamisis primus posuit jugum.
Ignota tantis classibus texit freta,
Interque gentes barbaras tutus fuit,
Et sæva maria, conjugis scelere occidit.

See! he whom first Thames stubborn stream obey’d,
Who unknown seas with spreading navies hid,
Secure thro’ waves, thro’ barb’rous foes is come,
Heavens! to be murder’d by his wife at home.

Thus ÆgesippusAEgesippus also, concerning Claudius. Of this, Britain is an instance; which, lying out of the world, is by the power of the Roman Empire reduced into the world. What was unknown to former ages, is discovered by the Roman victories; and they are now made slaves, who being born to freedom, knew not what servitude meant; who were the whole breadth of the Ocean beyond the reach of any Superior power, and knew not what fear was, because they knew none to be afraid of. So that to make a descent upon Britain, was a greater action than to subdue it. In another place. He added Britain (till that time lying hid in the Ocean) to the Roman Empire, by his conquests; which enrich’d Rome, and gave Claudius the reputation of a politick Prince, and Nero of a fortunate one. And again, which is the most remarkable: The Elements themselves are fallen under the Name and Empire of the Romans, who are Soveraigns of the whole globe, which is but the bound and limit of their Dominions: and to conclude, it is call’d by many, The Roman world. For if we state the matter right, the Earth it self is not of great extent as the Roman Empire; the Roman Valour has pass’d the sea (the bounds of it) in search of another world, and has found in Britain a new seat, beyond the limits of the earth. So that, in short, when we would deprive men, not only of the priviledges of Rome, but in a manner of the conversation of mankind, we send them thither, and banish them out of the world. The sea is no longer a Bound; the Romans know all its corners and recesses. Josephus also, in the person of Titus, to the Jews. What stronger wall and bulwark can there be, than the Ocean? And yet this cannot guard the Britains against the apprehensions of the Roman arms.

Moreover, we have some verses upon this subject, written by an excellent but unknown Poet, and retriev’d by the famous Joseph Scaliger, in his Catalecta; which, being not easy to be met with, I will here insert: for the verses are truly valuable. That the Epigrams are distinct, and therefore to be sever’d, J. Obsopæus,Obsopaeus a very learned young Gentleman in Germany, * * So said, ann. 1607.lately inform’d me from some old manuscripts.

Antonius Delrio reads otherwise in some places; for which reason I have set down the various lections.Ausoniis nunquam tellus violata triumphis,
Icta tuo, Cæsar, fulmine procubuit.
Oceanusque tuas ultra se
* * Prospicit.respicit aras,
Qui finis mundo est,
Nunc erit.non erit imperio.

Victa prius nulli, jamjam spectata triumpho,
Illibata tuos gens jacet in titulos.
Fabula visa diu, medioque recondita ponto
Libera victori jam modò colla dedit.
Euphrates Ortus, Rhenus
* * Recluserat.incluserit arctos,
Oceanus medium venit in imperium
.

Libera non hostem, non passa Britannia Regem,
Æternùm nostro quæ procul orbe jacet,
Fœlix adversis, & sorte oppressa secunda,
Communis nobis, & tibi, Cæsar, erit.

Ultima cingebat Tibris tua, Romule, regna:
Hic tibi finis erat, religiose Numa.
Et tua, Dive, tuum sacrata potentia cœlo
Extremum citra constitit Oceanum.
At nunc oceanus geminos interluit orbes.
Pars est imperii, terminus antè fuit.

Mars pater, & nostræ gentis tutela Quirine,
Et magno positus Cæsar uterque polo.
Cernitis ignotos Latiâ sub lege Britannos,
Sol citra nostrum flectitur imperium.
Ultima cesserunt adoperto claustra profundo.
Et jam Romano
Cingitur.cingimur Oceano.

Opponis frustra rapidum Germania Rhenum,
Euphrates prodest nil tibi, Parthe fugax.
Oceanus jam terga dedit, nec pervius ulli,
Cæsareos fasces, imperiumque tulit
.

Illa procul nostro semota, exclusaque cœlo,
Alluitur nostra victa Britannis aqua,
* * Semoto. Semota, & vasto disjuncta Britannia ponto,
Cinctaque inaccessis horrida littoribus:
Quam pater invictis Nereus vallaverit undis,
Quam fallax æstu circuit Oceanus.
Brumalem sortita
Polum.plagam: quà frigida semper
Præfulget stellis Arctos in occiduis.
Conspectúque tuo devicta Britannia, Cæsar,
Subdidit insueto colla premenda jugo.
Aspice, confundit populos impervia tellus,
Conjunctum est, quod adhuc orbis, & orbis erat
.

Nations, that never fear’d triumphant Rome,
Struck with thy thunder, Cæsarcaesar, are o'recome.
The subject Ocean does with wonder see
Beyond his limits, altars rais’d to thee.
And the last borders of the farthest land,
Shall ne’er contract the bounds of thy command.

A land now conquer’d, and untouch’d till now,
Crowns with new lawrels thy triumphant brow.
Nations unseen, and scarce believ’d as yet,
To thy victorious yoke their neck submit.
Euphrates th’ East, Rhine clos’d the North before,
The Ocean now’s the middle of thy power.

Unus’d to serve, unknowing to obey,
The farthest Britains, who in silence lay,
Now, to their better fortune overcome,
Encrease the same of Cæsar, and of Rome.

Thy lands did Tiber, Romulus, inclose,
And pious Numa was content with those.
But you, great Cæsar, made your heavenly power
Reach to the Ocean from the farthest shore.
The Ocean too, now sees new worlds beyond,
And that’s the middle, which was once the end.

Mars and Quirinus, whose peculiar care
Victorious Rome, and all her fortunes are,
And you, great Cæsar’s, each a glorious star;
Our laws, you see, the farthest Britains own,
Our realm’s not bounded with the setting Sun.
The world’s great limits to our arms give way,
And the vast Ocean’s but the Roman Sea.

In vain you Germans pass the rapid Rhine,
You Parthians trust Euphrates streams in vain:
When th’ Ocean trembles at the Roman sword,
And, with due reverence, owns its conquering Lord.

Britain, excluded from our warmer clime,
Is now surrounded with a Roman stream;
Whose horrid cliffs, unfathom’d seas inclose,
And craggy rocks contemn invading foes.
By Neptune’s watry arms, with walls supplied,
And ever wet with the insulting tide.
Where frozen fields eternal winter mourn,
And Stars once risen, never can return.
By thee, great Cæsar, with a look ’tis won,
And bears thy yoke, a burden yet unknown.
Thus friends in lands impassable we find,
Thus the two worlds are in one Empire joyn’d.

To go on in the words of Tacitus. Thus far Ostorius went on successfully; but now his fortune began to turn; either because the war began to be carried on less vigorously, as if it was now at an end upon Caractacus’s removal; or else because the enemy, in compassion to so great a Prince, were animated with revenge. They surrounded the Camp-masters, and the Legionary Cohorts, who were left behind to build forts in the country of the Silures; and, if they had not been timely rescued by succours from the castles and villages adjoining, they had been entirely cut off. However, the Camp-master, with eight captains, and the most eager and forward among the common soldiers, were slain. A while after, they put our foragers to flight, and also a body of horse that was sent to their assistance. Upon this, Ostorius sent out some light Companies; which yet could not have stop’d their flight, if the Legions had not advanced, and received the enemy. By this supply, the battle was equal on both sides; and at length we had the better: The enemy got off with small loss, for it was now towards night. After this, they had several skirmishes; generally in woods and marshes, upon the incursions of the one or the other, by accident or by design; sometimes to rob and pillage, sometimes to revenge; sometimes by their Officer’s command, and sometimes without. But the chief Cause, was the implacable obstinacy of the Silures, who were exasperated at a saying of the Roman General, that as the Sugambri were destroyed and transported into Gaul, so the name of the Silures should be utterly extinguish’d. In this heat, two companies of our auxiliaries, sent out rashly by some greedy officers to pillage, were intercepted by them; and they, by distributing the spoil and the prisoners, drew the other nations also to revolt. In this posture of affairs Ostorius dies, being quite spent with fatigue and trouble: The enemy rejoyc’d at his death, as a General no way contemptible; and the rather, because though he did not fall in battle, he expir’d under the burthen of that war.

Propraetor Cæsar, having advice of the death of his Lieutenant; lest the Province should be destitute of a Governour, sent A. DidiusDidius Avitus Gallus Proprætor. to succeed. His voyage thither was quick, but he found not things in the condition he desir’d. Manlius Valens with his Legion had fought the enemy with great loss; and they magnified their victory, to daunt the new General: He himself likewise magnified it; that he might gain the more reputation if he quieted the present troubles; and might more easily be pardon’d, if he did not. The Silures took their advantage now, and made large Incursions; till at last they were driven back by Didius.

About this time, died Claudius; and NeroNero., who was not at all of a warlike temper, succeeding him, thought to draw his forces out of Britain; and if it had not been for the shame of seeming to detract from Claudius’s glory, he had certainly recall’d them. Caractacus being taken prisoner, VenutiusVenutius., who was born in the City of the * * Forte Brigantium, in the margin.Jugantes (the most experienc’d soldier of the Britains, who had been long protected by the Romans, and been faithful to them, during his marriage with Queen Cartismandua) revolts from us, upon a misunderstanding with her; which Revolt grew at last into open war. At first, the quarrel was between themselves only; and Venutius’s brother and relations were cut off by the contrivance of Cartismandua: This action incens’d her Enemies, and, out of indignation at the thoughts of being govern’d by a Woman, they invaded her kingdom with a strong body of arm’d and choice Youth. We, foreseeing this, sent some forces thither to assist her; who came to a sharp fight, which at first was doubtful, but at last prosperous on our side. A legion also commanded by Cesius Nasica came off with the like good success. For Didius, being very old, and much honour’d for his bravery and conduct, thought it sufficient to manage the war by his Officers. What had been conquer’d by his predecessors, he took care to keep; enlarging the extent of his frontier-garrisons a little, that he might be said to have made some addition to the old Conquests. Though these things were transacted under two Proprætors, Ostorius and Didius, in many years; yet I have given this joint account of them, lest the stories should be worse apprehended by being divided.

Didius Avitus was succeeded by VeranniusVerannius
Proprætor.
, who after some small Incursions into the Country of the Silures, was hinder’d by death from carrying the war further. He had the character of a severe General in his life-time, but shew’d himself Vain and Ambitious by the last words of his Will. For after much flattery to Nero, he added, that if he had liv’d two years longer, he would have conquer’d the Provinces.

Paulinus SuetoniusPaulinus Suetonius Proprætor. was the next Proprætor of Britain. Propraetor For his conduct, and reputation among the People (who are ever making comparisons) he was equal to Corbulo, and ambitious to come up to his honour in reducing Armenia, by defeating the Rebels here. He prepared therefore to invade the Isle of Mona,The Island of Mona. which was well peopled, and had been a constant harbour for fugitives. For this end, he built flat bottom’d vessels, because that Sea is shallow, and, towards the shore, dangerous. Thus the foot pass’d over; the horse follow’d by the ford, or by swimming where the water was deep: The Enemy stood arm’d on the shore to receive them, very thick and numerous; the women running up and down like furies, in a mourning dress, with their hair hanging loose, and firebrands in their hands; and the DruidsDruids. round them, holding up their hands towards heaven, with dreadful curses and imprecations. This strange sight amaz’d the soldiers, who stood still, as if they had lost the use of their limbs, and like men who were only to receive the wounds of the enemy. But, encouraged by their General, and exhorting one another not to fear a rout of Women and frantick people; they display’d their Colours and march’d on, defeating all that oppos’d them, and beating them down, and rowling them in their own fires. After this, they garrison’d * * Vicis al. victis.the towns of the Island, and cut down the Groves, consecrated to their superstitious and cruel Rites. For they thought it lawful to offer the blood of Captives upon their Altars; and to consult their Gods by theFibris.Entrails of men.

During this action, news was brought Suetonius of the revolt of the Province. Prasutagus,Prasutagus. King of the Iceni, famous for his great treasures, had made Cæsarcaesar and his two Daughters his heirs; thinking by this respect and complement, to save his Kingdom and Family from Insults. Which happen’d quite otherwise; for his Kingdom was made a prey by the Captains, and his house pillaged by the slaves.boadicea boudicaBoodicia, called also Boudicea, and Voadica. His wife Boodicia, to begin the Tragedy, was whipp’d, and his daughters ravished. And, as if the whole was now become lawful booty, the chief of the Iceni were deprived of their paternal estates; and those of the Blood-royal treated as the meanest slaves. Upon this insult, and to prevent worse, since they were now reduced into a Province; the people began to murmur-at and resent the treatment, and to compare one another’s misfortunes, and to aggravate every thing by the worst constructions: That their patience would only signifie thus much; their bearing one injury, would bring on another. That heretofore every State had its own King; but now they were subjected to two, the Lieutenant and the Procurator; the first prey’d upon their blood, the second upon their estates. That the enmity and the friendship of the Governours, proved equally pernicious; the one oppress’d them with soldiers and Officers, the other with extortion and affronts. That they could be sure of nothing, which either lust or covetousness might recommend to the Romans. That in war, he had the spoil who had the most courage and bravery to take it; but that they were pillaged by cowards and weaklings. That these were the men that bereft them of their children, and press’d them at their pleasure for foreign service; as if the Britains could fight for any country but their own. What vast numbers of soldiers would they appear to have transported, should the Britains take an account of their present strength? Thus Germany had freed it self, which has only a River to defend it, and not an Ocean: That they had their Country, their wives, and parents to fight for and inspirit them; while the other had only luxury and avarice. That these would retreat as Julius Cæsar did, if they would but follow the bravery of their Ancestors: That they ought not to be dismay’d at the success of one or two battles: That fierceness and resolution were the natural effects of misery: That Heaven now seemed to compassionate their distress, in removing the Roman General and keeping the Legate employ’d in another Island: That the most dangerous part of the design, was what they were upon, the debating; and that it would be of worse consequence to be discovered in the plot, than to attempt the execution.

Having animated one another with these and the like motives, they forth-with took arms, under the conduct of Boodicia, a Lady of the Blood-royal, (for the Britains make no distinction of sex, in point of Government;) drawing over the Trinobantes to revolt with them, and such others as were not yet thorowly inur’d to slavery: Who secretly conspired to free themselves, with the utmost spight and hatred against the Veterans. For they, being newly planted in the colony CamalodunumColony of Camalodunum., had thrust the Inhabitants from their houses, and dispossessed them of their lands, calling them Slaves and Captives; and were encouraged in this outrage by the younger soldiers, who by the same calling were in hopes to be entitled to the same degrees of licentiousness. Moreover, the Temple built in honour of Divus Claudius seemed to them the foundation of a perpetual Tyranny, and was a great eye-sore; and the Priests, chosen under a shew of religion to officiate there, ran away with their whole Estates. Besides, there could be no great difficulty in overthrowing a Colony, which had no forts nor castles; for our Commanders had been so improvident, as to consult pleasure and delight, rather than use and service. While things were in this ferment, the image of the Goddess VictoriaSee Xiphilin in Nero. at Camalodunum, without any visible cause, drop’d down, and in the fall turn’d backward, as if yielding to the enemy. Several * * In furore turbatæ.Enthusiastick women foretold our approaching destruction. Strange noises were heard in the Court, and a perfect howling in the theatre; and an Apparition * * Perhaps the Thames.in the Æstuaryaestuary estuary, plainly signified the subversion of that colony. Moreover, the sea look’d bloody; and in the ebb, the effigies of dead-mens bodies were left upon the shore. All this gave great hopes to the Britains, but despair to the Veterans; who applied themselves to their Procurator Catus Decianus, because Suetonius was at a great distance. He sent them a supply but of two hundred men at most, and those ill-armed; whereas the soldiers that were in the Colony before, were but few, and rely’d wholly upon the protection of the Temple. Some of those who were privy to the Conspiracy, had so much blinded the Colony, that they had neither made trench nor ditch to defend themselves, nor so much as sent away the old men, and the women, reserving the youth only: Thus, living supinely, as in a profound Peace, they were surprised by the barbarous multitude. As for other things, they were presently overthrown, or consumed with fire; the Temple, whither the soldiers had fled, was besieged, and on the second day taken. The Britains being thus Conquerors, and meeting Petilius Cerealis,Petilius Cerealis. Lieutenant of the ninth Legion, which came to their assistance, routed the Legion, and put all the foot to the sword. Cerealis got off with the horse, and retreated to his camp, where he defended himself by the help of the Fortifications. Catus the Procurator was so daunted at this overthrow and the general odium of the Province (which was thus embroiled by his avarice) that he pass’d over into Gaul.

Suetonius however, with prodigious courage and resolution, marched through the midst of the Enemy to London; which was not honoured with the name of a Colony, but very famous for the concourse of merchants, and forEt commeatu, alias commeatuum.provisions. Being come thither, he could not presently resolve, whether to make that the Seat of the war, or not; but, considering his want of soldiers, and how much Petilius had suffered for his rashness, he determined at last to sacrifice this one town to the safety of the rest. And not relenting at the sighs and tears of the Inhabitants, who enreated his aid and protection, he gave orders to march, receiving such as followed him, into his army. Those, who by weakness of sex or age were stay’d behind, or tempted by their affection to the place, to remain there, were destroyed by the enemy. The town of Verulam was overthrown likewise; for the barbarians passing by the forts * * Præsidiisque militarium, aliàs militaribus.and castles, pillaged the richest and weakest places;Et deferentes in tutum, aliàs & defendentibus in tutum.being intent upon the spoil, and regardless of the rest. It appear’d, that seventy thousand citizens and allies were slain up and down in these places. They would not give quarter, nor sell captives, nor practise according to the Laws of war; but did kill, hang, burn, crucifie, by way of retaliation upon their enemies; and all in such haste, as if they foresaw they must speedily smart for it.

Suetonius, having with him the fourteenth Legion, with the Standard-bearers of the twentieth, and some supplies from the places there-abouts almost to the number of ten thousand fighting men, resolved without more ado to engage them; and to this purpose encamp’d in a place accessible by a narrow lane only, being fenced in the rear by a wood; as sensible, he should then have no Enemy but on the front, and that the plain was open, so that there would be no danger of Ambuscades. He drew up the Legion close in the middle, with the light soldiers on both sides, and the horse as * * Pro cornibus.the two wings. The Britains in great triumph went shouting up and down in such vast numbers as were never seen; so fierce and revengeful, that their Wives were brought along with them, and placed in carts in the utmost part of the plain, to see the Victory. Boodicia, boadiceawith her Daughters by her in a chariot, went about to the several Nations (for it was not unusual among the Britains to go to war under the conduct of Women) assuring them, that she went not as one royally descended, to fight for Empire or Riches, but as one of the common people for lost liberty; to revenge the stripes they had given her, and the dishonour they had done her daughters. That now the Roman lust was grown so exorbitant and unruly, that they left none, neither old nor young, unravished. That God’s just Vengeance would ever tread upon the heels of wickedness. That the Legion which had dared to fight them, was already cut off; that the rest had either kept themselves in their camp, or fled for their lives. That they could not endure the very huzza’s and clamour of so many thousands; much less could they stand against them. If they did but consider both armies, and the cause of war on both sides, they would resolve either to conquer or to dye in that Battle. That for her part, who was but a woman, this was her resolution; the Men, if they pleas’d, might live and be slaves.

Nor could Suetonius be silent in the midst of so great danger; for though he relied much upon the valour of his men, he chose to animate and encourage them by Arguments and Entreaties; That theSonoras, aliàs Sonores.clamour and threatnings of the Barbarians were contemptible; that there were more women than youth among them; that being unwarlike and ill armed, they would no sooner feel the Roman swords which had so often conquer’d them, but they would presently fly; that out of an Army of many Legions, a few would gain the victory, and that their glory would be so much the greater, if so few did the work of a whole Army; that his advice was, that they should fight close, and after they had discharged their darts, they should follow the blow with their pikes and swords, and not heed the booty; which would of course be the consequence of their victory. The Soldiers were so forward and couragious upon this speech, and the veterans betook themselves so readily to their darts, that Suetonius, with great assurance of victory, gave the signal. And first, the Legion did not stir, but kept within the strait, till the Enemy had spent their darts; and then it sallied out in * * Cuneis.a Wedge upon them. The Auxiliaries made the like Onset; and the Horse with their spears breaking in upon the Enemy, routed all that made head against them. The rest got away, but with great difficulty; for the passes quite round were blocked up by the wagons. The Soldiers gave no quarter, not so much as to the women; which, with the horses that were slain, encreas’d the heaps of carcasses. This Victory was very noble, and the glory of it not inferior to those of ancient times: for by the report of some, there were slain little less than fourscore thousand Britains; whereas we lost but about four hundred, and had not many more wounded. Boodicia poisoned her self: And PœniusPoenius Posthumus, Camp-master of the Second Legion, upon the news of the Success and victory of the fourteenth and twentieth Legions (having deprived his Legion of a share in that glory, and contrary to discipline and order disobey’d the commands of his General) stab’d himself.

After a general muster and review of his army, Suetonius took the field again, to put an end to this war. And Cæsarcaesar reinforc’d him with a supply of two thousand Legionaries from Germany, eight auxiliary cohorts, and a thousand horse; by which the ninth Legion was compleated. These cohorts and some others were sent into fresh winter-quarters; and the Countries that were either Enemies or Neutrals, were wasted with fire and sword. But nothing was a sharper affliction to the Britains at this time, than famine; for during this uproar, they had neglected to till the ground, and giving up themselves wholly to prosecute the war, had depended upon our provisions. Those nations which were yet unconquer’d, were the more averse to a treaty, upon the news of a difference between Suetonius and the new Procurator Julius ClassicianusJ. Classicianus. (sent to succeed Catus;) which was very prejudicial to the publick interest. He had spread a report, that a new Lieutenant was to be expected, who, without the rancour of an enemy, or the haughtiness of a conqueror, would treat such as yeilded themselves, with favour and clemency. He wrote to Rome likewise, that there was no end to be expected of that war, till Suetonius was recall’d; imputing all miscarriages to his perverse conduct, but what-ever was prosperous and lucky, all that he attributed to the good fortune of the Common-wealth.

Upon this account, PolycletusPolycletus., one of the Emperor’s Liberti, was sent into Britain, to see the state of affairs there; Nero hoping that by his Authority, the difference might be composed between the Lieutenant and the Procurator, and the rebellious Barbarians won over to a peace. Polycletus took care to shew his state and grandeur to Italy and Gaul, by a great train and retinue; and likewise to appear formidable to the armies here, upon his arrival. This made him ridiculous to the enemy, who being then in the full enjoyment of their liberty, knew not what this Power of a * * Liberti.Freeman meant; and thought it strange, that a General and his army, after such great exploits, should be subject to a Servant. However, every thing was related as fair as could be, to the Emperour. And Suetonius, who was then employ’d in dispatching the publick affairs, having lost some few gallies on the shore, and the men in them, was commanded (as though the war continued) to deliver up his Commission to Petronius TurpilianusPetronius Turpilianus., who had just before been Consul, as a person of a more gentle temper, and more like to quiet the Enemy in the way of Forgiveness and Tenderness. He neither troubled the enemy, nor was troubled by them; calling this lazy and unactive course by the honourable name of Peace. And thus having quieted the former broils, without enlarging the conquests, he deliver’d the Province to Trebellius Maximus.Trebellius Maximus. Proprætor.

He was of an unactive temper, and unexperienc’d in military affairs; and so govern’d the Province after as gentle a manner as he could. Now the barbarous Britains began to be tainted, and to yeild to the charms of vice; and the civil wars of the Empire were a fair excuse for the remisness of the Lieutenant: but the soldiers grew mutinous; for, being formerly inured to labour and discipline, the present peace and idleness made them wanton and haughty. Trebellius also grew odious and contemptible to the army, by his baseness and avarice. And their indignation was the more enflam’d by Roscius CæliusCaelius, Lieutenant of the twentieth Legion, who was formerly at variance with him; and now, by reason of the civil wars, more than Caelius ever. Trebellius charg’d Cælius with all the mutinies, and neglect of discipline in the Army; and Cælius charg’d him with the ruin and beggary of the Legions. And, by these quarrels and contentions, all sense of duty and respect was lost in the Army. At last, the disorder was so great, that Trebellius, being deserted by the wings of his Army, and by the cohorts, who went over to Cælius, and being reviled and affronted by the Auxiliaries, was forced to fly to Vitellius. Notwithstanding the absence and removal of the Consular Lieutenant, the Province continued quiet and peaceable; being govern’d by the Lieutenants of the particular Legions, all of equal authority; though Cælius’s boldness gain’d him greater power than the rest.

During the civil war between Galba, Otho, and Vitellius; Vectius BolanusVectius Bolanus, Propætor. was sent by Vitellius to succeed him. He made no reformation of discipline, and was as little troublesome to the enemy as his predecessor, and as careless of the licentiousness of his army: only this difference there was, that Bolanus was innocent and free from crimes which made the other odious; so that instead of authority, he had the love of the army. And although Vitellius sent for supplies out of Britain, yet Bolanus deferred it, on pretence that Britain was far from being quiet. But soon after, the great esteem which the Province had for Vespasian, induc’d Britain to declare for him; for he had commanded the second Legion here under Claudius, and was eminent for his bravery and conduct. Yet this revolt was not without opposition from the other Legions; in which, many Captains and soldiers who had been advanc’d by Vitellius, were very loth to change a Prince who was so well known among them. The soldiers of the fourteenth Legion, call’d the Conquerors of Britain (being remov’d from hence to the Caspian war by Nero, and after, while they sided with Otho, defeated) were sent into Britain again by Vitellius, but recall’d by a Letter from Mutianus.

During this civil war, there were no mutinies in the British army. And indeed, in all the civil wars of the Empire, the troops here were more peaceable and quiet than in any other province: perhaps their distance and separation from the rest of the world by the ocean, might cause it; or possibly by the many expeditions they had made, they had learn’d rather to hate the name of an Enemy. However, encourag’d by these dissentions, and the frequent news of a civil war, the Britains, upon Venusius’s instigation, began to take heart: for besides a fierce heady temper that was natural to him, and a hatred of the Romans, he was spurr’d on in this attempt by a peculiar spight to his Queen Cartismandua.Cartismandua. Cartismandua govern’d the Brigantes; being nobly descended, and more powerful than ever, since she had treacherously taken King Caractacus, and given Claudius CæsarCaesar a Triumph by presenting him to that Emperor; for that famous shew of Caractacus to the people, was a sort of Triumph. From hence grew riches, and from thence luxury; so that, despising her husband Venusius, and having cut off his relations, she made Vellocatus, her husband’s armour-bearer, partner of her bed and throne: The Royal Dignity was soon shaken with this wickedness; the city adhering to the husband, and the Queen’s lust and cruelty to the adulterer. Venusius therefore, having drawn-in all the assistance he could, and join’d the Brigantes (who themselves had revolted to him) reduc’d her to the last extremity. She applied herself to the Romans for relief, and our forces rescu’d her from many dangers: However, the Kingdom fell to Venusius, and the War to us.

While Mutianus govern’d the City under VespasianVespasian the Emperor., Julius Agricola. Legio xx.Julius Agricola, who had declar’d for Vespasian, and was a person of great integrity and valour, was made Commander of the twentieth legion in Britain, which had declin’d the Oath for a long time; and there he heard, that his predecessor had carried himself seditiously. For that legion had run a-head, and was become formidable even to the Consular Legats. The PrætorianPraetorian Legat was not able to rule them; but whether through his own ill dispositions, or those of the soldiers, is uncertain. Thus, being appointed to succeed him, and to punish them, he took this admirable mean, to seem rather to have found them dutiful; than to have made them so. And though Vectius Bolanus was then Lieutenant in Britain, and govern’d more mildly than was fit in so fierce a Province; yet Agricola laid a restraint upon himself, and smother’d the heat of his own temper, that it might not encrease and grow visible; knowing the necessity of complaisance, and of considering as well what was fit, as what was right.

But when Vespasian, with the rest of the world had gain’d Britain also; he sent over excellent Generals, and brave Armies, and the Enemy’s hopes were abated. Petilius CerealisPetilius Cerealis Proprætor. exceedingly allarm’d and terrify’d them; and attempted the City of the Brigantes, the most populous in all this Province; to whom he gave many, and some of them very bloody Battles; and either spoil’d or conquer’d the greatest part of their country. Thus, Cerealis seem’d to have superseded the Care, and eclipsed the Glory of any that could come after him; when Julius FrontinusJulius Frontinus Proprætor., a great man, and as eminent as could be after such a predecessor, succeeded to the same charge. He subdued the strong and warlike nation of the Silures: where he had not only a stout enemy, but a very difficult situation, to cope with. In this state was Britain, and in this posture was the war, when Agricola was sent over in the middle of summer. Our soldiers minds and hopes were bent upon rest and a conclusion of the war; and the enemy long’d for an opportunity to begin it. The Ordovices, a little before the arrival of Agricola, had almost entirely routed a wing of our’s that was quartered in the frontiers of their country; and by this means the whole Province was ready to rise; all approving the example, either as desirous of war, or to try the temper of the new Lieutenant.

Agricola, though the summer was almost over, and though his forces lay dispers’d up and down the Province expecting no further trouble for that year, (all which retarded and cross’d his expedition;) and though some thought it more advisable to secure such places as were suspicious: yet he resolv’d to forestall these dangers; and having drawn together the Ensigns of the Legions, and a pretty good body of Auxiliaries, and finding that the Ordovices durst not come down into the plains, he drew up his men, and put himself at the head of them; that by exposing his person alike, he might make them alike couragious. Having almost cut off this whole nation, and knowing the necessity of pursuing his blow, and that every thing hereafter would fall out answerable to the event of his first actions: he determin’d to make himself master of the Isle of MonaThe Island Mona.; which, as I have already said, would have been conquer’d by Paulinus, if a general revolt of the Province had not prevented him. This design being not laid before, they wanted ships for the expedition; but the contrivance and resolution of the General supply’d their place. He commanded a choice body of auxiliaries (who were well acquainted with those Fords, and, by the custom of their native country, were able in swimming to govern themselves, their horses, and their arms at the same time) to throw aside their baggage, and march over on a sudden. Which was so effectually done, that the enemy, who expected a fleet, and were thinking of ships, and a sea to be pass’d; were surprised, and suppos’d nothing could be invincible to men, that began a war with that kind of resolution. Thus, a peace was desir’d, and the Island surrender’d, and Agricola became great and famous; as having upon his first entrance (a time usually spent in ostentation and ceremony) carry’d on an Attempt of so much labour and danger.

However, Agricola was so far from growing vain upon this success, that he would not allow it to be a Victory or Expedition, which was only to keep those in order who were formerly subdued: he would not so much as suffer it to be rewarded with laurel. But by thus concealing his glory, he encreas’d it, every one thinking, what noble Exploits he must have in his mind, who could diminish so great an action. Now, knowing the disposition and temper of his Province, and being taught by the sad experience of others, that affairs would never be settled by fighting, while wrongs and injuries were permitted; he resolv’d in the next place to cut off the cause of war: and, to begin with himself first, he made a reformation of his own family; a thing no less difficult to some, than to govern a Province. He committed no publick business to the management of his servants or his freemen; He would never * * Milites ascire.advance soldiers upon private and particular views, nor upon the recommendation and intercession of the Captains; but would still raise the best; taking it for granted that such would be most faithful. He had an eye upon every thing, but would not rigorously exact duty. As for small faults, he would pardon them; but would severely correct the more heinous. However, punishment was not always inflicted; oft-times, the repentance of the offender was accepted by him; chusing rather not to prefer such as were like to offend, than to have them condemn’d and punish’d for it. He made the payment of corn and tribute which was imposed, more easie and tolerable, by laying it equally, and cutting off the exactions, which were a greater grievance than the tribute it self. For the people were compell’d, before, to wait the opening of the publick Granaries, and both to buy and sell their own corn after the rate that was set them. The Purveyors also would command them to carry it about, and into very distant places; so that the Country should sometimes carry from the nearest Camps to those which were far off and out of the way; till, to the particular gain of these men, every place compounded for liberty to carry as it might most conveniently. By a redress of these grievances in the first year of his Lieutenancy, he brought Peace into some credit; which, by the neglect or connivance of his predecessors, was little less terrible to the Britains, than War.

Vespasian dy’d about this time; who, upon those victories, and his own personal valour under Claudius, is thus address’d by Valerius Flaccus;

——Tuque ô Pelagi qui major aperti
Fama, Caledonius postquam tua carbasa vexit
Oceanus, Phrygios prius indignatus Iulos
.

——O you, whose glorious reign
Can boast new triumphs o’er the conquer’d main,
Since your bold navy pass’d the British Sea,
That scorn’d the Cæsars, and the Roman sway.

When TitusTitus Emperor. (the Delight of the world,) succeeded his Father; Agricola, as soon as the Summer came on, drew his Army together. Those who in their march behaved themselves modestly, he commended; those who march’d loose and straggling, he reprimanded. He always chose the place of Encampment himself, and would try the friths and thickets first, in person; and, that his own territories might not be pillaged by the Enemy, he would never let them be quiet from Excursions; and, when he thought he had sufficiently allarm’d them, he would give over, that they might again taste the happiness of peace. By this means, many Cities, which liv’d upon equal terms till that time, gave hostages, and submitted themselves; receiving our garrisons, and permitting us to build castles among them; which he did with that care and prudence, that these were the only new forts in Britain which were never afterwards attempted.

The following winter was spent in a very wise project. For whereas the Britains liv’d after a rude straggling manner, and were therefore ready to break out into open war upon every occasion; that he might by pleasures induce them to be quiet, he exhorted them privately, and also assisted them, to build Temples, and places of publick resort, and fine houses: those who were forward, he commended; those who were slow and backward, he reproved. And thus the honour of being his favourite, imposed a kind of necessity upon them. Moreover, he took care to have the sons of their Nobility brought up in the liberal arts; preferring the Wit and Parts of the Britains before those of the Gauls; so that they, who but lately despised the Roman language, did now affect and study the graces of it. From that time also our modes and dresses became in request among them, and the * * Toga.Gown was commonly worn. By degrees, they came to those incitements to debauchery, Portico’s, Baths, and Banquets; which went by the name of Genteelness among the ignorant, when they were indeed but badges of Slavery.

In the third year of his wars here, he discovered a new Country, wasting all as he marched to the very Taus;Æstuarie of Taus. for that is the name of the Æstuary. Which so terrified the enemy, that, though our army was sadly harrassed by reason of ill weather, yet they durst not give in battle; besides, he had leisure also to build forts and Castles. It has been observed by the best Masters of War, that no Captain ever chose Places to better advantage: No castle of his raising, was ever taken by force, or surrender’d upon terms, or quitted as uncapable of defence. Their sallies were frequent, and they were always prepar’d with a year’s provision against long sieges. Thus we winter’d there without fear, each Castle being able to defend it self; which disappointed the enemy, and made them despair. For, formerly they would regain in winter what they lost in summer, but they were now worsted alike in both seasons. In all these actions, Agricola never rob’d another of the honour that was due to him; but let him be Captain, or any other Officer, he would faithfully attest the bravery of the Action. Some have accounted him too sharp and bitter in his reproofs; and it must be granted, that as he was affable and courteous to the good, so he was morose to the bad. But then, his anger never outliv’d the reprehension. If he pass’d a thing by without notice, there was no fear of malice in the heart; for he thought it more excusable, even to commit the offence, than to hate the offender.

The fourth summer was spent in setling what he had already gain’d; and if the valour of his armies, and the glory of the Roman Empire, could have permitted it, they needed not have fought another Boundary in Britain. Glota and Bodotria (two arms of two opposite seas, shooting a great way into the Country) are parted by a narrow slip of land, which was then secured by our garrisons: so that the Romans were masters of all on this side, having pent up the enemy, as it were within another Island.

In the fifth year of this war, Agricola took shiping, and sail’d over to nations never known before; which, after many successful Encounters, he subdued, and then planted forces in those parts of Britain which lie towards Ireland; more out of hope, than out of fear. For Ireland, being situated betweenIreland. Spain and Britain, and lying convenient for the French Sea, would with many other advantages have united those mighty members of the Empire. In bigness, it is less than Britain; but larger than the Islands of our sea. The soil, the temperature of the air, and the nature and manners of the people are not much different from the British. The ports and havens are better known, by reason of greater trade and commerce. Agricola had formerly received a Prince of that country, who was driven out by civil wars; and under pretence of friendship, had kept him for a fair occasion. I have often heard him say, that with one legion and some few auxiliaries, Ireland might be conquer’d and kept in Obedience; and that it would be of great consequence to our interest in Britain, if the Roman forces were planted on all sides of it, and liberty banish’d out of sight.

About this time dy’d Titus; who for these exploits of Agricola, was saluted Emperor fifteen times, as Xiphilin tells us, and as is manifest from an ancient Coin. Under Domitian, Agricola, in the sixth Summer of his Lieutenancy, being apprehensive of a general insurrection * * Ampla Civitas, al. Amplas civitates.in those large cities and remote countries beyond Bodotria, and that his march would be made very troublesome by the enemy; sent out a fleet to try the creeks and havens. Thus, Agricola was the first that supported his land-army by a fleet; and, to our great honour and advantage, carry’d on the war both by sea and land. Oft-times it happen’d, that the troopers, the foot-soldiers, and the seamen, would meet and make merry together; each magnifying his own feats and adventures, and making their vaunts and comparisons, soldier-like, the one of the woods and high mountains, the other of the dangers of the waves and tempests. The one valuing himself upon the land and the enemy, the other upon the sea it self, subdued by him. The Britains (as we understood by the prisoners) were amaz’d and daunted at the sight of this fleet; considering that if once their sea was discover’d, and navigable, all retreat and refuge would be cut off. Whereupon the Caledonians, with great preparation, but (as it usually is in things unknown,) not so great as reported, broke out into open war, and assaulted our castles; that, by being the aggressors, they might dishearten us: so that some poor spirits on our side, under a shew of prudence, advis’d Agricola to retire to this side Bodotria, and rather to make a voluntary retreat, than a forc’d one. In the mean time, we had advice that the enemy’s design was to divide, and attack us in many places at once. Whereupon, lest he should be surrounded by the numbers of the enemy and their knowledge of the country, he likewise divided his army, and march’d in three bodies. They, having intelligence of this, forth-with took another course, and in one entire body fell upon our ninth legion, as the weakest; and in the night between sleep and fear, cut off our centinels, and broke in among them. Thus, the battle began in the very camp; when Agricola having discover’d the Enemy’s march by his scouts, trac’d them, and sent the lightest of his horse and foot to attack their rear; which were seconded with the huzza’s of the whole army, and the appearance of their colours towards break of day. This danger on all sides terrify’d the Britains; and the Romans taking heart, instead of fighting for their lives, fought now for honour. They chose to make a sally, and after a sharp dispute at the very gates, put them to the rout; while both our armies were contending, the one to come up timely with assistance, the other not to seem to need it. If the fens and woods had not protected the enemy in this flight, they had been entirely conquered. Upon this Brave Action, and the fame of the victory, the whole army grew so resolute, that they thought nothing invincible to them; they clamour’d to be led into Caledonia, and to fight their way to the utmost Bounds of Britain. The very men who were but just before advising a wary conduct, were forward and blustering, now the danger was over. And this is always an unequitable rule in war; every one claims a share in successes, but misfortunes are always imputed to one. However, the Britains attributing all this to good luck and the conduct of the General, and not to Valour; were not at all dejected, but went on to arm their youth, to convey their wives and children, into safe places, and by Assemblies and Religious rites to establish a confederacy among the Cities. And thus both armies left the field with minds full of hostility.

This summer, a Cohort of Usipians rais’d in Germany and sent over into Britain, undertook a very strange and memorable Adventure. Having kill’d their Captain and some Soldiers who were dispers’d among them to teach them to Exercise; they fled, and embark’d in three vessels, compelling the masters to carry them off; but only one of them doing his duty, the other two were slain upon suspicion: and this strange kind of voyage (the fact being not yet known) was accounted miraculous. Afterward, being toss’d up and down, and falling upon some Britains who oppos’d them in their own defence, often conquerors, and sometimes conquer’d, they came to such want of provision at last, that they eat one another; first the weakest, and after that by lot.Britain sail’d round. Thus, having floated round Britain, and lost their ship, in conclusion, for want of skill to guide it, they were taken first by the Suevians, and then by the Frisians, for pirates. Some of them, being bought by the merchants, and by change of masters brought to our coast, grew famous upon the account they gave of this adventure.

In the beginning of tbe summer, a great misfortune befel Agricola in his own family; for he lost his son, who was about a year old. His carriage under this affliction was neither vain-glorious (like that of some great men in such cases,) nor on the other hand soft and effeminate. Among other consolations, he made War one. Having therefore sent his fleet before (which by making a descent here and there, might render the consternation great and uncertain) himself made a quick march, at the head of the Army; to which he had added some of the stoutest Britains (whom, after the test of a long peace, he had found faithful) and came to the hill Grampius, where the Enemy had posted themselves. For the Britains, not at all dismay’d at the loss of the last battle, and thinking of nothing now but revenge or slavery, by leagues and treaties had united the whole strength of their Cities; being at last sensible, that a common danger must be diverted by confederacy and union. Above thirty thousand arm’d men were now in the field, besides a great number of youth, and lusty old men who had been formerly famous in the Wars, and still retain’d the scars and badges of their bravery. GalgacusGalgacus., by birth and merit the chief commander, while the multitude was eager to be engaged, is said to have address’d them in this manner:

When I consider the cause of this war, and our present necessity, I have great reason to presume, that this day, with this unanimous resolution, will give a happy beginning to the freedom of the whole Island. We have liv’d thus long in the full enjoyment of our liberty: and now there is no other Country beyond this, nor indeed sea, to secure us, while the Roman navy hovers upon our coasts. So that, as honour will recommend Arms to men of valour, so will self-preservation to the most cowardly. The battles which with various success have been fought against the Romans, have ever had a refuge in our Bravery, and expected a turn from it. For we are the very flower of the Britains, and therefore seated in the inmost parts of the Country; we are out of the sight of those Nations who are enslav’d by the enemy, and our eyes are yet unpolluted, and free from the contagion of foreign tyranny. There is no country farther on this side, nor liberty on that; this corner, which has been hitherto unknown to fame, hath hitherto preserv’d us. Now, the remotest part of Britain lyes open to them; and people think every thing great and magnificent, that is strange and unknown. Beyond us there is no country, nothing but waves and rocks; * * Interiores Romani, al. Infestiores vel inter ea.the land inward, is all under the Roman Vassalage already. It is vain to curry favour with them by address and submission; their pride and haughtiness is not to be so laid, who ransack the universe, and when they have plunder’d the land, are now plundering the sea. Where the enemy is rich, there the prize is wealth; where poor, it is ambition: neither the East nor the West have sufficed them: these, and these only, gape after the wealth and poverty of the whole World, with equal appetite and pleasure. Spoil, murder, pillage, pass with them under the name of Government: and where they make solitude, there they think they make peace. Children and relations are by nature tender and dear to every one; yet they bereave us of them, to make them slaves in foreign Countries. Our wives and sisters, if they escape ravishing in a hostile manner, yet under the name of Guests and Friends are certainly debauch’d. Our goods and fortunes become their’s by the name of tribute, and our corn by that of provision. Our bodies and hands are put to the drudgery of paving bogs and woods; with a thousand stripes and indignities to boot. Those who are naturally born slaves, are but once sold, and then maintain’d at the owner’s cost: but Britain daily purchases, daily feeds and maintains, its own bondage, at its own charge. And, as in a private family, the last comer is ever the jest of his fellow-servants; so in this ancient Family, the World, we (who shall be the last and the vilest slaves) are now to be destroyed, if they can do it. For we have no fields to cultivate, neither mines nor havens to employ us; and therefore to what purpose should they let us live? Besides, the courage and resolution of the Conquer’d, is ever ungrateful to the Conquerour. And even this distance and privacy, as it makes us safe, so will it make us the more suspected. Seeing then we have no mercy to relie on, let us put on resolution; all who tender their safety, all who value their honour. The TrinobantesTrinobantes., under the conduct of a woman, extirpated a Colony, and forced their Castles; and, if success had not slacken’d their diligence, they might have entirely freed themselves from the Roman yoke.

We are as yet whole and untouch’d: we were born free;Unde ostendemus, al. abunde.let us shew them at the first onset the bravery of the men they'll meet with in Caledonia. Do you imagin the courage of the Romans, in war, to be as great as their debauchery in peace? Their glory is all owing to our dissentions; the folly of their enemies have rais’d the reputation of their arms. As nothing but success could have kept that medley army, pick’d up out of so many several nations, together; so upon any miscarriage you will see them dissolve; unless we can suppose, that the Gauls and Germans, nay, to our shame be it spoken, many of our own Countrymen, lending their lives to establish a foreign power (who have yet been much longer enemies, than slaves to them,) can go on with true zeal and affection in this quarrel. No, this is nothing but the effect of fear and terrour, which are weak motives of endearment; these removed, their hatred will break out, as their fear abates. We have all the motives that excite to Bravery, on our side. The Romans have no Wives to encourage them to stand, no parents to upbraid them if they run away; they have, many of 'em, either no country at all, or at least not this. Their number is so small, as they stand full of fear, gazing at the heaven, the sea, the woods, and every thing strange about them; that they seem pent up, and deliver’d into our hands by Providence. Let us not be daunted by the show they make, by the shining of their gold and silver; which will neither defend them, nor hurt us. We shall find Friends in the very body of the enemy. The Britains know it is their own Cause: the Gauls are still mindful of their lost liberty; and the Germans will desert them, as the Usipians lately did. Coloniae There is nothing besides, that we have to fear; the Castles are empty, the * * Senum Coloniæ, aliàs Colonia.Colonies consist of old men, and the Cities are in discontent and faction, while they unwillingly obey those who unjustly govern. You see the Roman General, the Roman army, here before you. There are the tributes, mines, and all the plagues and punishments that attend slavery: it is to be tried by this day’s engagement, whether we are to endure them for ever, or to be immediately reveng’d. Therefore, fall on, and remember what your Ancestors were, and what your Posterity are to be.

This speech was cheerfully received by the army; who, after their barbarous fashion, seconded it with songs, acclamations, and the like confus’d clamours. And now the Troops began to close, and a great glittering to appear; some of the bolder advanced, and the army was drawing up; when Agricola, though he found his men full of courage, and was hardly able to keep them in, made a speech to them, to this effect.

This is now the eighth year, Fellow-soldiers, that by the valour and fortune of the Roman Empire, seconded by your loyalty and service, we have carryed on the Conquest of Britain with success; and that by many expeditions and many encounters, wherein, as the circumstances required, we have shewed valour against the enemy, or labour and patience against nature itself. In all these, I have had a faithful Army, you have had a faithful General. We have both exceeded: I have extended this Conquest further than any other Lieutenant, you have done more than any former army. We are not possess’d of the bounds of Britain by fame or rumour, but by Camps, and Weapons. Britain is now found, and subdu’d. In our marches over boggs, hills, and rivers, when we have been spent and weary, how often have I heard the valiant among us, asking, when this enemy would face them, when they would give them battle? We have now unkennel’d them; we have them here before us. We have our wishes, and a brave occasion to shew our valour. If we win this victory, every thing will be plain and easie; if we lose it, every thing will go backward. For, as this tedious march, those woods and estuaries we have passed, are glorious and honourable to us while we advance against the Enemy; so if we run away, the greatest advantages now, will then be most fatal and dangerous. We are not so well acquainted with the country as they; not so well furnished with provisions; but we have as many hands, and as good arms, and thereby may have every thing else. For my own part, I am long since convinc’d, that there is no safety for General or Army in flight. To dye in the bed of honour, is better than to live in disgrace; and a man’s safety and his honour are inseparable. Nor will it be inglorious, to dye in the utmost bounds of Earth and Nature. If a new nation, or an unknown enemy, were now to encounter you, I would exhort you by the examples of other armies; but now reflect upon your former actions, and put the question to your own eyes. These are the very men, that last year fell upon one Legion in the night, and were routed by meer noise. These are the arrantest cowards of the whole Island, otherwise they had not been so long alive. For, as it is in woods and forests, the strongest game is not to be started but by force and violence, while the timorous and fearful are scar’d and scoure off upon the first noise; so the best and stoutest of the Britains we have already met with, and dispatch’d; what remains, is nothing but a herd of cowardly Renegadoes. We have at last an opportunity to engage them: not because they give it us, but we have overtaken them, as they stand in the height of confusion like stocks before us, ready to present us with a noble and memorable victory. Let us then put an end to this war; let us make this day the happy conclusion of fifty years labour: and let your country see, that their army can neither be charged with prolonging the war, nor slipping opportunities to compleat the conquest.

Agricola was going on, when the soldiers show’d great signs of resolution and eagerness; and with the utmost chearfulness immediately ran to their weapons. Seeing them sufficiently animated, he drew them up in this order. The auxiliary foot, in all 8000, he placed in the middle, and wing’d them with 3000 horse: behind them, he drew up the legions before the camp, that the victory might be the more glorious without the loss of Roman blood, and that in case of necessity they might be ready to assist. The British army was drawn up upon the hill, both for shew and terror; the first battalion on even ground, the rest higher and higher, as the hill ascended. The field, between, rung with the noise of horses and chariots, ranging up and down. Agricola, perceiving the enemy to be too numerous for him, and fearing lest he should be over-wing’d, and so flank’d by them, stretch’d out his front, though somewhat too thin; insomuch that many advis’d him to bring up the Legions: but being naturally inclin’d to hope the best and to bear up against the worst, he alighted from his horse, and put himself at the head of his foot.

The fight began at some distance; wherein the Britains shew’d great courage and conduct: for with their broad swords and short bucklers, they would strike aside or bear off the darts of the Enemy; and then return great vollies of their own. Agricola thereuponCohortatus.commanded three Cohorts of the Batavians and two of the Tungrians to advance, and make up to them with sword in hand. They were very expert and able at it; whereas the enemy by reason of their little targets and unweildy swords, lay under great disadvantages: for the swords of the Britains, being without points, were unserviceable * * Complexum Armorum, & in aperto.
 
in close fight, or at a distance. Now, as the Batavians began to lay about them, to strike at them with the bosses of their bucklers, to push them in the very faces, to dispatch those that stood lowest, and to fight their way up the very mountain; the other cohorts spurr’d on with emulation, fell on likewise, and beat down all before them; so fast, that many half dead or wholly untouch’d were left behind, thro’ hast to conquer the whole. In the mean time, the horse began to fly, and the charioteers mix’d themselves among the foot; and though we were under some apprehensions from them in particular, yet by reason of the closeness of their ranks, and the unevenness of the ground, they prov’d of no advantage. This was not like an engagement of Horse, but close and fix’d; over-bearing one another with the force and weight of the horses. Many times the chariots, as they ran up and down at rovers, and the frighted horses that had lost their riders and scour’d about as their fears guided them, would over-run those that met them or cross’d their way. And now, they on the hill, who had not been yet engaged, perceiving the small number of our army, began to advance, and wheel in upon their back: but Agricola having foreseen that danger, easily repell’d them by four wings which he had kept as a reserve; and these made them retreat as fast as they had advanc’d. So now, this project of the Britains was turn’d upon themselves: for the wings were immediately order’d to divide from the front, and wheel about upon the backs of the enemy. Upon this the scene began to be very tragical along the plain; one pursuing, another wounding, a third taking, and killing that prisoner as soon as he could take another. Now whole regiments of the enemy, according to their several dispositions, though arm’d and more numerous, turn’d their backs; whilst others of them, disarm’d, ran desperately upon the swords of their enemy. The whole field was nothing but a mixt heap of arms, carcasses, mangled limbs, and blood; and sometimes a mixture of rage and valour in the conquer’d: As soon as the enemy drew near the woods, they began to rally, and enclos’d the most forward of our men, that had follow’d rashly, and were unacquainted with the country. So that if Agricola, who was every where at hand, had not sent out some of the best and lightest of his forces to scoure the country, and commanded the horsemen to light where the woods were thick, and to range them on horseback where thin; we might have suffer’d considerably by this rashness. But, when they saw us united, and in an orderly pursuit, they fled again, not in troops as before, and with an eye upon one another, but dispers’d and straggling into remote and by-places. At last, night and weariness put an end to the chase. Of the enemy there fell 10000, of us 340, among whom was Aulus Atticus Commander of a Cohort; carried on too far by the heat of youth, and the eagerness of his horse. The victory and the spoil made the night pleasant to the Conquerors. But the Britains, wandering up and down the field, which sounded with the mix’d Cries of men and women, spent the night in carrying off the wounded; in calling to those who had escap’d; in forsaking and burning their own houses out of rage and fury; and in shifting from one hole to another. Sometimes, in consult with one another, and taking heart; then again, affected with compassion, and oftner with madness, at the sight of the dear Pledges of their love. And it is certain, that some of them laid violent hands upon their own Wives and Children, as the best office they could do them. The day following shew’d the greatness of this victory more fully. Every where silence and desolation: no stir upon the mountains, the houses burning afar off, and not a soul to be met with by our scouts; who were sent into all parts of the Country, but found that the flight was uncertain, and that the enemy were scatter’d and dispers’d. Hereupon Agricola (the summer being far spent, so that he could not entirely finish the war) marched his army into the Country of the Horesti. Having received hostages from them, he commanded his Admiral to sail round Britain, furnishing him with all things necessary; and, having sent the terror of the Roman name before him, he himself marched slowly with the horse and foot, that by this delay he might awe his new conquests; and then he put his army into winter-quarters. About the same time, the fleet, with a fair wind, and a reputation no less fair, put in at the * * B. Rhenanus reads it Rhamensis.Trutulensian Port, the same from which it set out; and, coasting along the nearestLatere, al. Litore.side of Britain, arrived again there. * * Britain first certainly discovered to be an Island. And having doubled the point of the utmost land, they first discovered Britain to be an Island: and at the same time found out the Isles of OrkneyIsles of Orkney., and subdu’d them; which had been only heard of till then. Orosius, and others after him, falsly ascribe this to Claudius.

Agricola having sent a plain account of these transactions, without either gloss or addition, by letter, to Domitian; the Emperor receiv’d it (as his manner was) with a show of great joy; though really with great trouble and concern. He was conscious to himself, that his late triumph in Germany was groundless and ridiculous, having bought certain people of that country, and drest them up in cloaths and hair, like captives; whereas now a victory great and real, wherein so many thousands of the enemy were slain, was universally applauded. It was dangerous, he thought, that the honour of a private man should eclipse the glory of a Prince: That he had suppress’d the study of Oratory and other Liberal Arts to no purpose, if another could thus out-do him in the arts of war: That, for other matters, they might be born with; but none ought to be a great General but a Prince. Being tormented with these thoughts, and (what was ever a sign of mischief) very much alone in his closet, he concluded, it would be best to conceal his resentments, till the noise of this victory, and the love and respect he had gained in the army, was abated: for as yet Agricola was in Britain. And therefore he took care that triumphal honours, a noble statue, and every thing usual upon such a solemnity, should be decreed him (and that in very honourable terms) by the Senate; and withal, caused a report to be spread, that the Province of Syria (then vacant by the death of Atilius Rufus, Lieutenant, and reserv’d for some person of quality) was designed for him. It was also commonly thought, that he sent a Freeman, one of his Cabinet-Council, to Agricola, with a Commission for Syria; and instructions, that if he were in Britain, it should be delivered; and that the messenger, meeting Agricola upon the sea, spoke not one word to him, but return’d to Domitian: Yet, whether this be true, or a bare surmise (as agreeable enough to the carriage of that Prince) is uncertain. However, Agricola had surrendered his Province peaceable and quiet to his Successor. And now, lest his entry into Rome should be too splendid by the great numbers of Attendants, he declin’d the Compliments of his Friends, and came (as he was order’d) by night into the city; and at night was admitted into the Palace: where the Emperor receiv’d him with a dry kiss, and spoke not one word to him; and so he drew off among the rest of the Attendants.

Agricola’s successor, according to some, was Cn. Trebellius; but in my opinion, Salustius LucullusSalustius Lucullus, Lieutenant of Britain., who was soon put to death by Domitian, for suffering a new sort of spears to be called Lameæ LuculleæLameae Luculleae. At which time † Arviragus the Britain.† Stillingfleet’s Orig. Brit. p.35.Arviragus flourish’d in this Island, and not in the days of Claudius, as Geoffry of Monmouth romances. For that of Juvenal is to be understood of Domitian,

Omen habes, inquit, magni clarique triumphi:
Regem aliquem capies, aut de temone Britanno
Excidet
* * Call’d Arbela in an old Scholiast of Juvenal.Arviragus.——

—— The mighty omen see,
He cries, of some illustrious victory.
Some captive King thee his new Lord shall own,
Or from his British chariot headlong thrown,
The proud Arviragus comes tumbling down.

Then also flourished at Rome, Claudia Rufina, a British Lady, eminent for her extraordinary beauty and learning, and commended by Martial in these verses,

Claudia cæruleis cum sit Rufina Britannis
Edita, cur Latiæ pectora plebis habet?
Quale decus formæ Romanam credere matres
Italides possunt, Atthides esse suam
.

Among the painted Britains, Claudia, born,
By what strange arts did you to Roman turn?
What shapes! what heavenly charms! enough to raise
A noble strife in Italy and Greece.

This is she whom St. Paul mentions in his second Epistle to Timothy, according to J. Bale, and Matthew Parker Archbishop of Canterbury: nor is it amiss in point of Chronology; though others differ from that opinion.

And thus,Britain a Province. in Domitian’s time, the further part of this Island was left to the Barbarians, as neither pleasant nor fruitful; but this hither part was reduc’d to a compleat Province; not govern’d by Consular or Proconsular Deputies, but accounted PræsidialPraesidial Britain a Præsidial Province., and appropriated to the Emperors, as being annex’d to the Empire after the division of Provinces by Augustus, and having ProprætorsPropraetors of it’s own. Afterwards, when Constantine the Great had new-model’d the Empire, this Province was govern’d by a Deputy under the PrætorianPraetorian Lieutenant of Gaul; with whom were joyn’d, in times of war, the Count of Britain, the Count of the Saxon shore throughout Britain, and the Duke of Britain; besides Presidents, Receivers, &c. But farther; of the 29 Legions which were the constant and standing guard of the Roman Empire,What Legions were in Britain, Dio, 55. three were garrison’d here; namely, the Legio secunda Augusta, the Legio sexta victrix, and the vicesima victrix. But this is to be understood of Severus’s time; for before that, we find, here were other Legions, and also more.

And although Strabo writes, that one * * Ordo militum.Legion was sufficient to awe and secure Britain, yet under Claudius the Legio secunda Augusta, the Legio 9. of Spain, and the 14th Legion call’d Gemina Martia victrix, were garrison’d here: nay, even about Vespasian’s time, Josephus tells us here were four Legions garrison’d in this Island. The words are, Britain is encompassed with the sea, and is not much less than our world. The inhabitants are reduc’d to the obedience of the Romans, who keep that populous Island in subjection with four Legions. And, doubtless, these stations and garrisonsOrigin of Cities. of the Legions, and Roman soldiers, (a) prov’d very often the foundations of Towns and Cities, not only in other Provinces, but in Britain too. Thus, the yokeThe Roman yoke. was first laid upon the Britains by troops and garrisons (which were constantly kept here, to the great terror of the Inhabitants;) and then by tribute and imposts: upon which account, they had their Publicans, that is, Cormorants and Leeches, who suck’d their blood, confiscated their goods, and exacted tribute * * Mortuorum nomine.in the name of the dead. They were not permitted to enjoy the laws of their own country, but had such Magistrates as the Romans sent with their rods and axes to do Justice. For the ProvincesRowardus in his Protribunalia. had their Propætors, Legats, Presidents, Prætors, and Proconsuls, and each particular City its peculiar Magistrates. The Prætor held a kind of Assize once every year, and then decided all causes of more than ordinary consequence; sitting in great state upon a high Tribunal, with his Lictors round him, bearing rods for the backs, and axes for the necks, of the People; and they were every year to have a different Lord of that kind. But that was not all neither; they fomented discord and faction among the people, giving great countenance to such as they could make their tools to enslave others.

(a) Upon this account it is, that so many of our famous Towns end in Chester, which is nothing but the remains of the old Roman Castra.

Yet, however grievous this yoke was, it prov’d very beneficial to us in the event. For, together with it, came in the blessed Doctrine of Jesus Christ (of which more hereafter;) and, upon the light of his glorious Empire, barbarism soon vanish’d from among the Britains, as it had done in all other places where the Gospel was planted. For Rome, as Rutilius says,

——Legiferis mundum complexa triumphis,
Fœdere communi vivere cuncta facit
.

——Triumphant all the world commands,
And with new laws unites the conquer’d lands.

And in another place very elegantly, and very truly, to the same Rome;

Fecisti patrium diversis gentibus unam.
Profuit injustis te dominante capi.
Dumque offers victis proprii consortia juris,
Urbem fecisti quod prius orbis erat
.

All countries now in one vast nation joyn,
And happily subdu’d their Rites resign.
Thy juster laws are every where obey’d,
And a great City of the world is made.

For, not to mention the other Provinces; the Romans (by planting their Colonies here, and reducing the natives under the Rules of Civil Government; by instructing them in the liberal Arts, and sending them into Gaul to learn the laws of the Roman Empire; whence that of Juvenal,

Gallia caussidicos docuit facunda Britannos,

Gaul’s eloquence taught British Lawyers art;)

did at last so reform and civilize them by introducing their laws and customs, that for the modes of their dress and living, they were not inferiour to the other Provinces.The Roman works in Britain. Their buildings and other works were so very magnificent, that we view the remains of them at this day with the greatest admiration: and the common people will have these Roman fabricks to be the works of Gyants, whom in the North they call * * Ethnicus.Eatons, for Heathens if I mistake not. They are, without question, very wonderful and stately, particularly the Picts wallThe Vallum, or Picts wall., of which in its proper place, and the High-waysThe Roman military ways. in all parts of the Kingdom, which run in some places through drained fens, in others through low valleys, rais’d and pav’d; and withal are so broad, that two carts may easily pass each other. This account of them we have in Galen.Galen, l.9. c.8. methodi. Trajan repair’d the ways, paving such as were wet and dirty, or else raising them: such as were rough and over-grown with thorns, he clear’d; and where rivers were not fordable, he made bridges. If a way lay too far about he made it more direct and short; if it lay over a difficult or steep mountain, he drew it through places more plain and easie: if a road was annoy’d by wild beasts, or was desolate, he had it turn’d through such parts of the country as were better inhabited; and if the way was rugged, he took care to smooth and level it. Yet those of Britain are so pared away in some places, by the country people’s digging sand out of them, that they are hardly to be known; though otherwise, where they run through by-grounds and pastures, they appear in a plain ridge.

These were call’d by the Romans, ViæViae Consulares, RegiæRegiae , PrætoriæPraetoriae, Militares, PublicæPublicae , Cursus publici, and Actus, as we find by Ulpian and Julius Frontinus. Ammianus Marcellinus calls them Aggeres Itinerarii and Publici: Sidonius Apollinaris, Aggeres, and tellures inaggeratæinaggeratae: Bede and modern Authors, StratæStratae . Our Historians (who in that are without all question in an error,) will have only four ways of this sort; the first Watlingstreat, so called from I know not what Vitellianus, to whose charge this way was committed, (and, indeed, the Britains call’d Vitellianus, in their language, Guetalin,) named also Werlaemstraet, as lying through Verulam; and in some places High-dike, High-ridge, Forty-foot-way, and Ridge-way, by the several Inhabitants. The second, they call’d Ikenild-streat, which began in the country of the Iceni: the third, the Fosse, because (as some think) it was ditch’d on both sides: the fourth, Erminstreat, a German word, deriv’d from Mercury (as I am inform’d by the learned J. ObsopæusObsopaeus ,) who was worship’d among our forefathers the Germans, by the name of Irmunsul, i.e. Mercury’s Pillar. And that Mercury presided over the high-ways, his Greek name Greek text does sufficiently intimate; and besides, his square statues (formerly called HermæHermae ) were every where erected on the high-ways. Yet some imagine, that these ways were made by one Mulmutius, God knows who, many ages before the birth of Christ: but this is so far from finding credit with me, that I positively affirm, they were made from time to time by the Romans. When Agricola was Lieutenant here, Tacitus tells us, that the people were commanded to carry their corn about, and into the most distant countries; not to the nearest Camps, but to those that were far off and out of the way. And the Britains (as the same Author has it) complain’d, that the Romans put their hands and bodies to the drudgery of clearing Woods and paving Fens, with stripes and indignities to boot. And we find in old Records; In the days of Honorius and Arcadius, there were made in Britain certain High-ways from sea to sea. That they were the work of the Romans, Bede himself tells us. The Romans liv’d within that wall (which, as I have already observ’d, Severus drew cross the Island) to the Southward; as the Cities, Temples, Bridges, and High-ways made there, do plainly testify at this day. In making such ways, the Romans were wont to employ the Soldiers and the people, that they might not grow factious by too much ease. High-ways (says Isidorus) were made almost all the world over by the Romans, to shorten the Roads, and to employ the people. And the Sentence pass’d upon Criminals, was, many times, to work at them; as may be gather’d from Suetonius, in the life of Caius. And moreover,Cap. 27. we find the Via Salamantica, or Silver-way, in Spain, and in France certain military ways, made by the Romans; not to mention the Via Appia, Pompeia, Valeria, and others in Italy.

Along these High-ways,Sueton. in Octavius. Augustus at first had young men plac’d at some small distance from one another, but after that, † Vehicula.post-wagons instead of them, that he might have quick and speedy intelligence from all parts of the Empire. And upon these roads were the cities built; as also InnsMansions. for the accommodation of travellers; and mutationsMutations, or changing-places. (for so those places were then call’d, where travellers could change their post-horses, draught-beasts, or wagons.) And therefore, whoever seeks the places mention’d in Antoninus’s Itinerary any where but upon these ways, must certainly wander, and run into mistakes.

And perhaps it may deserve notice, that at the end of every mile along these roads, Pillars were erected by the Emperors, with figures cut in them to signifie the number of miles. Hence Sidonius Apollinaris,

Antiquus tibi nec teratur agger,
Cujus per spatium satis vetustis
Nomen Cæsareum viret columnis
.

Nor let the ancient causey be defac’d,
Where in old pillars Cæsar’sCaesar name’s express’d.

By the sides of themVarro, lib. De lingua lat., were also the graves and monuments of famous men; to put the traveller in mind of his own mortality. For the repairing of these ways, there were standing laws; as we see in the Theodosian Code under the Title De Itinere muniendo, to excite every one to further this business with the utmost zeal and readiness. There where also Overseers appointed for them. And, in our ancient LawsLaws of S. Edward., there is mention made De pace quatuor Cheminorum; that is, of the peace of the four principal roads.

During the time of NervaNerva., Authors make no mention of this Island. Under TrajanTrajan., the Britains seem to have revolted; and, that they were subdued again, appears by Spartian.Propraetor In Adrian’sAdrian Emp. reign, Julius SeverusJ. Severus, Proprætor. was Lieutenant here; but he being recall’d upon an insurrection of the Jews, the Britains had certainly freed themselves from the Roman yoke, if Adrian himself had not come hither in person: and he in his third Consulship (or the year of Christ 124) seems to have subdu’d them by mere force. For in a Coin of his, we see a General with three soldiers (which, I suppose, represents the three legions of Britain) with this Inscription, EXER. BRITANNICUS: and another with this, RESTITUTOR BRITANNIÆ. This Emperor reform’d many things in the Island, and first drew a Wall (fourscore miles long) to separate the BarbariansSpartian. from the Romans; making it of greatStipitibus.timber-planks fixt in the ground, and joined one to another, not unlike * * Muralis Sepis.a hedge. For which expedition the Poet Florus plays thus upon him:

Ego nolo Cæsar esse,
Ambulare per Britannos,
Scythicas pati pruinas
.

Cæsarcaesar may reign secure for me,
I won’t be Cæsar, no not I:
To stalk about the British shore,
Be wet with Scythian snow all o’re.

To which Adrian reply’d;

Ego nolo Florus esse,
Ambulare per tabernas,
Latitare per popinas,
Culices pati rotundos
.

Florus may rake secure for me,
I won’t be Florus, no not I;
The streets and idle shops to scower,
Or in by-taverns lewdly roar,
With potent rummers wet all o’er.

At this time, M. F.Cl. Priscus Licinius, Proprætor of Britain. Cl. Priscus Licinius was ProprætorPropraetor of Britain; who was with Hadrian in his expedition against the Jews, as appears by this old Inscription on a broken marble:

M. F. CL. PRISCO.
ICINIO. ITALICO. LEGATO.
AUGUSTORUM.
PR. PR. PROV. CAPPADOCIÆ
PR. PR. PROV. BRITANNIÆ LEG. AUG.
–––––––––––––
––––––––––––––
–––––––––––––––
LEG. IIII GALLICIÆ. PRÆF. COH. IIII
LINGONUM. VEXILLO. MIL. ORNATO. A. DIVO. HADRIANO. IN EXPEDITIONE IVDAIC.

Q. CASSIUS. DOMITIUS. PALUMBUS.

Propraetor In the reign of Antoninus PiusAntoninus Pius Emp. (who made a Constitution that all who were within the bounds of the Roman Empire, should be citizens of Rome) the war in Britain broke out again; but was so effectually ended by Lollius UrbicusLollius Urbicus Proprætor the Lieutenant, upon his driving back the barbarians, and making another wall of earth, that he was sirnam’d Britannicus;Capitolinus. and was also highly commended for taking from the Brigantes some part of their country, because they had made incursions into Genounia, a neighbouring Province under the protection of the Romans. And at this time, as may be gather’d from Jabolenus, Seius SaturniusPausanias in his Arcadica. Digest. l.36. was ArchigubernusArchigubernus. of the fleet in Britain. But whether it be meant, that he was Admiral, or Chief-Pilot, or the Master of a Ship; the Civilians must determin.

The Britains, making one War a pretence to enter upon another, began to revolt again in the time of Antoninus the Philosopher. Antoninus the Philosopher. To quiet this commotion, Calphurnius AgricolaCalphurnius Agricola Proprætor. was sent over, and seems to have succeeded. Eumenius Capitolinus.The glory of putting an end to this war, Fronto (who was not only not inferior to any in Eloquence, but the greatest master of it) attributes to the Emperor Antoninus. For, though he remained at his Palace here in the city, and committed the care of it to another, yet in his opinion (like the Pilot sitting at the helm of a long ship) he deserv’d the glory of the whole expedition and voyage. At that time, Helvius Pertinax was a soldier in Britain; sent thither from the Parthian Wars, and there kept.

In the reign of CommodusCommodus Emp., there was nothing but war and sedition throughout Britain. For the barbarous Britains, having pass’d the wall, made great waste in the country, and cut off the Roman General and his army. Ulpius MarcellusUlpius Marcellus Proprætor. was sent against them; who succeeded so well in this expedition, that by reason of his great bravery he began to be envied, and was recall’d. Xiphilin out of Dio.This General was vigilant above all others; and to the end that those about him might be as watchful, he wrote every evening twelve Tables, such as commonly are made ofTilia.Linden-wood, and commanded one of his attendants to carry the same to several soldiers at several hours of the night. From whence they might think their General was ever awake, and themselves might sleep the less. Concerning his Temperance, he adds; Though he was made by nature to live without much sleep, yet that he might do it the better, he was very spare in his diet. For to the end he might not eat his fill even of bread, he had it brought from Rome; that, by reason of it’s age and staleness, he might eat no more than was barely necessary. Upon his being recall’d, the army grew heady, and military discipline was relax’d; so far, that they deny’d submission to Commodus as Emperor, though sirnam’d Britannicus by his flatterers. Moreover, they sent fifteen hundred of their fellow-soldiers out of Britain into Italy, against Perennis (who had not only a show of favour, but a real sway and interest in the Emperor;) accusing him of displacing Senators to prefer † Equestris loci viros.Gentlemen to their Offices, and of a plot and design against the Emperor’s Life. Commodus gave credit to it, and deliver’d him into their hands, who scourg’d him severely, beheaded him, and declared him an enemy to his country. These broils were at last quieted by Helvius PertinaxHelvius Pertinax Proprætor., but not without great danger, being himself well-nigh slain (it is certain he was left as such among the dead) in appeasing them.

Thus, Britain was delivered in peace by Commodus, to Clodius AlbinusClodius Albinus Proprætor., sirnamed afterwards, for his great achievements in Britain, CæsareusCaesareus Capitolinus.: but he was soon obliged to resign to Junius SeverusJunius Severus Proprætor., on account of a speech wherein he had inveigh’d, with too much liberty, against the administration of the Emperors.

At this timeThe Christian Religion in Britain., the clouds of superstition and ignorance being dispers’d (not while M. Aurelius and L. Verus were Emperors, as Bede writes, but in the reign of Commodus, when Elutherus was Bishop of Rome) the light of the Christian Religion by the means of KingKing Lucius. (a) Lucius began to shine in this Island. Who (as it is said in the Old Martyrologies, which were wont to be read in Churches) admiring the integrity and holiness of the Christians, sent Eluanus and Meduanus, two Britains, to Pope Eleutherus; intreating him that he and his subjects might be instructed in the Christian Religion. Upon this, the Pope immediately dispatched certain holy men hither, namely Fugatius and Donatianus, with letters which are yet extant, and are commonly suppos’d to be genuine, dated in the second Consulship of L. Aurelius Commodus, which he held together with Vespronius; and by these two Persons, the King and others were taught the mysteries of the Christian Faith. Whence that of Ninnius upon this King; King Lucius is sirnam’d Leuer-Maur, that is, of great glory, upon the account of Religion planted here in this time. (b) As for those who call the story of King Lucius into question (as many do at this day) as if there was no such King at that time in Britain, which they suppose was reduc’d long before into a complete Province; I would have them remember, That the Romans, by an old custom, had Kings as † Servitutis instrumenta. their Tools of servitude in the Provinces; that the Britains at that time deny’d submission to Commodus; that all that part of the Island beyond the Wall was fully enjoy’d by them; and that there they had their Kings. MoreoverCapitolinus., that Antoninus Pius, some years before, having ended the war, left the Kingdoms to be rul’d by their own Kings, and the Provinces to be govern’d by their own Counts. So that nothing hinders, but that Lucius might be a King in those parts of the Island which were never subject to the Romans. For certainly that passageAgainst the Jews, c.7. of Tertullian (who wrote about that time) refers to this conversion of the Britains to the Christian Religion; and that very aptly, if we consider the words, and the time. Some Countries of the Britains, that proved impregnable to the Romans, are yet subjected to Christ. And a little after, Britain lies surrounded by the Ocean. The Mauri and the barbarous Getulians are block’d up by the Romans, for fear they should extend the limits of their Countries. And what shall we say of the Romans themselves, who secure their Empire only by the power of their armies? neither are they able, with all their force, to extend that Empire beyond these Nations: Whereas, the Kingdom of Christ, and his Name, reaches much farther. He is every where believ’d in, and worshipp’d, by all the nations above mention’d, &c.

(a) When he lived, in what part of Britain he reign’d, how far he was concern’d in bringing-in the Christian Religion, and all other circumstances belonging to that history, are handled at large by Dr.  Stillingfl. Orig. Britan. p.67.

(b) See also the history of Lucius at large in Bishop Usher’s Antiquities of the British Churches, p.19, 20, &c.

But that Britain, before this, even in the infancy of the Church, receiv’d the Christian Religion, our Ecclesiastical writersBale.M. Parker.J. Fox. (who have spent much time and pains in this search) endeavour to convince us from ancient Authors: Namely, that Joseph of ArimathæaArimathaea , an eminent Decurio, sail’d out of Gaul into Britain; and (c) that Claudia Rufina, the wife of Aulus Pudens (thought to be the same, whom St. Paul mentions in his second Epistle to Timothy, and Martial the Poet so much commends) was a British Lady. Further, they cite Dorotheus, who passes under the name of Bishop of Tyre, and in his Synopsis relates, that Simon Zelotes, after he had travell’d Mauritania, was at last kill’d and buried in Britain; and also that Aristobulus (mention’d by St. Paul in his Epistle to the Romans) was made Bishop of Britain (to which also Nicephorus agrees;) but he speaks of † † The Brutii in Italy.Britiana, and not of Britain. Moreover, upon the authority of Symeon Metaphrastes and the Greek Kalendar, they tell us, that St. Peter was in this Island, and display’d the light of the Gospel here; and also from Sophronius and Theodoret, that St. Paul, after his second imprisonment at Rome, came hither. Hence Venantius Fortunatus (if we may credit a Poet) speaks thus, either of him or his Doctrine:

Transit Oceanum, & qua facit Insula portum,
Quasque Britannus habet terras, quasque ultima Thule
.

The Ocean pass’d, and ventur’d bravely o’re
To British realms and Thule’s farthest shore.

But there is nothing more considerable in this matter, than that passage just now quoted from Tertullian; and what Origen4. Upon Ezechiel. says, namely, that the Britains had received the Faith, and were prepar’d for it by their Druids, who had always taught them to believe, there was but one God. ⌈And the argument is yet stronger, if we take Origen’sStillingfl. Orig. p.57. words in a contrary sense (which indeed seems to be the right) that whereas Britain, before, had worship’d many Gods; since they became Christians they worship’d but one God. When (says he) did Britain, before the coming of Christ, consent in the worship of one God? which implies, that the Britains were then known to be Christians; and by being so, were brought off from the worship of their Gods, Taranis, Hesus, Teutates, Belenus, Andate, &c.⌉ boadicea And that of Gildas is in my opinion of great weight, who, after a short hint of Boadicia’s rebellion, and an account how the same was reveng’dUnder Nero., says, In the mean time, Christ, the true Sun, displaying his glorious rays upon the whole world (not like the sun from his temporal firmament, but from the most exalted throne of heaven, which is eternal and endless) in the latter end of Tiberius CæsarCaesar (as we are assured) did first vouchsafe his Rays to this cold frozen Island, situated at so vast a distance from the visible sun. And, by the by, thus also St. Chrysostom, of the Christian Religion in this Island. The British Isles situate beyond our sea, and lying in the very Ocean, have felt the power of the Word (for Churches and Altars are erected even there) of that Word, I say, which was naturally planted in the hearts of all men, and is now in their lips also. The same Author:In his Sermon upon Pentecost. How often in Britain have men eat the flesh of their own kind? Now they refresh their souls with fastings. S. Jerom likewise:Epitaph of Marcella, a Widow. The Britains, who live out of our world, if they go in pilgrimage, will leave the western sun, and seek Jerusalem, known to them only by fame and by the Holy Scriptures.

(c) Usher’s Antiquit. Britannicarum Ecclesiarum, p.6.

⌈Many have been the Opinions concerning the first Plantation of Christianity in Britain, and great the Differences of Learned men concerning them. The latter end of Tiberius CæsarStillingfl. Orig. p.2., i.e. about 37 years after the Nativity of Christ, is the time which several of our Writers have pitch’d on, upon the authority of the foremention’d passage of Gildas; who was a Britain, and therefore to be credited in British affairs. But, not to observe that this disagrees with the account which Scripture gives us of the propagation of the Christian Faith, viz. that after the Martyrdom of St. Stephen, the Disciples for some time preach’d the word to the Jews only, and that Cornelius (six years after) is said to be the first-fruits of the Gentile: (before which time, according to that supposition, there would be Gentile-Converts in Britain;) not to observe this, I say, that passage of Gildas has been evidently misunderstood and misapply’d. For he speaks of a double shining of the Gospel; one more general to the world, in the latter end of Tiberius Cæsarcaesar; the other more particular, to this Island, at the time he is there speaking of, about the middle of Nero’s reign. So that what he affirms concerning the first preaching of the Gospel, has been unduly apply’d to the particular preaching of it in the Island of Britain.

Arimathaea The story of Stillingfleet’s Orig. p.4. Joseph of Arimathæa is condemn’d by the like repugnancy to Scripture, as to the time and manner of the first preaching to the Gentiles; and is moreover so ill-grounded, and accompany’d with so many absurdities, that all sober and judicious Authors account it a Monkish forgery, however zealously asserted and maintain’d by some Writers of the Church of Rome. Neither Gildas, nor Bede, nor Asserius, nor Marianus Scotus, nor any of the ancient Annals take the least notice of such a Tradition; nor are the Advocates for it, able to produce any better Authority, than Geffrey of Monmouth and the Legends of Glassenbury. The Charter of St. Patrick (so much magnify’d by the Popish Writers)Monast. Vol.1. p.11. is a plain forgery. It begins with the date according to the year of our Lord; whereas it is well known that that way of Computation did not come-in till a hundred years after: and it speaks of Indulgences obtain’d from Pope Eleutherus; which name was not used for the Relaxation of Penance, till the eleventh Century.

The CharterMonast. Angl. Vol.1. p.13. of King Ina, which makes the Church at Glassenbury the first in the Kingdom of Britain, and so seems to favour the tradition of Joseph of Arimathæa; is of little better Authority than that of St. Patrick. It speaks of K. Ina’s calling together the Kings of Britain, and the Archbishops, Bishops, Dukes, and Abbots, to pass this Charter; when it is well known, that he had no authority, but over the West-Saxons, and had but three Bishops, without any Archbishop, in his Dominions. One of the witnesses to this Charter is King Boldred; whereas none of our Histories mention any King of that name, till almost a hundred years after. Add to this, that it refers to other ancient Charters of that Church, as to the Exemption of the Monastery; which favours of the known forgeries of the Benedictine Monks, in England, and other Countries; and these (it is clear) must be forgeries, since the most diligent Enquirers have not been able to find any foot-steps of Charters us’d among the Britains, till very near that time.

And it is very considerable in this matter, that neither these Charters, nor others of the Saxon times, however speaking of Glassenbury as the fountain of Religion in Britain, say any thing of Joseph of Arimathæa; who therefore must have been pitch’d upon by the Monks afterwards, for their Founder, on account of the esteem he had, for the respect shew’d by him to our Saviour’s body, and the reverence that his Name would gain and secure to the Place. To all which we may further add; that the Glassenbury Legend makes the twelve hydes of Land to be given, among others, by Arviragus a British King; but it appears not, that there was then any King in Britain of that name: And that, with the Church, a Church-yard was also consecrated; whereas the custom of compassing Churches with Church-yards, is of later date.

But altho’ the Tradition of Joseph of Arimathæa cannot (as we have seen)Stillingfl. Orig. Brit. p.35. be maintain’d with any degree of probability; it is affirm’d, upon very good evidence, that a Christian Church was planted in Britain, during the times of the Apostles.

To this purpose, it is alledg’d, that EusebiusDemon. Evang. l.3. c.7. expresly says, that some of the Apostles pass’d over the Ocean Greek text Ser. 9. T.4. Greek text, to those which are call’d the British Islands: That Theodoret as expressly names the Britains, among the Nations converted by the Apostles;Tom. 1. in Ps.116. and saith elsewhere that St. Paul brought Salvation to the Islands that lie in the Ocean: That Clemens Romanus saith,Ep. ad Cor. that St. Paul preach’d righteousness through the whole world, and in so doing, went Greek text , to the utmost bounds of the West; which Britain was at that time understood to be, and is therefore call’d by Catullus Ultimam Occidentis Insulam;In Ps.147. as by Arnobius it is made the bounds of the Gospel to the West.

From these Authorities (especially that of Clemens Romanus) it follows, not only that the Gospel was preached in Britain in the times of the Apostles, but that St. Paul himself was the Preacher of it. This is further confirm’d, by observing, That from the time of his being set at liberty in the 5th year of Nero, to his Return to Rome, were eight years; which, the ancient Writers of the Church generally agree, were spent in the Western Parts: That, having taken his solemn Leave of the Eastern Parts, and assur’d them that they should see his face no more, it cannot be suppos’d that he return’d thither, but that he employ’d his time in planting the Gospel elsewhere: That Gildas saith, The Gospel was here received before the fatal defeat of the Britains by Suetonius Paulinus, which was the seventh or eighth of Nero, i.e. the third or fourth of those eight years, which ancient Writers say St. Paul spent in the Western Parts: That the Traditions about S. James, Simon Zelotes, and Philip, as preaching the Gospel here, are all destitute both of ancient Testimony and Probability: That, as to St. Peter, that point depends only upon the Authority of Simeon Metaphrastes and other Legendary Writers, and (what is more) seems to contradict the Authority of Scripture, which expresly says, that the Gospel of the Circumcision was committed to Peter, as the Gospel of the Uncircumcision was committed to Paul.

To this accountStillingfl. Orig. Brit. p.67. there is one obvious Exception, viz. the story of King Lucius, which (whether in the time of Aurelius and Verus, or of † † So say Archb. Usher, and Bp. Stillingfleet.Commodus) supposes that the Christian Religion was planted in Britain a long time after. But, in the first place, that story is not only an Argument against St. Paul’s converting the Britains, but against the Conversion it self and the preaching of Christianity in Britain, before that time; which yet is attested (as we have shown) by Writers of far greater Antiquity and Authority, than any that can be alledg’d in favour of that story of King Lucius. And (not to mention the ancient Fathers already cited) it is observable of our own Writers, That the Authority of that more early Conversion rests upon Gildas, a Britain and a proper judge of the British affairs; but the Conversion under King Lucius, only upon Bede, a Saxon, and in most of his accounts unfriendly to the Britains. So that, if we must either reject the Accounts of that more early Plantatioa, or the story of Lucius, there can be no doubt, but the first is to be retain’d as true, and the second given up, as fabulous.

That there was such a King in Britain as Lucius, is prov’d by so many Authors, that no dispute can be rais’d about it: And a learned WriterUsser. Primord. p.39. tells us, that he had seen two Coins, with the image of a Christian King on them (as he conjectur’d by the Crosses) and the Letters LVC which probably denote the same Lucius.

But then the Legendary Writers make him King of the whole Island, and pen a Letter for him (as sent to Rome in form) with evident marks of Imposture, and make him frame a new Constitution of a Christian Church in the place of Flamins and Archiflamins, which, with many forgeries of the like nature, being rejected, as they undoubtedly ought; it is no way inconsistent with a former Conversion, to suppose, that Lucius, consider’d as a petty Prince of some small part of the Island, might send a message to Rome (where was a Christian-Church of so great fame, and a Bishop, the twelfth from the Apostles) to receive from thence a more full and authentick account of Christianity, than he had yet had. For his message to Rome, and his desire to become a Christian, do suppose that he had been inform’d before, what Christianity was; and he could not so likely receive such Information from any, as from the two Messengers, who are believ’d by Leland and others to have been two of the old British Christians.⌉ But now let us pass from the Church to the Empire.

CommodusPertinax Emp. being slain, Pertinax was made Emperor, who immediately dispatch’d away Albinus for Britain. But Pertinax, after a reign of eight hundred and two days, being put to death, Didius Julianus (who quickly had the same fate) set up his pretensions at Rome, Pescenius Niger in Syria, Clodius Albinus in Britain, and Septimius Severus in Pannonia; all these, at the same juncture, set up their pretentions to the Empire. SeverusSeverus Emp. (who was nearest to Italy) got first to Rome, and being made Emperor by consent of the soldiers and the Senate, that he might not leave an enemy behind him, immediately with great cunning pretended to make AlbinusAlbinus Emp., who then commanded the army of Gaul and Britain, CæsarCaesar; and, by stamping his image upon the coins, and erecting statues to him, and conferring the Consulship upon him, he politickly sooth’d him for the present. After this, he march’d into the east against Niger, and in a set battle defeated and slew him. Then he laid siege to Byzantium, and after three years took it; and reduc’d the Adiabeni, Arabians, and other nations. Thus, exalted with success, he grew impatient of a partner and rival, and employ’d Assassins to murder Albinus; but the event not answering his design, he openly declar’d him an enemy, and, with all the dispatch he could, march’d into Gaul against him: where Albinus with the flower of the British army had posted himself to receive him. The Albinians fought so stoutly, that Severus threw off his purple, and fled with his whole army. But, while the Britains pursu’d the enemy in some disorder (as if the victory was already their’s;) LætusLaetus who was one of Severus’s Captains, and stood expecting the issue of the Battle with his men fresh and untouch’d (hearing that Severus was cut off, and thinking that himself might now set up for Emperor) fell upon them, and put them to flight. Upon this, Severus, having rallied his men, and re-assum’d his purple, pursued them likewise with great eagerness, and so in the end came off very successfully, having, among many others, slain Albinus himself. And now Severus, sole Emperor of the world, first sent HeraclianusHeraclianus Proprætor., and then Virius Lupus ProprætorPropraetor and Legate (call’d by Ulpian the Lawyer, President of Britain)D. l.28. to take possession of Britain. This Virius LupusTit. 6. Virius Lupus Proprætor., as we shall observe in its proper place, repaired many Castles here. However, he was at last forced to purchase a peace of the MæatæMaeatae at a great rate (having first made some of them prisoners) because the Caledonii, who had promised to check the incursions of the Mæatæ, had not perform’d that Article. And finding himself unable to curb their sudden inroads, by all the severity he could use, he was forc’d to send to Severus to come in person to his assistance. Severus embraced the occasion very joyfully, both that he might wean his sons, who grew very debauch’d, from the pleasures of the City, and also add the name of Britannicus to his other titles; and, though now above sixty years old, and withal gouty, he resolv’d upon this expedition, with his sons, Bassianus, whom he call’d Antoninus and Augustus, and Geta Cæsar, together with the Legions. The Britains sent Embassadors immediately, to desire peace; whom (after he had designedly stay’d them a considerable time, till all things were prepar’d and ready for the war) he dismiss’d, without coming to any conclusion; and having left his son Geta, whom at his first arrival in Britain he made Augustus, in the hither part of the Island which was in subjection to the Romans, to administer justice, and the government, among them; himself with Antoninus march’d into the remote parts of the country, where, without coming to any battle, he employ’d the time in cutting down woods, building bridges, and draining the fens: and yet, by ambuscades and sickness, he lost fifty thousand of his men. Thus Dio. But Herodian makes him have several successful skirmishes; the Barbarians, from the fens and thick woods, where they had posted themselves, having the opportunity to sally out upon him. At last, he forc’d them to a League; upon condition, that they should give up into his hands a considerable share of their country. And, which was the most glorious action of his reign, he built a wall from sea to sea, quite cross the Island. Upon these victories, he stamp’d his coins with this Inscription, VICTORIA BRITANNICA, and assum’d the title of Britannicus Maximus. His son Geta had also the title of Britannicus, as appears by his coins. Yet, without regard to this league, the Britains began afterwards to revolt; which gall’d him to that degree, that, in an Oration to his soldiers, he recommended the utter Extirpation of them, in those Verses of Homer:

Nemo manus fugiat vestras cædemque cruentam,
Non fætus gravida mater quem gestat in alvo
Horrendam effugiat cædem
.

—Let none your mercy share,
Let none escape the fury of the war:
Children unborn shall die. —

Having in some sort quieted these Rebels, he dy’d at York, not so much of any infirmity of body, as of grief and concern at the wickedness of his son Antoninus, who with his own hands had made two several attempts upon his Father’s life. He dy’d with these words in his mouth, I receiv’d the Common-wealth disorder’d in all its parts; I leave it in peace even among the Britains. His Body, after the military way, was carried out by the soldiers, and put in the fire, and the day was solemniz’d with races by the soldiers and his sons. Perhaps it would look like Levity, if I should relate the prodigies that happen’d before his death; namely, the blackness of the sacrifices, and the cypress crown offer’d him by a buffoon in these words, You have been every thing; now be a God. But the method of Canonization (since it may divert the reader) I will here subjoyn.

The Apotheosis, or Deification of the Emperor. It is a custom among the Romans to Deify those Emperors, who die, leaving either sons or successors behind them. And they who are thus honour’d, are understood to be rank’d among theHerodian. Divi. The city is to be all in mourning, with some allay of festival solemnity. They bury his dead body as they do those of others, in great state: But they make an Image of the deceased, as like as they can, and lay the same in the entry to the Palace, upon an ivory bed very large and high, with a cloth of gold spread over it. And this Image lies there, pale, to resemble the deceased. The bed is attended, the greatest part of the day, on both sides; on the left side, are all the Senators in black; on the right, the Matrons, honourable by descent or by marriage. Of these, none are to wear gold, or jewels, but to be dress’d in a thin white garment, like mourners. This solemnity continues seven days, Physicians coming in daily to the bed-side; and, as if the body were a real Patient, still declaring they have less and less hopes. At length, when the party * * Visus obiisse.is declared Dead, the youth of best quality among the Knights and Senators, take the bed upon their shoulders, and carry it along the Via sacra into the old Forum, where the magistrates of Rome us’d to lay down their offices. On both sides the Forum, are certain steps like stairs: upon these, on one side stand the young sons of the senators and most eminent men in the city; on the other, the principal Ladies; singing hymns, after a melancholy and mournful manner, in praise of the deceas’d. When this is done, they take up the bed again and carry it without the City, into Mars’s Field: in the broadest part whereof, is erected a square Rostrum, eaven on all sides, and built of nothing but great timber, like a Tabernacle. The inside of it is stuff’d with combustible matter; the outside is adorn’d with hangings, richly embroider’d with gold and * * Eboreis signis.work of ivory, and beautified with a variety of pictures. Below this, stands another much less, but of the same make, and with the same furniture; and with wide gates and doors: and so likewise a third, and then a fourth, the lower still proportionably less than the higher, to the very lowest, which is least of all. The shape and form of it may be compar’d to those towers, which are built near Harbours, for the burning of fires in the night, to direct sea-men; commonly called Phari, i.e. light-houses or watch-towers. The bed being lifted into the second Tabernacle, spices and perfumes of all with fruit, herbs, and sweet juices, are provided and thrown upon it. For there is no country or city, no person of degree or quality, but who in honour of the dead Prince will chearfully contribute Presents of that kind. When these spices are heaped up to a considerable quantity, and the place filled, they ride round the Pile, and the whole Equestrian Order frame themselves into a circular motion in the Pyrrhichian way. The Coaches likewise are driven round it by the * * Purpuratis Rectoribus.Senators; who personate the Roman Generals, and their famous Heroes. When this solemnity is over, the succeeding Emperor takes a torch, and puts it to the Tabernacle; then all the rest put fire to it, and the pile is presently in a terrible flame, by reason of the combusible matter and dry spices that are in it. About the same time, an Eagle is let fly from the uppermost and least Tabernacle, as from the top of it; which is supposed to carry the Prince’s soul into heaven: and henceforth the Emperor is worship’d among the other Deities. This by way of digression; now we will return.

Severus’s son, Antoninus CaracallaAntoninus Caracalla., continued for some little time to prosecute the remains of the war, by his Captains; but after that, he made a Peace, and surrender’d the forts and territories to the Enemy. Notwithstanding which, he assum’d the title of Britannicus; nay, he was so foolishly ambitious, as to call himself Britannicus Maximus. The name of Britannicus was likewise us’d by his brother Geta. For thus some Coins of his, which I have seen, are inscrib’d; IMP. CÆS. P. SEPT. GETA PIVS. AVG. BRIT. PONTIF. TRI. P. III. COS. II. PP.

From hence-forward, Writers for a long time together, omit the affairs of Britain: for Alexander Severus was not slain in Sicilia, a town of Britain (as some would have it,) but in Gaul. Thus much only appears from an old Inscription, that Nonius PhilippusNonius Philippus Proprætor., under Gordianus Junior, was ProprætorPropraetor here.

GallienusGallienus Emp. growing extreamly luxurious, the Roman Empire (either for want of care and conduct, or else because the Fates would have it so)Panegyrick spoken to Constantius. fell to pieces; and among the rest, this Province also revolted. For at that time, the thirty TyrantsThirty Tyrants. became competitors for the Empire, in the several parts of it; of whom, Lollianus, Victorinus, Posthumus, Tetrici, and Marius, were governors in this Island, as I suppose; for their Coins are daily found here in great plenty. Under Aurelian, BonosusBonosus., a famous drunkard, and by birth a Britain, together with Proculus, endeavour’d to make himself Emperor; claiming all Britain, Spain, and that part of Gaul called Braccata (which had been govern’d for two months by Florianus :) But, being at last defeated by Probus, after a very long and sharp engagement, he hang’d himself: and it was said of him, There hangs aAmphora.Butt, and not a man.

However, ProbusProbus Emp. found other troubles to exercise him in Britain. Zosimus.For one whom Probus himself (induc’d by the recommendation of his familiar friend Victorinus Maurus) had promoted here, was raising a revolt; and therefore he expostulated with Victorinus upon it. Victorinus having obtained leave to go to him, went as one making his escape from the Emperor; and being kindly received by the Tyrant, kill’d him by night, and return’d to Probus, and restor’d the Province to its former quiet. Laelianus Who this Tyrant was, we are not inform’d by any Author; he seems to be that Cl. Corn. LælianusLælianus Emp., whose Coins are found in this Island and in no other Country. Probus also transplanted the BurgundiansBurgundians and Vandals in Britain. and the Vandals (whom he had reduced,) and settled them here: and they afterwards prov’d very serviceable to the Romans upon any commotion. But whereas Vopiscus writes, that Probus permitted the Britains to have Vines; a very learned man is of opinion, that this passage might slip from him unawares, as if the Country were unfit for Vines; whereas we not only have vines now, but for certain had great store in former days. The many rival-Tyrants in Britain at that time, occasion’d that exclamation of Porphyry who liv’d in the same age;Jerom. Britain a Province fruitful in Tyrants!

After this, Carus AugustusCarus and Carinus Emp. gave Britain to his Son Carinus, with Gaul, Spain, and Illyricum. That he carried on a war here, some infer from those verses of Nemesianus; but to me the Authority seems but weak:

Nec taceam quæ nuper bella sub arcto
Fœlici, Carine, manu confeceris, ipso
Pene prior genitore Deo
.

Nor, great Carinus, e’er shall latest fame
Forget our noble actions in the North,
When round the Pole you spread your awful name,
And match’d the God your Sire’s immortal worth.

In Dioclesian’sDioclesian and Maximian Emp. time, Carausius, a Menapian born (of mean extraction, but of good conduct and courage, and eminent for his bravery at Sea) was made Governour of Bononia in Gaul, to secure that sea against the Saxon and French Pirates who infested it. Having from time to time taken many of the Barbarians Prisoners, and neither brought all the prizes to the Emperor’s Exchequer, nor restor’d them to the * * Provincialibus.right owners in his Province; and afterwards taking very few of them, it began to be suspected that he let them pass on purpose, in hopes of intercepting them with the booty they had taken, whereby he might enrich himself. Upon this, he was to have been slain by order of Maximian the Emperor. ButCarausius Emp. having intelligence of it, he took possession of Britain under the character of Emperor: thither he brought the Fleet which he had with him to defend Gaul; there he built more ships after the Roman model, was joyn’d by the Roman Legion, kept out foreign Troops, press’d the French merchants to his service, garrison’d Bononia, and converted the revenues of Britain and Batavia to his own use. Moreover, by the hopes of booty in the Provinces, he drew abundance of the Barbarians to be his Allies (particularly the Franks, whom he had train’d to sea-service,) and infested all the neighbouring sea-coast. Maximian, with a brave army († † The Theban Legion.some of them suffer’d Martyrdom gloriously in this expedition) march’d against him; but when he was advanc’d to the sea-coast (wanting seamen, and being daunted at the roughness and danger of the British Ocean,) he made a halt, and there began a feign’d treaty, whereby it was concluded that Carausius should enjoy the Government of Britain, as the more proper person, by reason of his great interest here, to defend the Country against all Invasions. This is the reason, that in all Carausius’s silver Coins, we find two Emperors shaking hands, with this Inscription round it, CONCORDIA * * Augustorum.AUGG. Maximian march’d with his army against the Franks, who then inhabited Batavia, and had assisted Carausius; and they being surpriz’d by him, forthwith submitted. In the mean time, Carausius govern’d in Britain, with great authority, and in perfect peace; he repair’d the wall between the mouth of the Clud and Carun, to keep out the Barbarians (as Ninnius, Eluodugus’s Scholar, tells us,) and fortified the same with seven castles; and moreover built a round house of hewen stone upon the bank of the river Carun, so called from his own name; with a triumphal Arch in memory of his Victory. But Buchanan thinks, it was the Temple of Terminus; as we shall observe in Scotland.

When Dioclesian and Maximian had made Constantius Chlorus and Maximianus GaleriusCæsares.caesarestheir partners in the Empire; to the end they might keep what they had got, and recover what they had lost, Constantius, having raised an Army, march’d with incredible speed to Bononia in Gaul, otherwise called Gessoriacum (which Carausius had strongly garrison’d) and invested the place: He block’d up the haven with huge beams driven into the ground at the entrance, and heaps of great stones, like a rampart; which, notwithstanding the violence of the tides, continued firm for many days. But, as soon as the Town was surrender’d, it was so shaken by the very first tide, that the whole work was disjointed, and broken to pieces. Eumenius the Panegyrist.And while his Fleet was preparing for the British expedition, in this and other places; he cleared Batavia of the Franks who were then possessed of it, and transplanted many of them to cultivate the barren parts of the Empire.

In this juncture, Carausius was treacherously slain byC. Allectus Emp. Allectus, his bosom friend and prime Minister; who thereupon usurp’d the Government. Upon this news, Constantius mann’d out several distinct Fleets; so that Allectus, knowing neither what course to take, nor where to expect him, grew sensible that the Ocean was not so much his Refuge, as his Prison. The Fleet setting out in tempestuous weather, did, by the help of a Fog, escape the British Navy, which lay off of the Isle of Wight, on purpose to observe and attend them: and as soon as he was arrived and had put his army a-shore, he set fire to his whole fleet, that there might be no hopes of safety but in victory. Allectus, when he saw Constantius’s fleet upon the coast, quitted the shore where he had posted himself, and in his flight was accidentally met and encountred by AsclepiodotusPræfectum Prætorio.Praefectum PraetorioCaptain of the Life-guard; but his confusion was such, that, like a madman, he ran on desperately to his own ruin: for he neither drew up his army, nor put his cavalry in order, but with his barbarous mercenaries (having first put off his Robes that they might not discover him) he rush’d upon the enemy, and in that tumultuary kind of fight was kill’d, without any note of distinction about him. So that they had much ado to find him among the bodies of the Barbarians, which lay about the field and on the hills. Upon this, the Franks and other surviving Barbarians, determined to plunder London, and go off with the booty: but a party of ours, that were separated from the army in foggy weather, coming luckily to London at the same time, fell upon them with great slaughter in all parts of the City; not only to the rescue and safety, but to the great joy and pleasure, of the Citizens. By this victory the Province was recovered, after it had been about seven years govern’d by Carausius, and three more by Allectus. Upon that occasion, Eumenius writes thus to Constantius. O important victory! worthy of many triumphs; by this, Britain is restored, by this the Franks are utterly defeated, and other nations in that rebellious confederacy reduc’d to Obedience. To conclude, the sea it self is scour’d, to establish our quiet in those parts. You, great CæsarCaesar , for your part, may with justice triumph in this discovery of another world; and, by restoring the Naval glory of Rome, may boast that you have added to the Empire a larger Element, than all their former Dominions. And a little after, to the same Constantius; Britain is so perfectly reduced, that all the neighbouring nations are under absolute subjection.

Towards the end of Dioclesian’s and Maximian’s reign, when thatPersecution in Britain. long and bloody Persecution in the Eastern Church broke into the Western Church with great violence, many Christians suffered martyrdom in Britain. The chief among them, were, St. Alban.Albanus Verolamiensis, Julius, and Aaron a citizen of * * Isca Legionum.Exeter, &c. of whom in their proper places. For the Church surviv’d it with great triumph and happiness; and could not be destroy’d by a continu’d persecution of ten years.

Constantius Chlorus Emp. Dioclesian and Maximian having abdicated the Empire, Constantius Chlorus, who till that time governed under the title of Cæsar, was made Emperor. To his share, fell Italy, Africa, Spain, Gaul and Britain. Italy and Africa he surrender’d to Galerius, and contented himself with the rest. While he was a Soldier in Britain under Aurelian, he marry’d Helena, the daughter of CœlusCoelus Coelius or Cœlius a petty Prince here, and by her had Constantine the Great, in Britain. For in this all writers agree with the great BaroniusBaronius, Hist. Eccles., (a) except one or two modern Greeks (who are inconsiderable, and vary from one another) and a certain learned person, who grounds his dissent upon a faulty passage of J. Firmicus. Chlorus was compell’d by Maximian to divorce this wife, and marry his daughter Theodora. This HelenaHelena. is the same, who in old Inscriptions is call’d Venerabilis & Piissima Augusta, and is so highly celebrated by Ecclesiastical Writers, for her Christian piety, her suppressing of Idols at Jerusalem, and erecting a Church in the place where Christ suffered, and for finding the Cross of Christ. Yet the Jews and Gentiles call her, in reproach, Stabularia, because the Manger where Christ lay, was sought out by this pious Princess, and a Church built in the place where * * Stabulum.the stable stood. Hence, St. Ambrose:Of the death Theodosius. They tell us, this Lady was first an Inn-keeper, &c. This good Inn-keeper Helena hasten’d to Jerusalem, and there found out the place of our Lord’s Passion, and diligently sought the manger where her Lord lay. This good Inn-keeper was not ignorant of him, who cur’d the traveller that the robbers had wounded. This good Inn-keeper did not care ¦ ¦ Stercoraria.how base and vile she was thought, so she could but gain Christ. Constantius her husband is no less commended for his piety and wisdom.Eusebius. A man, who rejecting the superstition and impiety of many Gods, has frankly own’d the being of one only God, the Governour of all things. Whereupon, to discover the Faith of his own Courtiers, he gave them free liberty, either to sacrifice to their Gods and stay with him, or to refuse and be gone. But those who chose to go, rather than leave the worship of the true God, he kept; and those who gave up the worship of the true God, he cashier’d; concluding, that such could not be true to him, who were treacherous to their God. This excellent Emperor dy’d in his last expeditionSee Suidas, why he was called Poor. in Britain against the Caledonians and other Picts, at York; and was succeeded by his Son Constantine, who had been declared Cæsar before.caesar

(a) See the learned Lipsius’s opinion of this matter, in his Letter to Mr. Camden, publish’d among his Epistles pag.64. See also Usher’s Antiquitates Britannicarum Ecclesiarum, pag.93. fol. cap.8.

Constantine the Great Emp. Some few days before the death of Constantius, his Son Constantine went post from Rome to York; (and, that none might follow, he took care to lame all the horses belonging to the State for those services, except such as himself us’d;) and there he received his Father’s last breath. Hence, this Address of an antient Orator: You enter’d the sacred Palace, not as ambitious of the Empire, but ordain’d and appointed to it; and forthwith your father’s House had the happiness to see you its lawful Governour. For there was no doubt but he had the right and title, who was the first son that Providence bestow’d upon the Emperor. However, he seem’d to be forc’d upon this high station by the soldiers, and particularly by the importunity of Erocus, King of the Almans, who came along with him, as an Assistant.A Panegyrick spoken to Constantine the Great. The Soldiers, with regard to the publick, and not out of private interest, cast the royal robes upon him; he wept, and spurr’d away his horse, that he might avoid the importunity of the army, &c. but his modesty at last yeilded to the good and happiness of the Common-wealth. Hence, the Panegyrist exclaims, O fortunate Britain, and happy above all Nations, in first seeing Constantine, Emperor.

Cæsar, at his setting out, prosecuted those wars which his father had begun against the Caledonians and other Picts; and fell upon the remoter parts of Britain, and those Islanders, who, as a certain Author words it, are witnesses of the sun’s setting.Gelacius Cizicenus, l.1. Act. Conc. Nicen. c.3. Some of them he subdu’d by force, others (for he had Rome, and greater things, in his eye at that time) he drew to his alliance by money: some who were his enemies he reconcil’d to be his friends; others, who were inveterate against him, he drew over to be his intimates. After that, he made such a glorious Conquest of the Franks in Batavia, that golden coins (one of which I have seen) were stamp’d with the image of a woman sitting under a trophy, and resting one hand upon a Cross-bow, with this Inscription under it, FRANCIA; and GAUDIUM ROMANORUM round it. So, having defeated the other Barbarians in Germany, and made the Germans and Gauls his Friends, he drew his soldiers out of Britain, Gaul, and Germany, amounting to the number of 90000 foot and 80000 horse, and set forward for Italy. Maxentius (who, at Rome, laid claim to the Empire) was likewise overcome by him: and thus, having defeated the Tyrant and reduc’d Italy, he restor’d the world to the blessings of peace and liberty. And as it is in an old Inscription;
INSTINCTU DIVINITATIS, MENTIS MAGNITUDINE, CUM EXERCITU SUO, TAM DE TYRANNO, QUAM DE OMNI EJUS FACTIONE, UNO TEMPORE JUSTIS REMPUBLICAM ULTUS EST ARMIS. i.e. By divine impulse, and the greatness of his own soul, he so manag’d his Army, as to triumph over the Tyrant and all his adherents; and so at once, by a just war, did revenge the quarrel of the Republick.

That he return’d to Britain, is hinted by Eusebius in these words; At last, Constantine sailed over to Britain, which is surrounded by the sea: and having overcome them, he began to think of other parts of the World; that he might relieve those who needed his assistance. Likewise, in another place, After he had instill’d into his Army the principles of Humanity, modesty, and piety; he invaded Britain, a country enclosed by the sea, which, as it were, terminates the Sun’s setting with its coasts.

Also, those Verses of Optatianus Porphyrius to Constantine, are to be understood of Britain.

Omnis ad Arctois plaga finibus horrida Cauro
Pacis amat cana & comperta perennia jura,
Et tibi fida tuis semper bene militat armis,
Resque gerit virtute tuas, populosque feroces
Propellit, ceditque lubens tibi debita rata,
Et tua victores sors accipit hanc tibi fortes,
Teque duce invictæ attollant signa cohortes
.

The Northern nation vex’d with Western storms,
To your commands and peaceful laws conforms:
Serves in your arms, and to your colours true,
Subdu’d herself, helps others to subdue.
Her easie tribute uncompell’d she pays,
While your brave troops your conqu’ring Eagles raise,
And heaven rewards you with deserv’d success.

Pacatianus vicegerent of Britain in the 13th year of Constantine the Great. About this time (as is manifest from the Theodosian Code) Pacatianus was Vicegerent in Britain; for then, here was no such thing as a Proprætor and Legate, but in lieu thereof a Vicarius.

Propraetor

This Emperor was highly commended; and he highly deserv’d it. For he did not only set the Roman Empire at liberty; but, dispelling the clouds of superstition, he introduced the pure light of the Gospel, opened Temples for the worship of the true God, and shut up those that were dedicated to the false. For as soon as the storm of that Persecution was over, the faithful servants of Christ, who had withdrawn in those dangerous times, and absconded in woods, deserts, and caves; began to appear in publick. They rebuilt the Churches that were thrown down, they begun, carry’d on, and finish’dBasilicas.Temples in honour of the holy martyrs; and, displaying as it were their victorious Banners, they celebrated festivals, and with pure hearts and hands performed their holy Solemnities. And therefore he is honoured with these Titles,

IMPERATOR FORTISSIMUS AC BEATISSIMUS. PIISSIMUS. FOELIX. URBIS LIBERATOR. QUIETIS FUNDATOR. REIPUBLICÆ INSTAURATOR. PUBLICÆ LIBERTATIS AUCTOR. RESTITUTOR URBIS ROMÆ ATQUE ORBIS. MAGNUS. MAXIMUS. INVICTUS. INVICTISSIMUS. PERPETUUS. SEMPER AUGUSTUS. RERUM HUMANARUM OPTIMUS PRINCEPS. VIRTUTE FORTISSIMUS, ET PIETATE CLEMENTISSIMUS. And in the Laws: QUI VENERANDA CHRISTIANORUM FIDE ROMANUM MUNIVIT IMPERIVM. DIVUS. DIVÆ MEMORIÆ. DIVINÆ MEMORIÆ, &c.

That is,
An Emperor most valiant, most blessed, most pious, happy, Redeemer of the City, Founder of Peace, Establisher of the Common-wealth, Author of the publick Liberty, Restorer of the City of Rome and the World: Great, Greatest, Invincible, Most Invincible, Perpetual Augustus, Best Prince and Governour, Most Valiant, Most Merciful. And in the Laws, He who fortified the Roman Empire with the venerable Faith of Christ, Sacred, Of blessed memory, Of divine memory, &c.

And he is the first Emperor, that I can find, who in Coins and publick Monuments was ever stil’d Dominus noster; yet at the same time I am not ignorant, that Dioclesian was the first after Caligula, who would allow the title of Dominus to be publickly given him.

However, it seems to have been a great over-sight in this mighty Emperor, that he open’d a passage for the Barbarians, into Britain, Germany, and Gaul. For, when he had reduc’d the northern nations to such a degree that they were not able to annoy him, and had newly built the city of Constantinople, to suppress the mighty growth of the Persians, who threaten’d the Roman empire Eastward; he drew away the legions out of the frontier garrisons, partly into the east (building forts and castles to supply the want of them) and partly to the cities remote from the Frontiers. So that presently after his death, the Barbarians forc’d the towns and castles, and broke into the Provinces. For this reason, Zosimus speaks so dishonourably of him, as the first and greatest subverter of that flourishing Empire.

Government in Britain under the later Emperors.Praefecti Praetorio But, seeing Constantine did new-model the Empire; it will not be improper to observe, in short, how Britain was govern’d under him and the succeeding Emperors. He appointed four * * Præfecti Prætorio.Chief Præfects for the East, Illyricum, Italy, and Gaul; and ¦ ¦ Militum Magistri.two Masters of the soldiery, one over the Horse, the other over the Foot, for the West; who were call’d PræsentalesPraesentales.

As for Civil Affairs, they were administer’d in Britain by the Præfectus Prætorio of Gaul, who exercis’d that Office here by a deputy, honour’d with the title of Spectabilis. UnderVicegerent of Britain. him were two Consular Deputies, answerable to the number of the Provinces; and three Præsidents, who were to determine all Causes, Criminal and Civil.

presidents

As for military matters, they were under the rule and management of the Master of the Foot in the West: and to him were subject, the Count of Britain, the Count of the Saxon shore throughout Britain, and the Dux Britanniarum; who had each the title of Spectabilis.

Count of Britain. The Count of Britain seems to have presided over the inner parts of the Island; and had the command of seven † Numeros.companies of foot, and nine * * Vexillationes.Troops of Horse.

Count of the Saxon shore. The Count of the Saxon shore (who was to defend the sea-coast against the Saxons, and by Ammianus is call’d Comes Tractus Maritimi) had under him seven † Numeros.companies of foot, two *  Vexillationes.troops of horse, the second legion, and a Cohort.

The Duke of Britain, who was to defend the Marches against the Barbarians, had the command of 38 garrisons, consisting in all of 14000 foot and 900 horse: so that, in this age, if Pancirollus hath cast up his account right, the ordinary Forces in Britain were 19200 foot and 1700 horse, or thereabouts.

Count of the Imperial Largesses. There were besides these, the Comes Sacrarum Largitionum, who had the care of all the Emperor’s gifts and largesses. He had under him in Britain, a Rationalis Summarum BritanniæBritanniae, or Receiver-General; PræpositusPraepositus Thesaurorum Augustensium in Britannia, or Lord-Treasurer; and a Procurator Gynegii in Britannia, or an Overseer of the Gynegium in Britain, the place where the Cloaths of the Emperor and army were woven. Also, the Comes rerum privatarum (or Keeper of the Privy-Purse) had here in Britain his Rationalis rei privatæprivatae or private Auditor: not to mention the Procurator Ludi Gladiatorii, or Master of the Fencing-School in Britain (mention’d in an old inscription;) with others of an inferior rank.

⌈In the time of this Emperor, the British Church seems to have been, not only in a calm and quiet, but in a settled Condition; inasmuch as we find three British Bishops (Eborius, Restitutus, and Adelfius) in the year 314, subscribing in form to the Council of Arles.⌉

Constantine Emp. Upon the death of Constantine, Britain fell to the share of his son Constantine; who, being spurr’d on by ambition to invade the Dominions of others, was slain by his brother Constans. Constans Emp. Constans, exalted with this victory, possess’d himself of Britain, and the other Provinces, and came hither with his brother Constantius. Hence, that address of Julius Firmicus, (not the Pagan Astrologer, but the Christian,) to these two. In the winter, a thing which never was, nor ever will be done, you have triumph’d over the boisterous and swelling waves of the British Ocean. A sea almost unknown to us, hath trembled, and the Britains are surpris’d at the unexpected coming of their Emperor. What further would you atchieve? The elements themselves submit to your Valour. This Constans conven’d a Council at Sardis against the Arrians, which consisted of 300 Bishops; and among these were the Bishops of Britain, who having condemn’d the hereticks, and confirm’d the NicæneNicaene Creed, gave their Voices for the Innocence of Athanasius. Athanasius in Apol. 2. But the young Prince, without farther application to state-affairs, grew dissolute and voluptuous: this made him burthensome to the Provinces, and, unacceptable to his army;Magnentius, called also Taporus. so that Magnentius, Count of the Jovii and Herculei, set upon him * * In vico Helenæ.in the village of Helena as he was hunting, and Helenae there slew him; fulfilling the prophesie, that he should end his life in his Grandmother’s lap; from whom that Village had the name. This Magnentius was born amongst the LætiLaeti in Gaul, but his Father was a Britain: and now, upon the murder of Constans, he assumed the Imperial robes in Gaul, and drew-over Britain to side with him; but for three years together was so warmly encounter’d by Constantius, that at last he laid violent hands upon himself. He was the most fortunate of Princes, for favourable weather, plentiful harvests, and peace with the Barbarians; things, which mightily raise the reputation of Princes among the vulgar. But, for what reason this Magnentius, in an old Inscription long since dug-up at Rome, is call’d Taporus, I leave others to enquire. For thus it is read there;Angelus Rocha. speaking of the Obelisk, erected in the Circus,

Interea Taporo Romam vastante tyranno,
Augusti jacuit donum studiumque locandi
.

Under vile Taporu’s tyrannick sway,
The royal present unregarded lay.

Praefuit Gratianus Funarius. At this time, Gratian, sirnamed Funarius, was † Præfuit rei castrensi.A. Marcellinus.General in Britain; who was father of Valentinian the Emperor. He was called Funarius, from a Rope, which in his youth he carry’d about to sell; and though five soldiers attempted to take it from him, they could not with all their force do it. Upon his return home, and the loss of his Commission, his goods were confiscated to the Emperor; because he was reported to have entertained Magnentius.

Constantius. Magnentius being murder’d, Britain submitted to Constantius;Paulus Catena. and forthwith one Paul, a Notary, born in Spain, was sent hither, who, under the mask of friendship and kindness, would carry on the ruin of others, with great dexterity. That he might punish some soldiers who had conspired with Magnentius (when they were not able to make resistance, and he had outragiously like a torrent broke in upon them;) he seized many of their Estates.Ammian. Marcellin. l.14. And thus he went on with great slaughter and ruin, condemning many of the freemen to Irons, and some to bonds and fetters, by arraigning them of faults that were no way chargeable upon them. Hereupon, so foul a crime was committed, as must brand the Reign of Constantius with eternal infamy.Martin, Vicegerent of Britain. There was one Martin, that governed these Provinces, as Deputy; who, out of compassion to the calamities of these innocent people, had often applied himself to Paul, that the guiltless might be spar’d. When he found his intercession was to no purpose, he threatened to leave the Province; hoping that that would awe and stop the proceedings of a malicious persecutor of these harmless and quiet people. Paul, thinking this would spoil his trade, and having a most dextrous head at laying contrivances (from which very faculty he was called Catena,) took care to hook the Deputy, who defended others, into the like dangers. And he went very near to bring him bound, with the Tribunes, and many others, before the Emperor’s * * Comitatus Imperatoris.Privy Council. This imminent danger so inraged Martin against Paul, that he drew his sword and made a pass at him; but being not home enough to dispatch him, he stabb’d himself in the side with it. And this was the unhappy fate of that just man, who had the courage to protect so many others from injury and oppression. After this villany, Paul, all in blood, returned to thePrincipis castra. head quarters, bringing several with him ready to sink under their chains, and reduced to great misery; upon whose coming, the * * Equulei.burning-horses were set up, and hooks and other Instruments of Torture prepar’d by the Executioner; some were outlaw’d, some banished, and others put to death. At last, the Vengeance of God fell upon him, and himself receiv’d the just reward of his cruelty; being burnt alive in the reign of Julian.

Afterwards (these are the words of Ammianus Marcellinus) when, by the inroads of those barbarous nations the Scots and Picts, the peace of Britain was disturbed, the frontiers wasted, and the Provinces tir’d-out and grown heartless with the many slaughters that had been made; Julian (who by Constantius was declared CæsarCaesar and Partner in the Empire) being then in his winter-quarters at Paris, was in such distracted circumstances, that he durst not venture to relieve them (as we have told you Constantius before him had done) lest he should leave Gaul without government: considering also, that the Almans were forming an insurrection at that time. He took care therefore to sendLupicinus. Lupicinus to settle matters in these parts, who was * * Magister Armorum.Master of the Armory, a warlike man, andCastrensis rei peritus.an expert Soldier, but very proud and haughty; of whom it was doubted, which was his greater fault, Covetousness or Cruelty. He therefore, with a supply of light soldiers, Herulians, Batavians, and several Companies of the Mæsians, marched in the midst of winter to Bologn.MaesiansRhutupiae Having got ships, and embarked his men, he took the advantage of a fair wind, and arrived atRhutupiæ.
London
.
Rhutupiæ, a place just opposite, and from thence marched to London; that there he might take measures according to the state of affairs, and proceed immediately to give them battle.

Under this Constantius, who was a great favourer of the Arians, the Arian heresie crept into Britain; where, from the beginning of Constantine the Great, a sweet harmony between Christ the head and his members, had continu’d; till that deadly heresie of Arius, like a serpent spitting her venom upon us from beyond sea, made even brothers inveterate against one another. And thus, a passage being made over the Ocean, and all other cruel savages spouting out of their mouths the deadly poison of their heresies, wounded their own Country; to which novelty is ever grateful, and which is never firm in any principle.Sulpitius Serus. In favour of these Arians, Constantius conven’d a Council of four hundred western Bishops at Ariminum; allowing all of them the necessary provisions. But that was deemed by the Aquitanes, Gauls, and Britains, very unbecoming; and therefore, refusing that maintenance from the Emperor, they chose rather to live at their own charges. † Hilary in his Epistle to the Bishops, calls those, Bishops of the Provinces of Britain.Three only out of Britain, who were not able to maintain themselves, were maintained by * * Publico. the State, having refused contributions from the rest; as thinking it more honourable to be a burthen to the publick, than to particular persons.

Julian Emperor.Praefect After this, upon the death of Constantius, Julian the Apostate (who had set up for Emperor in competition with Constantius)Am. Marcellin. banish’d Palladius, * * Primum ex magistro Officiorum. one of his great Officers, into Britain; and sent away Alipius, who was Præfect in this Island, to Jerusalem, to rebuild it; where such strange flashes of fire broke out near the foundations, as deterr’d them from that attempt; and many thousand Jews, who were forward in advancing the work in opposition to the decrees of Providence, were kill’d in the ruins. This dissolute Emperor, and pretended Philosopher, durst not (as is already observed) come to the relief of the oppressed Britains; though at the same time he exacted every year great quantities of corn for the support of his German Armies.

Valentinian Emp. In the reign of Valentinian the Emperor, when the whole world was at war, Britain was continually infested by the Picts, the Saxons, the Scots, and the Attacotti. Upon this, Fraomarius, King of the Almans, was sent hither, and made Tribune of a body of Almans (who at that time were very considerable for strength and numbers) to check the Barbarians in their Incursions.

Am. Marcellinus, l.27 & 28. However, by confederacies among these barbarous People, Britain was reduced to extreme misery; Nectaridus, Count of the sea-coast was slain, and Bulchobaudes the General was cut off by treachery. This news was received at Court with great consternation, and the Emperor sent Severus, at that time * * Domesticorum Comitem.Steward of his Houshold, to punish these insolencies; if fortune should put it in his power. But he was soon after recalled, and succeeded by Jovinus, who sent back Proventusides Possibly a place corrupted. with all speed, to intimate the necessity there was of greater supplies, in the present state of affairs. At last, upon the very great distress the Island was reported to be in,Theodosius. Theodosius, eminent for his exploits and good fortune, was dispatch’d hither with all speed. Having selected a strong body out of the Legions and Cohorts, he began his expedition very hopefully. Picts.. The Picts were at that time divided into two nations, the DicalidonæDicalidonae and the Vecturiones; and likewise theAttacots.. Attacotti, a warlike people, and theScots. Scots, rang’d the country for spoil and booty. As for Gaul, the Franks and Saxons (who border upon it) were perpetually making inroads by sea and land; and by the spoil they took, the towns they burnt, and the men they kill’d, were very troublesome neighbours. If fortune would have favoured; this brave Captain, now bound for the remotest part of the world, was resolv’d to curb them. When he came to the Coast of Bologn (which is sever’d from the opposite Country by a narrow sea, ebbing and flowing, apt to swell and rage at certain seasons, and again to fall into a plain level surface, at which time it is navigable without danger,) he set sail, and with a gentle course arriv’d at Rhutupiæ,Rhutupiae a safe harbour over-against it. The Batavians, Herulians, the Jovii and Victores (brave bold men who followed him,) being also landed, he set forward for London, an ancient town called in after-ages Augusta. London called Augusta. Having divided his army into several bodies, he fell upon the enemy; who were roving up and down the country for prey, and laden with spoil and booty. They were soon routed, and forced to leave their booty behind; which was, cattle and prisoners, that they had taken from the miserable Tributaries. After he had made restitution of the booty to the respective owners, saving only some small part to refresh his army; he entered the City in great state, which (though in the utmost affliction and misery till that time) soon revived upon it, in hopes of recovery, and protection for the future. This success spurr’d him on to greater designs; yet, to proceed warily, he consider’d, upon the intelligence he had got from fugitives and captive, that so great a multitude as the Enemy (composed of several nations, and those of a fierce heady temper) were not to be routed, but by stratagem and surprise. Having publish’d an Act of Indemnity, he order’d all deserters and others dispers’d up and down the country for provision, to repair to him. This brought-in many; upon which reinforcement, he thought to take the field, but deferr’d it upon several accounts, till he could have Civilis.Civilis sent to be Deputy-Governour in Britain; (a man somewhat passionate, but very just and upright;) and also Dulcitius.Dulcitius, a gallant Captain and of great experience in War. Afterwards, taking heart, he went from Augusta, which the Ancients call’d Londinum, with a good army (which he had raised with diligence) and proved a great support to the sinking state of the poor Britains. He took in all such places as might favour him in cutting off the enemy by ambuscade, and imposed nothing upon the common soldiers, but what himself would lead the way to. Thus, he discharged the office of a stout Soldier, as well as of a brave General; and, having defeated several nations, who, presuming upon the security they were under, had the insolence to invade the Roman Empire; he laid the foundation of a lasting peace: rebuilding and repairing the Cities and Castles, which had been exceedingly damag’d. In this juncture, there happen’d a terrible attempt, which might have been of dangerous consequence, if it had not been timely prevented. Valentine raises a disturbance in Britain. One Valentinus, of Valeria Pannonia, a proud haughty man, andConjugis frater.brother-in-law to Maximinus (that insupportable Deputy, and afterwards Lieutenant,) was banish’d for a heinous crime, into this Island; where, like a savage of a restless temper, he put all things in disorder by plots and insurrections against Theodosius; and that purely from a desperate spirit, and out of pride and envy; he being the only man that could cope with him. However, that he might proceed with conduct and security in these ambitious pursuits, he endeavour’d to draw-in all exiles and soldiers, with the encouragement and prospect of booty. But these designs taking air, and coming to the General’s ear before they were ripe for execution, he took care like a wise man to be before-hand with the conspirators: Valentinus himself, with some of the chief of his cabal, he committed to Dulcitius to see them executed; but, upon laying things together (for he was the wisest and most experienced soldier of his time,) he would suffer no further enquiry after the other Conspirators, lest the general terror it would raise, might again imbroil the Province, which was now in peace and quietness. From this, he turn’d his thoughts upon some necessary Reformations; which he could attempt without danger, now it appear’d that fortune was so favourable to all his designs; and so he applied himself to the repairing of Cities and Garrisons (as we have said,) and to the strengthening the Frontiers with watches, and intrenchments. Having recovered the Province which was possessed by the enemy, he restored it so compleatly to its former state, thatEodem referente.at his motion, it had a * * Rector legitimus.lawful Governor set over it, and was afterwards by the Prince’s order call’dValentia. Valentia. The Areans, an Order of men instituted by the ancients, were displaced by him as degenerated into several vices, and plainly convicted of giving intelligence to the Barbarians for reward. For their proper business was to run to and fro between our Captains, with the news of any mischief they found brewing in the neighbouring Countries. After these and other regulations, made by him with great wisdom, he was sent-for to Court, leaving the Provinces in such a joyful and flourishing condition, that he was no less eminent for his many and important victories, than Furius Camillus, or Cursor Papirius. And so, being attended with the acclamations of all to the sea-side, he sailed over with a gentle gale, and arrived at the Prince’s camp, where he was received with great joy and commendation. For these famous exploits, a statue on horse-back was erected in honour of him, as Symmachus, addressing himself to his son Theodosius the Emperor, informs us. The founder of your stock and family, one that was General both in Africa and Britain, was honour’d by the Senate with Statues on horse-back among the ancient Heroes. Thus Claudian likewise, in his Commendation,

Ille Caledoniis posuit qui castra pruinis,
Qui medio Libyæ sub casside pertulit æstus,
Terribilis Mauro, debellatorque Britanni
Littoris, ac pariter Boreæ vastator & Austri.
Quid rigor æternus? Cœli quid sydera prosunt?
Ignotumque fretum? maduerunt Saxone fuso
Orcades, incaluit Pictorum sanguine Thule,
Scotorum cumulos flevit glacialis Hiberne
.

Brave he, that quell’d the Caledonian foe,
And pitch’d his frozen tents in constant snow.
That on his faithful crest undaunted bore
The furious Beams on Lybia’s parched shore.
How vain’s eternal frost, and angry stars,
And seas untried by fearful Mariners?
The wasted Orkneys Saxon gore o’erflow’d,
And Thule now grew hot with reeking blood:
Cold Ireland mourn’d her slaughter’d sons in vain,
And heaps of Scots that cover’d all the plain.

And in another place, concerning the same person:

Quem littus adustæ
Horrescit Lybiæ, ratibusque impervia Thule,
Ille leves Mauros, nec falso nomine Pictos
Edomuit, Scotumque vago mucrone sequutus
Fregit Hyperboreas remis audacibus undas;
Et geminis fulgens utroque sub axe trophæis,
Tethyos alternæ refluas calcavit arenas
.

Scorch’d Lybia’s borders tremble at his power,
And Thule’s cliffs that scorn the labouring oar.
He the light Moors in happy war o’ercame,
And Picts that vary nothing from their name.
With wandring arms the timorous Scots pursu’d,
And plough’d with ventrous keels the Northern flood.
Spurn’d the bold tide, as on the sand it rowls,
And fix’d his trophies under both the Poles.

Thus, Pacatus Drepanus also concerning him. What need I mention the Scot, confin’d to his boggs, or the Saxon, ruin’d by sea-fights? After him, Gratian Emperor.Gratian succeeded in the Empire, who also declared Theodosius (son of the Theodosius before-mentioned) Augustus. Which was so ill taken by MaximusMaximus the Tyrant. his rivalZosimus. (born in Spain, descended from Constantine the Great, and then commander of the Army in Britain) that he set up for Emperor himself; or, as OrosiusOrosius. says, was against his will greeted Emperor by the soldiers. A man valiant and just, and worthy of that honour, if he had not come to it by usurpation, and against his allegiance. First,Prosper Tyro. he routed the Picts and Scots, as they made their inroads; and then embarking the flower of the Britains, and arriving at the mouth of the Rhine, he won-over all the German forces to his party, fixed his Court at Triers (whence he was call’d, Imperator TrevericusGregorius Turonensis.,) and thence, as Gildas has it, stretching out his wings, one to Spain, and the other to Italy, he levied taxes and tribute upon the most barbarous nations in Germany, by the meer terror of his name. Gratian at last took the field against him, but after several skirmishes for five days together, was deserted by his army, and put to flight. Upon that, he sent St. Ambrose, his Embassador, to treat of peace; which was concluded, but with great treachery. For MaximusCedrenus. dispatched away Andragathius in a close chariot; spreading a report, that it was Gratian’s wife arriv’d from Britain. Upon this news, Gratian went affectionately to meet her; but as soon as he open’d the chariot, Andragathius leap’d out with his gang, and murther’d him. Ambrosius was sent again to beg the Body; but was not so much as admitted, because he had refused to communicate with those Bishops that had sided with Maximus; who, exalted with this success, had his son VictorZosimus. declar’d CæsarCaesar, punished the Captains that adher’d to Gratian, and settled his affairs in Gaul. He was also acknowledg’d Emperor, at the request or rather demand of his Embassadors, by Theodosius Augustus, who then governed in the East; by whom also his Statue was publickly shown to the Alexandrians. And now, having made every man’s Estate his prey, his Covetousness wrought a general Poverty among the People. His pretence for tyranny, was, to defend the Catholick Religion. Priscillianistae Priscillian,Priscillianistæ.Sulpitius Severus. and some of his sect, being convicted of heresie at the Council of Bourdeaux, and having appeal’d to the Emperor, were by him condemn’d to death; notwithstanding that Martin, the Holy Bishop of Tours, humbly besought the Emperor to abstain from the blood of those unfortunate People; alledging, that the sentence of Excommunication would be a sufficient punishment, and that it was a thing new, and unheard of, that a secular Judge should give sentence in an Ecclesiastical matter. These were the first, who (to the ill example of after-ages) were put to death by the Civil power, for Heresie. After this, he enter’d Italy in such a formidable manner, that Valentinian fled with his mother to Theodosius, and the Cities of Italy opened their gates to him, and did him all the honours imaginable; particularly, Bononia, where this Inscription still remains:

DD. NN. MAG. C. MAXIMO, ET FL. VICTORI, PIIS, FELICIBVS, SEMPER AVGVSTIS * * Bono Reipub.B. R. NATIS.

In this Juncture, the FranksSulpitius Alexander. made inroads into Gaul; but Nannius and Quintinus, † Militares magistri.two great Captains (to whom Maximus had committed the education of his son, and the government of Gaul,) repell’d them with great slaughter, forc’d them to give hostages, and to deliver up the authors of the Insurrection. Valentinian address’d himself to Theodosius to relieve him, being thrust out of his throne by an Usurper; but he had for some time no more answer than this,Zonaras. That it was no way strange to see a seditious servant superior to that master, who had himself rejected his true Lord: For Valentinian was tainted with Arianism. Yet at last, after much importunity, he set out with an army against Maximus, who was then, without the least apprehension, at Aquileia; for he had guarded all the passes through the mountains, and secured the sea-coast with his fleet; and did, with great resolution and bravery welcome TheodosiusZosimus. with a battle at Siscia in Pannonia; and again with another under the conduct of his brother Marcellus: but both with such ill success, that he was oblig’d to retreat to Aquileia, and was there taken by his own soldiers (as he was distributing money among them,) and strip’d of his royal robes, and led to Theodosius. By whose order he was immediately put to death, after he had reign’d five years. Hence, that of Ausonius, in praise of Aquileia:

Non erat iste locus: meritò tamen aucta recenti,
Nona inter claras Aquileia cieberis urbes
Itala ad Illyricos objecta colonia montes,
Mœnibus & portu celeberrima: sed magis illud
Eminet, extremo quòd te sub tempore legit,
Solverat exacto cui justa piacula lustro
Maximus, armigeri quondam sub nomine lixæ:
Fœlix qui tanti spectatrix læta triumphi,
Punisti Ausonio Rutupinum Marte latronem
.

And thou, since new deserts have rais’d thy name,
Fair Aquileia shall’t be ninth in fame.
Against Illyrian hills thy cliffs are shown:
Thy walls and harbour gain thee vast renown:
But this new praise shall make thee ever proud,
That here the Tyrant chose his last abode,
And pay’d the vengeance he so long had ow’d:
That thou vile Maximus did’st last receive,
Rais’d to a Monarch from a Knapsack-slave.
Blest town! that all that noble triumph view’d,
And saw Rhutupium’s thief by Roman arms subdu’d!

Andragathius finding his condition desperate, threw himself over-board into the Sea. Victor, Maximus’s son, who was in Gaul, was like-wise routed, taken, and put to death. The Britains who sided with Maximus (as some writers say) invaded Armorica and seated themselves there. Theodosius, soon after his victory, enter’d Rome with his son Honorius, in triumph, and made an Edict, That no person should challenge any honour conferr’d by the Tyrant; but should be reduced to his former state, and not presume to claim more. Valentinian likewise: All Edicts of Maximus, the worst of tyrants, we repeal. Ambrosius, at the funeral of Theodosius, had this saying; Maximus and Eugenius are wretched instances now in hell, howDurum.dangerous it is to rebel against a lawful Prince. In a word, this victory was thought so great and memorable,Procopius. that the Romans from thence-forward made that day a yearly festival. Honorius Emp. Theodosius was succeeded in the west by his son Honorius, a boy of ten years old; who was committed to the tuition of Flavius Stilico, a person of great eminence: He had accompanied Theodosius in all his wars and victories; and was by him gradually rais’d to the greatest Offices in the army, and permitted to marry into the Imperial family: yet, cloy’d with this success, and falling into ambitious attempts, he made a miserable end. For some years, he attended the affairs of the Empire with great diligence, and secur’d Britain against the Picts, Scots, and Saxons. Hence that of Claudian, making Britain say,

Me quoque vicinis pereuntem gentibus, inquit,
Munivit Stilico, totam quum Scotus Hybernem
Movit, & infesto spumavit remige Thetis.
Illius effectum curis, ne bella timerem
Scotica, nec Pictum tremerem, nec littore toto
Prospicerem dubiis venientem Saxona ventis
.

And I shall ever own his happy care,
Who sav’d me sinking in unequal war.
When Scots came thundring from the Irish shores,
And th’ Ocean trembled, struck with hostile oars.
Secur’d by him, nor Scottish rage I mourn,
Nor fear again the barbarous Picts return.
No more their vessels, with the dubious tide,
To my safe ports the Saxon pirates guide.

At that time Britain seems to have been safe from all Enemies; for in another place of the same Poet, it is said,

domito quod Saxona Thetis
Mitior, aut fracto secura Britannia Picto
.

That seas are free, secur’d from Saxon power,
And Picts once conquer’d, Britain fears no more.

And when Alaric, King of the Goths, threaten’d Rome, the Legion which was garrison’d in the frontiers against the Barbarians, was drawn from hence; as Claudian in his account of the supplies sent-for from all quarters, seems to intimate:

Venit & extremis legio prætenta Britannis,
Quæ Scoto dat fræna truci, ferroque notatas
Perlegit exanimes Picto moriente figuras
.

Here met the Legion, which in Britain laid,
That curb’d the fiery Scot, and oft survey’d
Pale ir’n-burnt figures on the dying Picts.

About this time, flourish’dFastidius. FastidiusGenadius., Bishop of the Britains, who wrote several Books in Divinity, very learned and worthy so high a subject: as alsoChrysanthus. Chrysanthus, son of Niceph.Martin the Bishop; who, having been under Theodosius a * * Consularis Italiæ.Consular Deputy in Italy, was made Vicegerent in Britain; where he was so much and so deservedly extoll’d and admir’d for his administration, that against his will he was made Bishop of the Novations at Constantinople. These people began a schism in the Church, and were called † i.e. Pure. Cathari, and had their peculiar Bishops, and were themselves a distinct sect; obstinately, but impiously, denying,The Tripartite History. That any one relapsing into sin after baptism, could be restor’d to a state of Salvation. This is that Bishop, who (as we read) was wont to take no more of the Church-revenues for his own use, than two loaves every Sunday.

As the Roman interest began to decline in the west, and the barbarous nations on all hands to break into the Provinces on the continent; the British army, to prevent their being involv’d in the like broils, and considering the necessity there was of a brave Emperor for repelling the Barbarians, proceeded to the Choice. Marcus Emp. First, They chose Marcus, and obey’d him as Emperor of those parts. He, not answering their humour and expectation, was put to death; and then they set upGratian Emp. Gratian, a † Municipem.country-man of their own; and, having put the royal robes and crown upon him, attended him as their Prince; but falling into a dislike of him too, they dethroned him after a reign of four months, and put him to death. Constantine Emp. Next, they chose Constantine, one of the common soldiers, solely on the account of his name, as attended with a good omen. For, from the very name of Constantine, they had conceiv’d most certain hopes, that he would rule with courage and success, and defeat the Barbarians; as Constantine the Great had done, who was also made Emperor in Britain. This Constantine setting sail from hence, arrived at Bologn in Gaul, and easily drew in the whole Roman army as far as the Alps, to side with him. He defended Valentia in Gaul with great bravery, against the forces of the Emperor Honorius; and fortify’d the Rhine, which had for a long time been neglected, with garrisons. He also built Forts to command the passes of the Cottian, Pennine, and Maritime Alps. In Spain, by the conduct of his son Constans (who of a Monk, was now made Augustus) affairs were likewise carry’d on with success: and, upon his excusing himself by letter to Honorius for suffering the Soldiers to cast the Purple upon him, Honorius presented him with an Imperial Robe. This exalted him so much, that having passed the Alps, he thought of marching to Rome; but upon the news, that Alarick the Goth was dead (who was a great promoter of his interest) he went back to Arles; where he fix’d the seat of the Empire, commanding it to be called the City Constantina, and causing a Convention of seven Provinces to be held therein. His son Constans was sent for out of Spain, that they might concert their common affairs. Constans, leaving his Princess and the * * Instrumentum aulæ.furniture of his Court at Sarragosa, and committing Spain to the care of Gerontius, went streight to his father. When they had been together many days, and no danger was apprehended from Italy; Constantine, giving himself up wholly to luxury, commanded his son to return to Spain. But the Son having sent away his Attendants before, while he staid behind with his father; news was brought from Spain by Gerontius, that Maximus, (one of his servants) was made Emperor, and that he was preparing to advance against him at the head of the Barbarians. Upon this ill news, Constans, with Decimius Rusticus, (who from * * Officiorum Magister.Master of the Offices was now preferred to be a Prefect) having sent Edobeccus before to the German nations, march’d towards Gaul with the Franks and Almans, and the other forces, intending speedily to return to Constantine. But Constans was intercepted and put to death at Vienne in Gaul by Gerontius, who also besieged Constantine himself in Arles. Honorius sending one Constantius to his relief, put Gerontius in such a consternation, that he ran way; which so enraged his soldiers, that they invested his house, and reduc’d him to such straits, that first he beheaded his faithful friend Alanus, and then Nunnichia his wife (upon her request to die with him;) and last of all, laid violent hands upon himself. Nicephor. Callistus. Constantine, upon the closeness of the siege and the unhappy Engagement of Edobeccus, began to despair; and, after he had held out four months, and reigned four years, threw off the Imperial robes, and the burthen that attended them: Then he took upon him the Order of Presbyter, surrender’d Arles, was carried into Italy, and beheaded, together with his son Julian (to whom he had given the title of Nobilissimus,) and his brother Sebastian. From that time, Britain returned to the Government of Honorius; and was happy for a while under the wise and gallant conduct ofVictorinus Governour in Britain. Victorinus, who then governed the Province, and put a stop to the inroads of the Picts and Scots. In commendation of him, Rutilius Claudius has these verses, very worthy of their author:

Conscius Oceanus virtutum, conscia Thule,
Et quæcunque ferox arva Britannus arat.
Quà præfectorum vicibus frænata potestas
Perpetuum magni fœnus amoris habet.
Extremum pars illa quidem discessit in orbem,
Sed tanquam medio rector in orbe fuit.
Plus palmæ est illos inter voluisse placere,
Inter quos minor est displicuisse pudor
.

Him Thule, him the vanquish’d Ocean knows,
And those vast fields the fiery Britain ploughs.
T’abuse their power where yearly Præfects fear
A blest increase of love rewards his care.
Tho’ that great part another world had shown,
Yet he both worlds as easie rul’d as one.
’Tis nobler gentle methods there to use,
Where roughest means would merit just excuse.

Alarick having taken Rome, Honorius recall’d Victorinus with the army; upon which the Britains took up arms, and seeing all at stake, rescued their cities, and repell’d the Barbarians. Zosimus. All the country of Armorica, and the other Provinces of Gaul, follow’d their example, and resum’d their freedom; casting out the Roman Governours, and forming themselves into distinct Common-wealths, according to such models, as each thought best. This rebellion of Britain and the Celtick Nations, happen’d at the same time that Constantine usurp’d the Empire; when by his neglect and supineness, the Barbarians were encourag’d to insult the Provinces. Yet, a little while after, the cities of Britain apply’d themselves earnestly to Honorius for aid; in answer to which, he sent them no supplies, but only a Letter, exhorting them to take heart and defend themselves. The Britains, animated by this letter of Honorius, took up arms accordingly to defend their cities; but being over-power’d by the Barbarians (who from all quarters came in upon them) they sent their earnest request to Honorius the second time, to spare them one Legion. Historia Miscella. This, he granted them, and, upon their arrival, they routed a great body of the enemy, drove the rest out of the Province, and cast up an earthen wall between the Frith of Edenburgh and the Cluid; which yet prov’d of very little use. For, no sooner was the Legion recall’d to defend Gaul, but the Barbarians return’d, and easily broke through this frontier, and with great outrage plunder’d and destroy’d all before them. Again, they sent their Embassadors, with cloaths rent and sand upon their bare heads (observe the manner,) to beg assistance of the Romans. Upon this, three † Militares manus.companies under the conduct of GallioGallio Ravennas. of Ravenna were sent by Valentinian; and these likewise routed the Barbarians, and in some measure rescu’d the Province from its present Calamity.Gildas. They also made a wall, not like the other, but of stone, at the publick and private charge, with the labour of the poor natives; built after the usual manner,Between the Mouth of Tyne and Eden. and running quite cross the country from the one sea to the other, by those cities that were casually built there against the enemy: They exhorted them to be couragious, and left them patterns to * * Instituendorum Armorum.make their weapons by. Upon the South-coast of Britain, where their ships lay (because a descent of the Barbarians was also apprehended from that quarter) they built turrets at some distance from one another, which look’d a long way into the sea; and so the Romans, intending to return no more, took their last farewell.

Now was the state of affairs, on all hands, miserable and desperate: The Empire (like a Body lame and decrepit) sinking under the weight of old Age; and the Church grievously pester’d with Hereticks, whose poysons spread most successfully in times of war. One of these, was Pelagius, a Britain born, who derogating from the Grace of God, taught this Island, That perfect righteousness was to be attain’d by works. Sigib. Pembl. an.428. Another, was Timotheus; who blasphemously disputed against the Divinity and Incarnation of our Saviour.

Chronicon Anglo-Saxon. Now did the Roman Empire in Britain expire, in the four hundred seventy sixth year from Cæsar’scaesar coming over. In the reign of Valentinian III. the Roman Forces were embark’d by Gallio (whom we mention’d before) for the defence of Gaul; and, having buried their treasures, and bereft Britain of her youth by frequent musters, they left her incapable of defending herself, and a prey to the barbarous Picts and Scots. So that Prosper Aquitanus truly says, At this time, through the Roman weakness, the strength and vigour of Britain was totally exhausted. And our Malmsbury-Historian: When the Tyrants had left none but half-foreigners in our fields, none but gluttons and debauchees in our cities; Britain, robb’d of the support of her vigorous youth, and the benefit of the liberal Arts, became a prey to her neighbours, who had long mark’d her out for destruction. For immediately after, multitudes lost their lives by the incursions of the Picts and Scots, villages were burnt, cities demolish’d, and all things laid waste by fire and sword. The Inhabitants of the Island were greatly perplex’d, and thought it better to trust to any thing, than a battle: some of them fled to the mountains; others having buried their treasures (many of which have been dug-up in our age) betook themselves to Rome for assistance. But as Nicephorus truly states the matter, Valentinian the Third, not only could not recover Britain, Spain, and Gaul, which were rent from his Empire; but he lost Africa too. It was not without reason therefore, that Gildas cried out at that time: Britain is rob’d of her military forces, of her Rulers (barbarous as they were,) and of her numerous youth. For, besides those whom Maximilian the Usurper and the last Constantine, drew off; it is plain, from ancient Inscriptions and the Notitia, that the following forces were in the service of the Romans; dispers’d through the Provinces, and continually recruited from Britain:

Ala Britannica Milliaria
Ala
IIII. Britonum in Ægypto.AEgypto egypt
Cohors Prima ÆliaAElia Britonum.
Cohors
III. Britonum.
Cohors
VII. Britonum.
Cohors
XXVI. Britonum in Armenia.
Britanniciani sub Magistro peditum
.
Invicti juniores Britanniciani
Exculcatores jun. Britan.
}
inter auxilia
Palatina.
Britones cum Magistro Equitum Galliarum.
Invicti Juniores Britones intra Hispanias.
Britones Seniores in Illyrico
.

No wonder then, that Britain was expos’d to the Barbarians, when so many and such considerable forces were daily drawn away into foreign parts: which confirms that remarkable truth in Tacitus, That there was no strength in the Roman armies, but what came from abroad.

Whilst I treat of the Roman Empire in Britain (which lasted, as I said, about 476 years,) it comes into my mind how many Colonies of Romans must have been transplanted hither in so long a time; what numbers of soldiers were continually sent from Rome, for Garrisons; how many Persons were dispatch’d hither, to negotiate affairs, publick or private; and that these, inter-marrying with the Britains, seated themselves here, and multiplied into Families: For where-ever (says Seneca) the Roman conquers, he inhabits.How the Britains are deriv’d from the Trojans. So that I have oft-times concluded, that the Britains might derive themselves from the Trojans by these Romans (who doubtless descended from the Trojans,) with greater probability, than either the Arverni, who from Trojan Blood stiled themselves brethren to the Romans, or the Mamertini, Hedui, and others, who upon fabulous grounds grafted themselves into the Trojan stock. For Rome, that common Mother (as one calls her) challenges all such as citizens

Quos domuit, nexuque pio longinqua revinxit.

Whom conquer’d she in sacred bonds hath tied.

And it is easie to believe, that the Britains and Romans, by a mutual engrafting for so many ages, have incorporated into one Nation; since the Ubii in Germany, but twenty eight years after their Colony was planted, made this answer with respect to the Romans there:Tacitus lib.4. hist. This is the proper country of those who were transplanted hither; those who have married among us, and the issue of those marriages. Nor can we think you so wicked or unjust, that you would have us murder our own Parents, Brethren, and Children. If the Ubii and the Romans, in so short a space, were come to the relation of Parents, Brethren, and Children; what shall we think of the Britains and Romans, who associated for so great a number of years? What may we say of ⌈the Britains, compared with⌉ the Burgundians, who, from a tincture of their blood (during a short abode in the Roman Provinces) call’d themselves the offspring of the Romans?Amm. Marcel. lib.28. Not to repeat what I have already said, that this Island was call’d Romania, and the Roman Island.

Thus much (all fictions a-part) I have summarily observ’d out of the ancient monuments of Antiquity, touching the Roman Government in Britain, their Lieutenants, ProprætorsPropraetors , Presidents, Vicegerents, and Rectors. But I could have done it more fully and accurately, had Ausonius kept his promise, to enumerate all, who

Aut Italum populos, Aquilonigenasque Britannos
Præfecturarum titulo tenuere secundo
.

In Italy or Britain’s Northern shore,
The Præfect’sPraefect honour with success have bore.

Since it is agreed among the learned, that ancient Coins do very much contribute to the understanding of ancient Histories; I thought it not amiss to present the Reader with some Pieces (as well of the Britains, who first stoop’d to the Roman Yoke, as of some Roman Emperors who had more immediate relation to Britain) out of the Collection of the famous Sir Robert Cotton of Connington; who with great diligence made that Collection, and with his wonted kindness and humanity did communicate them to me.

ornament
ornament
CONJECTURES
UPON THE
British COINS.

Small I IT is probable, you will expect that I should make some short remarks upon the Coins which I have here represented. But for my part, I freely declare my self at a loss, what to say to things so much obscur’d by age; and you, when you read these conjectures, will plainly perceive that I have grop’d in the dark.

I have observ’d before from CæsarCaesar , that the ancient Britains used brass-money, or rings, or plates of iron by weight; and there are those who affirm, that they have found some of these in urns. Besides which, there are found in this Island, Coins of gold, silver, and brass, of several shapes and weight; most of them hollow on one side: some without letters, others with letters curiously engraved. And I could never hear that such were dug-up in other Countries; till † † So said, ann. 1607.of late, Nicholas Faber Petrascius (a noble young Gentleman of Provence in France; who has great knowledge and sagacity in the Study of Coins,) shewed me some such, that had been found in France. But to come to those which I have here given you.

Nummi Britannici Coins table 1
Table 1: Nummi Britannici Coins

1. The first is Cunobeline’s, who flourish’d under Augustus and Tiberius; upon which (if I mistake not) are engraven the head of Janus, possibly, because at that time Britain began to be a little refined from its barbarity. For Janus is said to have first chang’d barbarity into humanity; and for that reason, to be painted with two faces, as having in effect chang’d the same visage into another form.

⌈If it be a Janus (says Mr. Walker) I had rather apply it to the shutting of Janus’s Temple by Augustus; in whose time Cunobeline liv’d at Rome; and both himself and the Britains were benefited by that general peace. But I fear, that is not the head of Janus; for the faces upon his Temple and Coins were divers, one old, the other young; but this seems made for two young women’s faces, whether Cunobeline’s wives, sisters, or children, I know not.⌉

2. The second likewise is Cunobeline’s, with his face and name; and on the reverse the mint-master, with the addition of the word TASCIA; which in British signifies a Tribute-Penny (as I am inform’d by David Powel, a person admirably skill’d in that language;) so call’d, perhaps, from the Latin Taxatio; for the Britains do not use the letter X. And on the same account, we often see Moneta upon the Roman Coins.

3. The third is also the same Cunobeline’s, with a horse and CUNO; and with an ear of corn, and CAMV. which seems to stand for Camalodunum, the palace of Cunobeline.

⌈I conceive (says Mr. Walker) the horse was so frequently stamped upon their Coins, because of their extraordinary goodness in this country (the like is upon divers Cities and Provinces in Gallia:) or, to shew, that they were, in their own opinion, excellent horse-men. The Boar also, and Bull, were Emblems of strength, courage, and fierceness: and I find that anciently the Romans used for their Ensigns, horses, wolves, bears, &c. till Caius Marius’s third Consulship, who then first ordained the Eagle only to be the standing Ensign of the Legions: as Trajan, after the Dacian War, set up Dragons for Ensigns of the Cohorts.⌉

4. The fourth, by the VER, should seem to have been coin’d at Verulam.

5. The fifth likewise, is Cunobeline’s.

6. The sixth, having no Inscription, I know nothing of.

⌈The horse (as Mr. Walker thought) seems fasten’d by one fore and the opposite hinder-foot, to some weight; as if it signified the invention of one of their Princes, to teach them some pace or motion. The wheel under him, amongst the Romans, intimated the making of an High-way for Carts: So many of which being in the Romans time made in this country, well deserved such a memorial.⌉

7. The seventh, which is Cunobelin’s, with this Inscription Tasc Novanei, and a woman’s head, I dare not directly affirm to have been the Tribute-money of the Trinovantes, who were under his government. ⌈Mr. Walker thinks, the Novanei may denote some unknown City in the Dominion of Cunobeline.⌉ ¦ ¦ Reverse, a Hog and Wolf concorporated, says Mr. Walker.Apollo with his harp and the name of Cunobeline on the reverse, bring to my mind what I have somewhere observ’d of the God Belinus; namely, that the ancient Gauls worship’d Apollo under the name of Belinus. And this is confirmed by Dioscorides; who expresly says, that the Herba Apollinarus (in the juice whereof the Gauls used to dip their arrows) was call’d in Gaulish Belinuntia. From which I durst almost make this inference, that the name of Cunobeline, as also that of Cassibilin, came originally from the worship of Apollo; as well as PhœbitiusPhoebitius and Delphidius. Unless one should rather say, that as Apollo, for his yellow hair, was called by the Greeks Greek text, and by the Latins Flavus; so he was call’d by the Britains and Gauls, Belin: Since a man of a yellow complexion, is in British call’d Melin, Belin, Felin; and for that reason, the ancient names of Belin, Cunobelin, and Cassibelin (called also Cassivellaun,) seem to import as much as Yellow Princes. For the Britains tell you, that CUNO is a name of dignity; and at this day they call a thing that is principal or chief, Cynoc. That it was a term of honour, is evident from Cungetorix, Cunobelinus, Cuneglasus, Cuneda, and Cunedagius, among the Britains; and Cyngetorix, Convictolitanus, and Conteodunus, among the ancient Gauls: all, names of Princes. And I know too, that tho’ Gildas renders Cuneglasus in Latin Lanio fulvus or furvus, i.e. a deep yellow or black butcher, yet he is called by others a sky or glass-colour’d Prince: as they also interpret Cuneda, a good Prince. But that the German Koning, and our King, came from this Cuno, I have yet no ground to believe. In the mean time, I am content to have sported thus far in a variety of Conjectures only, that I might not, by being positive, make my self a sport to others.

boadicea8. The eighth has a † Essedarius equus.Chariot-horse with a wheel underneath; and, by the BODVO on the reverse, seems to have belong’d to the people of the Boduni, or to Queen Bodicia; called also Voadicia, and Bunduica.

9. The ninth, is one on horse-back with a spear and shield; and CAERATIC in scattered letters: from which I should guess it to be a Coin of that warlike Caratacus, so much commended by Tacitus.

⌈The Britains (saith Mr. Walker) called him Caradauc, and gave him the Epithets Uric fras, strong-arms. But others read it Epatica; which may keep its native signification, since we find Parsly, the Palm, Vine, Myrtle, Cynoglossum, Laserpitium, and other plants, sometimes figured, sometimes only named, upon Coins; as you may see in Spanhemius.⌉

10. The tenth, on one side whereof is written REX under a man on horseback, and COM on the other; seems to me and others to be a Coin of Comius Atrebatensis, whom Cæsarcaesar mentions. ⌈But (says Mr. Walker) I cannot conceive this to have been Comius, made by Cæsar King of the Atrebates (Arras;) because he seems not to have had any power in Britain, where the greatest part of his stay was in prison; and at his return into his own country he headed a rebellion against the Romans. Besides, in other Coins it is Comm. which either signifies that some City, or other Community, coined it; or that it was stamped in the time of Commodus the Emperor. For I cannot think that it signified Commorus; by Gregorius Turonensis, or Venantius Fortunatus, named Duke of Britannia Armorica. A. C. 550.⌉

11. The eleventh, which has on it a little half-moon with this Inscription REX CALLE, may well relate to Callena, a famous City.

12. The twelfth has a winged head, with the word ATEVLA; and on the Reverse a Lion, with this Inscription VLATOS. All my enquiry after the meaning of these words, has been in vain. Only, I have seen the Goddess Victoria in the very same figure upon the Roman Coins; but do not yet find that the Britains ever called Victory ATEVLA. That they nam’d Victory Andate, I have already observ’d from Dio; but whether that was the same with ANDARTA, who was worship’d by the Vocontii in Gaul, I leave to the Judgment of others.

13. Here also you see the thirteenth, with the word DIAS in a Pentagon; and on the reverse, a horse.

⌈This (says Mr. Walker, who speaks of it as an Octogon) seems to have been the Coin of a Christian Prince; for by it the Christians anciently figured the Font for baptism. In Gruter’s Inscriptions † † Pag.1166.are verses of St. Ambrose, upon the Font of St. Tecla,

Octogonus fons est munere dignus eo.
Hoc numero decuit sacri baptismatis aulam
Surgere, quo populo vera salus rediit
.

The Font an Octogon, deserves the honour.
A number, which befits that sacred Vessel,
Wherein Salvation is restor’d to Man.

And it is a common observation, that as six was the number of Antichrist, so eight, of true Christianity.⌉

14. The fourteenth, with a hog, and this inscription VANOC; and the head of a Goddess, possibly of Venus, or of † † So, Speed.Venutius, mentioned by Tacitus, ⌈as a valiant King of the Brigantes, and married to Cartismandua, who betrayed the noble and gallant Caractacus. Mr. Walker thinks the other side to be a wolf and boar, two fierce beasts joyned together, and the head of a town or city, and so Vano Civit.⌉

15. The fifteenth, a head with a helmet upon it, and DVRNACO; but whether he was that Dumnacus, a Prince of the Andes, whom Cæsar mentions, I know not. ⌈Durnacum (says Mr. Walker) is the City of Tournay, and the head is, as they usually decipher Cities.⌉

16. The sixteenth, with a horse, and ORCETI, which (says Mr. Walker) if rightly spell’d, is some City unknown to us. On the other side, is a Woman’s head.⌉

17. The seventeenth, the Image of Augustus, and Tascia; on the reverse, a bull pushing.

18. The eighteenth, CVNO within a laurel Crown; and on the reverse, a horse, with TASCE.

I have likewise seen another with Pegasus and CAMV; and on the reverse, a man’s head with an helmet, and a shield between ears of corn, and CVNO. Another, with a horse ill-shap’d, and EISV, perhaps ISVRIVS; and on the reverse, an ear of corn. Another, a soldier with a spear; and on the reverse, between a wreath or chain, SOLIDV. I cannot believe, that it was the piece of money called Solidus, which in that age was always gold; whereas this is silver.

Solidurii. It may with greater probability be referr’d to the Solidurii; for so the ancient Gauls called those † Viros devotos. Cæs. Com.who had resolved to live and die together. The terms were these, That they should enjoy all the advantages of life in common; and that if violence was offer’d to any of them, they should either joyn in the same fortune, or kill themselves. Nor was there ever any of these, that refused to die, after the party was slain to whose friendship he had so devoted himself. Whether Soldiers, who as stipendiaries are devoted to some Prince or State, and are call’d in several nations of Europe almost by the same name, Soldiers, Soldats, Soldados, &c. whether these (I say) had their name from the Soldurii, is a point which I had rather recommend to the consideration of others, than determin my self. Tho’ I am inclin’d to another opinion, that they were call’d Solidarii in after ages, to distinguish them from such as by reason of their Feudal tenures, serv’d without the solidi or pay.

Whether this sort of money pass’d currant in the way of trade and exchange, or was at first coin’d for some special use; is a question among the learned. My opinion (if I may be allow’d to interpose it) is this.

After Cæsarcaesar had appointed how much tribute should be paid yearly by the Britains, and they were oppress’d (under Augustus) with the payment of † Portoria.Customs, both for exporting and importing commodities; and had by degrees other taxes laid upon them, namely for * * Sativis.corn-grounds, plantations, groves, pasturage of greater and lesser cattle; as being now in the condition of subjects, not of slaves: I have thought that such Coins were first stamp’d for these uses; for greater cattle, with a horse; for lesser, with a hog; for woods, with a tree; and for corn-ground, with an ear of corn; as that of Verulam or St. Albans, which is inscrib’d VERV.

Pro Tributo Capitationis. But those with a Man’s head, seem to have been coined † for Poll-money, which was personal, or laid upon the Head of every single person; upon women, at twelve, and upon men, at fourteen years of age. boadicea Which Bunduica or Boadicia, Queen of the Britains, complains of to her subjects in these words: Ye graze and ye plow for the Romans; nay, ye pay an annual tribute for your very bodies. I have thought, that in old time there was a certain sort of money coin’d on purpose for this use; seeing in Scripture it is called expresly the Tribute-money, and Hesychius interprets it, Greek text, Greek text Greek text, i.e. Census, a certain piece of money paid for every head. And I am the more confirm’d in this opinion, because in some of them there is the Mint-master stamping the money, with TASCIA, which among the Britains signifies a Tribute-penny. Not but I grant, that afterwards these came into common use. Nor can I reconcile my self to the judgment of those, who would have the hog, the horse, the ear, the Janus, &c. to be the Arms of particular People, or Princes; since we find by the foregoing Coins, that one and the same Prince and People us’d several of these, as Cunobeline stamp’d upon his coins a hog, a horse, an ear, and other things.

But whether this Tribute-money was coined by the Romans, or the Provincials, or their Kings, when the whole world was tax’d by Augustus; I cannot say. One may guess them to have been stamp’d by the British Kings; since Britain, from the time of Julius Cæsar to that of Claudius, liv’d under its own Laws, and was left to be govern’d by its own Kings; and since also they have stamp’d on them the effigies and titles of British Princes. For it was a receiv’d custom among the Romans, to have Kings as their instruments of slavery; who, as they were in some measure the Allies of the Romans, by degrees (as is usual for the conquer’d) fell into their customs, and seem to have begun to coin their money by the Roman methods and weights; and to stamp their own names upon it. But we find a contrary instance in JudæaJudaea, as gather’d from our Saviour’s Answer, That they had Cæsar’s Image and Superscription, and therefore were probably coin’d by the Romans. Which Cardinal C. Baronius, a most admirable Ecclesiastical Historian, tells us in these words:
It was a custom among the Romans, that money should be coin’d by the Emperors according to the tribute or tax, and should not always keep the same Standard; but rise or fall in proportion to the increase or decrease of tributes. It differed herein from common money, that this had always the same value, but the tax or tribute-money was alter’d according to the different quality of the tribute: Tho’ some learned men do not agree with Baronius in this point.

⌈CONJECTURES
UPON THE
British COINS,
Which are added
To those of Mr. CAMDEN.
By Mr. WALKER.

Tab. I.

THE Coins which follow, are partly out of Speed’s History, partly from other friends. Before we come to the particulars, I desire to premise in general,

I. That we find very little mention of the Britains, or their affairs, till Julius Cæsar; who left a brief but material description of the country and people, and of their manners and customs; particularly, concerning their traffick, and the great instrument of it, money: which, he saith, was not Coin, but rings and pieces of brass and iron, deliver’d out by weight; as it was also in the beginning at Rome. So that they had no mark upon their metals of exchange; which seems somewhat odd, seeing the invention is so easie, ready, and useful for human conversation. But especially, since in Abraham’s time, coined or stamped money was current amongst merchants, and called by a particular name, shekel, taken (it may be) from the weight of it. And Jacob is said to have given or paid to Hemor, father of Sichem, for part of a field, centum agnos; which is interpreted, not lambs, but pretio argenti; commonly explained, centum probatos nummos, tried pieces.Acts 7. 16. This ignorance, I say, is strange; except we affirm the Transmigration of the Predecessors of the Britains, to have been before Abraham’s time, from the Northern parts of Asia (not so well civilized as the Eastern;) where Coin seems to have been antiently, even before Abraham, the current instrument of traffick. Long before Cæsar’s time, Polybius tells us, that these Islands were frequented both by Greeks and PhœniciansPhoenicians , trading for tinn and other commodities. But it seems those crafty people were careful to conceal from these, generally accounted, heavy Northern nations, the value and usefulness of money.

II. The Coins I have seen of the Britains, for the most part are neither gold nor good silver, but of mixed metals; and those compositions very different, and not as yet by any, that I know, endeavoured to be discover’d: perhaps, because the quantities of them are so small, and their value taken from the fairness of their impression. Nor can we give any certain account of their weight, because we have very few of one stamp, or perfect; and some of them also may be probably thought counterfeited.

III. The Coins of the Britains are not unlike those of the antient Gauls; as those of our Saxons are not unlike those of the first race of the Kings of the Franks, who settled in France near the time that the Saxons invaded Britain: concerning which a farther account shall be given by and by. But in this, we find the Saxons (as the English after them,) to differ both from the Gauls and Franks, that they did not so often change the weight or value of their Coins, much less raised and decryed the same piece, according to the pleasure or necessities of the Prince. An action, lawful indeed; but, without very great caution, detrimental and prejudicial to the Subject. But in this, themselves confess the English to understand their interest better than the French.

IV. I can hardly satisfie my self, why we have so many Coins of Cunobeline, and so few of other Princes more famous, at least in Roman story; (for of British Historians, we have none, certainly, more antient than Gildas; and he only speaks of those near or of his own time.) But we have nothing of Caratacus, Arviragus, &c. but conjectural. Some of those of Cunobeline, I know, are modern; perhaps also Cuno, signifying (as Camden observes) a Prince, may be applied (especially since many Coins have no more than Cuno,) to divers Princes, as it is added to the end of the names of several, mentioned in Gildas; perhaps also he reigned a long time. But the best reason seems to be, either because he lived some while at Rome; or that London was then a famous city for trade; and therefore had both more money, and better preserved.

19. The * * Mr. Camden hath only 18 British Coins.nineteenth is in Mr. Speed, but the letters ill wrought and placed: he reads it Casibelan, the first General of the Britains against the Romans. His country seems to have been North of the Thames, and to have comprehended part of Hartford and Buckingham Shires. Yet he conquer’d the chief City of Imanuentius, whom he slew, and whose son MandubratiusSee Tab.II. Co.4. fled to Cæsarcaesar in France, and brought him hither.

20. The twentieth is of Cunobeline, son of Theomantius, nephew to Casibelan; by the British writers called Kymboline. The head seems to be of a woman. On the Reverse, a Sphinx, a figure so acceptable to Augustus, that he engraved it upon his seal. Wherefore, it may be, it was placed upon this Coin, to please the Emperor, a more than ordinary friend to Cunobeline, who was declared a friend to the Romans; and who is said to have lived many years in Rome.

23. In the twenty-third, seems to be the head of a City: The Inscription Vanit. seems to be the same with Vanoc. Co.8.

24. The twenty-fourth seems not to be the head of a person, but of a place, probably Camalodunum, when Christian.

25. The twenty-fifth, Arivogius, is, both by Speed and Archbishop Usher, thought to be Arviragus; of whom more Co.27. Ononus I understand not.

26. The twenty-sixth is probably of Cartismandua, Queen of the Brigantes, whereof Caledonia was one part. A woman infamous for betraying the warlike Caractacus into the hands of the Romans, and for abusing her valiant husband Venutius.

27. The twenty-seventh, a crowned head, with many strings of pearls about it, is thought to be Arviragus. I wish there were more than bare conjectures for it. For I do not find that Arviragus was a Christian, as this Coin declares, there being a cross and a string of pearls about it; an ordinary ornament of the Cross, in the first peaceable times of the Church. HardingVit. Basing., I think, is the only Author who affirms him a Christian: but it is generally said of him, erga Religionem Christianam bene affectus, that he was well affected to the Christian Religion, and that he gave to the first preachers of Glassenbury so many hides of land, as helped much to maintain them. And Gildas saith, that it was well known, that the Christian Religion was brought into Britain in the latter end of Tiberius’s time. He lived in great reputation in Domitian’s time, whose flatterers, upon some prodigies appearing, foretold to him some great good fortune, as that Arviragus should be thrown down from his chariot.

29.boadicea The twenty-ninth Dr. Plot, who hath published these three, thinks to be Prasutagus and Boadicia; but I see no resemblance of one or more faces. I rather imagine it to be some fortification.

31. The one and thirtieth was put into my hands, as belonging to York; which in Antoninus and antient Authors, is written Eburacum. But I take it to be a Gallick Coin, and to signifie either the Eburovices, or rather Eburones, who were inhabitants of the country of Liege. The head seems to be of a City, rather than, as Bouteroue thinks, of Ambiorix, Cotivulcus, or some other of their Princes.

33. The three and thirtieth also was meant to design some city or country, it may be of the Auscii (now Ausch in Gascoine) or some other, unknown. It is to be noted, that after the example of the Romans (who stamped the armed head of a young woman, probably Rome, a notable Virago, who gave name to the city, with the word Roma, on one side of their Coin,) other cities and countries placed also the head; yet not always helmeted, but commonly in the dress of the place where coined.

British Coins. Tab. II.

Nummi Britannici Coins table 2
Table 2: Nummi Britannici Coins

1. That the first was of some British Prince in esteem for an holy man, I collect from the pearls about his head, set in the ancient form of a glory: as also by the hand under the horse, for the reverse. Many of these British coins are adorned with pearls. I conceive the reason to be, the plenty of them in this country; so great, that Julius Cæsar is said to have undertaken his expedition for obtaining them, and that at his return he dedicated a shield covered with British Pearl, in the Temple of Venus.Gretzer, l.1. c.15, 16. In some coins of Constantine the Great, and of Arcadius, Eudoxia, and others, is an hand signifying some favourable action of Providence towards them: as, reaching to take Constantine into heaven, crowning Arcadius, &c. In this, it may intimate the sustaining of his Cavalry. This is only conjecture; since we know not the person.

2, 3. The second, as Mr. Thoresby observes, seems to have been a Prince considerably engaged either in making or repairing the great military roads or high-ways, as is intimated by the Wheel below the horse. This, and the third, by their rugged and unhandsome looks, seem to have been some of the ancient British Princes; but the letters being worn out, we are forbid to guess who they were.

4. The fourth is Cassivelaunus; others name him Cassibelinus or Velanus, as if he were a Prince of the Cassii, a people not far from the Trinobantes; part of the dominion of his brother Imanuentius, whom he slew, and also deposed his son Mandubratius, who thereupon fled to Cæsar, and was restored by him to his just dominion. But this action caused Mandubratius to be looked upon as an enemy and traitor to his country, and so hated, that he accompanied Cæsar in all his wars; and left the Kingdom to his son, or nephew, Cunobeline. His son lived in Rome with the favour of Augustus and the Senate, who declared him a Friend of the Romans, as is plainly intimated in that Speech of the generous Prince Caractacus. From these transactions we may observe, 1. That the Romans, by this submission and request of Mandubratius, had a just cause of War against Cassibelinus, and consequently against all the Britains, who chose him their General. 2. That this conquest was exceedingly beneficial to the nation and country; which, by the Romans, acquired civility, if not humanity also, and prudent government; good husbandry too, and improvement of wealth and trade both by sea and land; and these prepared them for receiving the Gospel. 3. That the Britains quickly apprehended these benefits and advantages; and therefore more readily embraced, and more cheerfully, than most other nations, submitted to the laws and customs of the Romans; as appears by Tacitus in the life of Agricola. And though it may be, that the doctrine of the Druids, despising the heathen Gods, and acknowledging only one God and rewards and punishments after death, might contribute to their embracing the Gospel; yet I think that the very great courage, high generosity, and excellent parts of the people, did more, when they were once convinced, that the Roman laws and government were better than their own.

5. Of the fifth, the letters are too imperfect: If the reverse be not a pavilion, or seat of state, I know not what it is.

6. The sixth seems to be a Visor, the letters now not visible: or it might be ill-made in imitation of Commodus, who is usually set forth with his head wrap’d in a Lion’s skin, feigning himself to be Hercules.

7. The seventh is a British, rough, uncomb’d head; the letters are vanished. Those above the Horse on the reverse seem to be set the averse way, from the right to the left hand.

8. The eighth, as likewise the twenty-fourth and thirty-sixth, seem to be a Ship or Galley with oars. In Mons. Bouteroue, in Clothaire, An. Ch. 511. the figure is better expressed, than in ours. It was coined by a Christian Prince or City; because all of them are adorned with crosses, either upon the stern or yards. Serm.22. de Divers. S. Augustin saith: It is necessary for us to be in the ship, and to be carried in the wood that can pass through the sea of this world. This wood is the Cross of our Lord. Paulinus seems to refer it to the yards, Et rate ornata† The title of Safety.
Chrys. Quod Christus sit Deus.
titulo salutis. S. Chrys. rather to the stern, Crux * * Guide of Sailors.navigantium gubernaculum. The same doth Ephr. Syrus. Upon divers Coins of the Roman Emperors, is a stern joyned to a globe; as if they steer’d the whole world. On the reverse is Duro, which I question not was Durobernia or Canterbury, now the chief seat of the great Archbishop and Primate of the Nation.

9. The ninth is an Horse, under the Sun and Moon: whether it signified (according to their opinion) that beast to be chiefly subject to those Planets; or, that next the Sun and Moon, the chiefest benefit they reaped was from the Horse, or what other imagination; I am ignorant.

10. The tenth is an Head, and I think, foreign, not British; most of those being without ornament, but this hath a Crown or Garland. And what if Dubno should be mistaken for Dumnorix, or some other Prince unknown to us?

11. The eleventh hath an Head with a Diadem of two rows of Pearls; perhaps for some of the oriental Emperors, and, not unlikely, of Constantine the Great, both for the goodness of the face, and his being one of the first who carried that sort of Diadem. He may well be placed here, as being born of a British Lady. The reverse is a Dove hovering over a Cross, an emblem not unusual in the first times of Christianity; intimating that the Cross is made beneficial unto us by the Holy Spirit. Maffeius and Osorius testifie, that the Christians at their first coming to Maliapor, (the city of St. Thomas) found such a one there engraved in stone, in his own time, as was verily believed. The like is reported by Bosius in the vault of St. John Lateran; and by Chiffietius upon an Altar-stone in Besançon.Besancon

12. The twelfth of Cunobeline: the letters upon the reverse begin the name of some place; but what, I know not.

13. The thirteenth, by the letters BR, seems to be the head of Britannia, as there were many the like of Rome and other places: the reverse is also, according to many Roman Coins, a man on horse-back, as engaged in that exercise which they called Decursio.

14. The fourteenth seems to be a Woman’s Head, with a Crown; the letters worn out. On the reverse, compared with the sixteenth, twenty-fourth, and thirty-fifth, there seems to be inscribed some sacred vessel or utensil.

15, 16, 17, 18. The fifteenth, seventeenth, and eighteenth, having no inscriptions, are to us unintelligible. The sixteenth seems an ill-shapen Galley with the keel upwards.

19. The nineteenth seems to be the head of some Town or Country: some say, that Julius Cæsarcaesar, but it is more certain, that Claudius, brought one or more Elephants into Britain against their enemies.

20. The twentieth hath an Head covered with an antick sort of Helmet. The reverse seems to be an ill-fashioned Gryphon. It is somewhat strange, that those fond kinds of imagination should have lasted so long, and in these remote parts of the world.

21, 22. Concerning the twenty-first, See Tab.1. c.29. What it, or the twenty-second signifies, I cannot imagin.

23. The twenty-third seems to be the figure of an ordinary British foot-soldier, with a headpiece and armour down to his thighs; and a club upon his shoulder.

24. The twenty-fourth hath a Galley with a Cross upon the stern, yet not at the handle of the stern, being upon the wrong side of it. (Vid. Coin 8.) The letters I understand not, as neither the reverse. 25. The twenty-fifth also is utterly unknown.

26. The twenty-sixth seems to be the head of some of the Gothic kings of Spain; the like being found in Ant. Augustinus, and Monsieur le Blanc. On the reverse, is a kind of Dragon, which is seen also upon the Greek and Gallick Coins, as well as British. Pag.58. Such a one as this, is by Monsieur le Blanc described for Childebert’s.

27, 28, 29. The twenty-seventh, twenty-eighth, and twenty-ninth, having Runic inscriptions, might probably be made for some of the kings of Cumberland, in which County are still extant some Runic Monuments.

30. The thirtieth hath an Head, which I would gladly believe to be of Arviragus; because on the reverse is an Essedarius or Covinarius, a fighter upon a chariot, with his dart, or such like weapon, in one hand, and his quiver of arrows at his back. A kind of fight, which was strange to Julius Cæsar, and forced him to turn his back.

Territa quæsitis ostendit terga Britannis.

Great Cæsar flies the Britains he had sought.

So terrible was it to the Romans, that his flatterers upon some imagin’d prodigy, took it to be an omen of the overthrow of Arviragus, a very couragious and warlike Prince. De temone Britanno excidet Arviragus.

31. The thirty-first is, in the learned Monsieur Bouteroue’s judgment (from whom it is copied) supposed to be king Lucius, the first Christian king of Britain. The truth of whose story is largely discoursed by Archbishop Usher in his Primord. Eccles. Britan. where he seems to say, that it is confirmed by all Historians, that king Lucius, king in Britain, was the first Christian king in the world. Pag. 41, 42. (Which also seems strongly confirmed by what he saith, That the Scots beyond the wall, did under Victor I. (immediate successor to Euaristus, under whom Lucius was converted) receive also the Christian Faith:) But that there is some difference about the time when king Lucius lived, and greater about what part of Britain he reigned in; as likewise, concerning his resigning the kingdom, and going to preach the Gospel in Bavaria, and being martyr’d near Coire, in the Grisons Country, then call’d Rhætia.

Rhaetia

32. The thirty-second also is out of Monsieur Bouteroue, who rationally thinks it to be the head of Boadicia, wife to Prasutagus king of Norfolk and Suffolk, &c. a woman of prodigious wit and courage. Gildas calls her LeænamLeaenam boadicea dolosam, the crafty or deceitful Lionness. She slew 80000 of the Romans, and destroy’d their chief City and Colony, Camulodunum; and Verulamium also, and some say London. She slew the ninth Legion; but being overcome by Paulinus, she either died of grief, as some say; or by poison, as others.

33. The thirty-third is easily intelligible.Musaeum museum

34. The thirty-fourth is explained in the description of Westmorland. “It was, saith Mr. Thoresby, part of the Cabinet of the old Lord Fairfax (the General;) of whose Executors it was purchased, with the rest of his Medals, by Mr. John Thoresby of Leeds, in whose Musæum it now remains, and is the principal glory of it. For tho’ there be some Runick Inscriptions yet remaining upon Rocks, and some very antique Monuments, this is the only piece of money (whether ever designed to be current, or preserved as an Amulet, I pretend not to determin) with an intelligible Runick Inscription, in any Collection in Europe.”

35. The reverse of the thirty-fifth seems to be a Tabernacle, or some such holy vessel, standing upon a foot, and having a Cross upon the top. I understand it not; nor any of the rest, being all ancient Runic characters: nor doth it appear whether they belong to this Country, or to Spain. The Runic Characters anciently were the writing of the Visi, or Western Goths, who lived in Denmark, Norway, Jutland, &c. For the Ostro, or Eastern Goths of Sweden, and those Countries, swarmed, and conquered, Eastward, in and towards Asia: who, though they seem to have had the same language with the Visigoths, yet had a different character; which was framed as it seems from the Greek, some say by Ulphilas their Bishop, near or upon the Black-sea. It is still preserved in the copy of the Gospels translated into that language by him; and is for the most part extant in that they call the Codex Argenteus, being wholly written in silver letters, and preserv’d with great and deserved veneration in Sweden: but transcribed, and printed, by the very worthy and learned person Mr. Franc. Junius, the younger. But the Visigoths seem to be those who came Westward; who conquer’d part of Italy, and of France; and all Spain, and part of Africk; where they reigned in great splendor many years, till the invasion of the Moors. They also acquired the Northern Parts of Britain, keeping (as it seemeth) their ancient Runic Characters. And though I have seen most of the ancient Runic Coins, either in Ant. Augustinus, Paruta, or Lastannoza’s book de las monedas desconocidas; yet I have only set down those which are new to me, and which being sent by that very courteous, intelligent, and diligent Antiquary, Mr. Ralph Thoresby of Leeds in Yorkshire, I conceive rather belong to those of Northumberland, Cumberland, &c.⌉

CONJECTURES upon the
Roman COINS.

Big T THE first of the Romans after Julius Cæsar, that resolv’d to subdue Britain in earnest, was Claudius; who shipping over his army, reduc’d the south-part into the form of a Province. And about that time, this first piece of money, with an abbreviated Inscription, seems to have been coin’d: TI. CLAVD. CÆS. AVG. P. M. TR. P. VIIII. IMP. XVI. i.e. Tiberius Claudius Cæsar Augustus, Pontifex Maximus, Tribunitia potestate 9. Imperator 16. To explain these titles once for all. After Julius Cæsar, who laid the foundation of the Roman Monarchy; all his successors in honour of him assumed the titles of Cæsar or Augustus (as if they were above the pitch of humane nature; for things that are sacred we call August;) and also that of Pontifices Maximi or High-Priests, because they were consecrated to all the kinds of Priesthood, and had the Oversight of all Religious Rites. They usurp’d likewise the Tribunitian power (but would not by any means be call’d Tribunes,) that they might be sacred and inviolable. For, in vertue of this authority, if any one gave them rude language, or offer’d violence to their persons, he was to be put to death without hearing, as sacrilegious. They renew’d this Tribunitian power every year, and by it computed the years of their reign. At last, they were call’d Emperors, because their Empire was large and Ample; and under that name was couch’d the power both of Kings and Dictators. And they were stil’d Emperors as oft as they did any thing very great and honourable, either in person, or by their Generals (a). But, since in the reverse of this coin there is a triumphal arch, with a man on horse-back between two trophies, and the title DE BRITAN; I should imagin, that in the 9th year of Claudius (for so I reckon, according to his Tribunitian Power) there were two Victories over the Britains.

(a) Imperator, at first (saith Mr. Walker) was an appellation of Honour given by the soldiers to their Commander, who had obtained a great victory over the enemy; but afterwards it was a title given to the chief General of their armies, as all the Emperors were. The Tribunes also of the people were accounted sacred persons, and therefore might safely accuse any man to the people. They were always of Plebeian families; but the Emperors being Pontifices Maximi were Patrician. And therefore that their power might be uncontroulable, not being capable of the Tribune-ship, they obtained to have Tribunitiam potestatem, i.e. all the power of a Tribune; which was conferred upon them every year, or as often as they desired it. Sometimes they refused it, and sometimes they conferr’d it on one of their Confidents; and sometimes for five years. So that it is not true, which most of the Medal Writers, and Camden amongst them, say, that the number of the Tribunitia potestas was the number of their reigns. See the book of Coins and Medals, in Augustus.

Nummi Romani Coins table 1
Table 1: Nummi Romani Coins

2. In the second Coin (which also is one of Claudius Augustus;) from this Inscription TI. CLAVD. CAES. AVG. GER. TR. P. XII. IMP. XIIX. we learn, that in the twelfth year of his reign, after he had been successful in Britain, he was saluted Emperor the eighteenth time; and the Ploughman with a Cow and a Bull, inform us that at the same time a Colony was plac’d in Camalodunum. The Romans (says Servius) being about to build a City, and clad after the Gabine fashion, (i.e. with part of the gown covering the head, and the other part tuck’d up,) yok’d on the right hand a Bull, with a Cow on the inner-side, and in that habit held the crooked plough-tail so as to make all the earth fall inwards. By drawing a furrow, they mark’d out the track of the walls, lifting up the plough where the gates were to be.

⌈To this (says Mr. Walker) I have added another; a Britain naked, fighting with a man, armed with sword and buckler; out of the judgment of divers learned men, though I have not seen any with such inscription.⌉

3. The son of Claudius (whose the third Coin is, with Greek characters) was by a Decree of the Senate honour’d with the sirname of BRITANNICVS, as peculiar to himself; upon the account of his Father’s success. He it was, for whom Seneca pray’d, That he might quiet Germany, † aperiat.make an inroad into Britain, and * * ducat.maintain his father’s triumphs, with new ones of his own. But what then must be the meaning of that half ship with an Inscription to this sense, The Metropolis of King Etiminius? Who this Etiminius should be, does not appear to me; unless we imagin him to be that Adiminius, Cunobelin’s son, who (as Suetonius says) took protection under C. Caligula.

⌈In this Coin (saith Mr. Walker) is expressed the manner how the Romans settled the Countries they conquered: which was by planting strong Colonies of Romans in places convenient; whereby they both kept the conquered in peace, and entred into conversation and business with them, introducing frugality, husbandry, trading, &c.

4. The fourth Coin, is Hadrian’s, with this Inscription, HADRIANVS AVG. CONSVL III. PATER PATRIAE; and on the reverse EXERCITUS BRITANNICVS (the British army) represented by three soldiers: I should imagin it to point out the three Legions, which serv’d in Britain in the year of Christ 120 (for then he was third time Consul,) namely, the Secunda Augusta, the Sexta Victrix, and the Vicesima Victrix.

5, 6. The fifth and sixth (both of Antoninus Pius) with this Inscription, ANTONINVS AVG. PIVS. P. P. TR. P. COS. III. and on the reverse of the one, Britain sitting on the rocks, with a standard, a spear, and a shield; on the reverse of the other, the same Britain sitting upon a globe. These seem to have been stamp’d by the British Province, in honour of Antoninus Pius, at his coming to the Empire in the year of Christ 140. That military habit of the Province of Britain, signifies, that at that time it flourished in military discipline. So the money coined by Italy, in honour of that Emperor, and upon the same occasion, has such a figure sitting upon a globe, with a Cornucopia, to signifie plenty of all things: that coined by Sicily, has the figure, with ears of corn, to denote fruitfulness: and that by Mauritania, has a person holding two spears, with an horse, to imply the peculiar glory of that Province in Cavalry. 9. And to this head also is to be referr’d the ninth, which is the same Antoninus’s, but not in its proper place.

7. The seventh (which is Commodus’s) only shows that upon account of a victory over the Britains, he took the name of Britannicus: for on the reverse, we see Victory with the branch of a Palm-tree, holding a shield, and leaning upon the shields of the conquer’d Britains, with this Inscription, VICTORIA BRITANNICA. ⌈But tho’ Commodus (saith Mr. Walker) was by his flatterers called Britannicus; yet the Britains either endeavoured to chuse, or actually chose, another Emperor.⌉Lamprid.

8. The eighth (which is Caracalla’s, but is not put in the proper place) plainly shews, by the Numerals, that he conquer’d the Enemy in Britain in the year of our Lord 214; and this also appears by the Trophy, which Virgil in these verses has describ’d more lively, than the best Engraver can possibly do,

Ingentem quercum decisis undique ramis
Constituit tumulo, fulgentiaque induit arma
Mezenti ducis exuvias, tibi magne tropheum
Bellipotens: aptat roranteis sanguine cristas,
Telaque trunca viri
.

And first he lopp’d an Oak’s great branches round,
The trunk he fasten’d in a rising ground:
And here he fix’d the shining Armour on,
The mighty spoil from proud Mezentius won.
The Crest was plac’d above that drop’d with blood,
A grateful trophy to the Warlike God;
And shatter’d spears stuck round.—

12. The same Judgment is to be made on the twelfth, which is the same Caracalla’s.

10, 11. In those of Severus and Geta, there is no difficulty.

13. Who this ÆlianAElian was, does not appear. Some reckon him to be that A. Pomponius ÆlianusAElianus among the thirty Tyrants. Others made him Cl. Ælianus among the six Tyrants under Dioclesian. And some there are, who think this was the very Tyrant in Britain under Probus the Emperor, whom Zosimus mentions in general without telling us his name; and of whom we have spoken before. ⌈I find (saith Mr. Walker) one Ælianusaelianus chosen Emperor by the Army of Lollianus, after they had slain him at Mentz.⌉ But at what time soever he liv’d, I am of opinion that he was called Augustus in Britain, because his Coins are found only in our Island with this Inscription, IMPERATOR CL. ÆLIANVS PIVS FOELIX AVGVSTVS. On the reverse, VICTORIA AVGVSTI, which implies that he subdu’d the Barbarians some where.

14. The Coin of Carausius, with this Inscription, IMPERATOR CAIVS CARAVSIVS PIVS FOELIX AVGVSTVS, and on the reverse, PAX AVGVSTI, seems to have been stamp’d after he had cleared the British Sea of the Pirates. ⌈He was (saith Mr. Walker) a man of very mean birth; but by his parts, courage and industry, together with the money he had got from the Pirates (never restoring what he took, either to the Emperor, or the persons robbed) he advanced himself to that high degree. He was of Menapia, but (as it seems) not that in Gallia, but in Ireland.⌉

15. When Allectus (who made away Carausius) had usurp’d the Government, and behaved himself stoutly against the Barbarians; he stamp’d this Coin, with the Inscription, VIRTVS AUGVSTI. By the Letters Q. L. some would have meant, Quartarius coyn’d at London; others, a QuæstorQuaestor or Treasurer of London.

16. After Constantius Chlorus had ended his days at York, and was solemnly deified, this was coyn’d in honour to his memory; as appears by the Inscription, and the † † Rather, the Altar.Temple between two Eagles. The letters underneath, P. LON. shew that the money was stamp’d at London.

17. His wife, Flavia Helena, a Lady of British birth (as our Histories tell us, and the excellent Historian Baronius confirms,) after her son Constantine the Great had * * Fudisset.routed the Tyrant Maxentius, and (having secur’d the Common-wealth,) receiv’d the titles, Fundator quietis, Founder of peace; and Liberator orbis, Deliverer of the world; she also had this money coyn’d in honour of her at Triers, as appears by the Letters S. TR. i.e. Signata Treviris, stamp’d at Triers. ⌈And in the MusæumMusaeum museum of Mr. Thoresby, there is a very fair one of her’s, minted in her Native Country, at London.⌉

18. Fl. Constantinus Maximus Augustus, the great ornament of Britain, coin’d this at Constantinople (as appears by the letters underneath, CONSA.) with the Inscription of GLORIA EXERCITVS, to ingratiate himself with the army; for in that age they, and not the Emperor, had the disposal of the Empire.

Roman Coins. Tab. II.

Nummi Romani Coins table 2
Table 2: Nummi Romani Coins & Runic Alphabet

19. Constantinus Junior, son of Constantine the Great (to whose share Britain fell, among other Countries) stamp’d this Coin while his father was living. For he is only stil’d Nobilis Cæsarcaesar, a name that was given to the * * Designatis Imperii successoribus.Heirs apparent of the Empire. We may gather, from the Building, and PROVIDENTIAE CAES. that he and his brother built some publick work; and from P. LON. that it was coyn’d at London.

20. This Coin, inscrib’d Dominus noster Magnentius Pius Fœlix Augustus, seems to have been stamp’d by Magnentius, (whose father was a Britain,) and to have been design’d to ingratiate himself with Constantius, after he had conquered some publick Enemy. For the Characters DD. NN. AVGG. i.e. Domini nostri Augusti, intimate that there were then two Augusti, or Emperors. The words VOTIS V. MVLTIS X. signify that the people then † Vota nuncupabat.solemnly pray’d That the Emperor might flourish five years, and multiplying that number, with unanimous acclamations wish’d him many ten years. And this is further made out by that passage in Nazari the Panegyrist, The Quinquennial feasts of the blessed and happy Cæsars possess all hearts with abundance of joy; but in the appointed revolutions of Ten years, our eager vows and swift hopes are at a stand. The letters P. AR. shew this Denarius to have been stamp’d at Arles.

21. Constantius, after he had * * Fuso.defeated Magnentius, and recovered Britain, had this coined in honour of the army. The R. in the basis, possibly shews that it came out of the mint at Rome.

22. This Coin (stamp’d at Antioch, as appears by the small letters underneath) was made in honour of Valentinian, after he had rais’d Britain from a sinking state, and call’d that part which he had recover’d, from his own name, Valentia.

23. To this Coin of Gratian’s I have nothing to say, but what I just now observ’d upon that of Magnentius.

24. 25.
26.
When Magnus Maximus was created Emperor by the army in Britain, as also his son Flavius Victor, this money was coin’d in compliment and honour to the soldiers: and Theodosius, after he had dispatch’d those two out of the way, stamp’d that other with the Inscription VIRTVTE EXIRCITVS, upon the very same account.

27. In that golden Coin of Honorius, there is nothing observable, but that from AVGGG. we may infer that there were then three Augusti, or Emperors; which was after the year 420, when Honorius was Emperor in the West, Theodosius Junior in the East, and Constantius (who had conquer’d our Constantine, him who was elected here upon account of his name,) was made Emperor by Honorius. As for that CONOB, it shews it to be † Obrizum.pure gold, stamp’d at Constantinople.

For, as far as my observation has carry’d me, CONOB. is never upon any Coins, but golden ones.

I could add a great many more Roman Coins (for there are prodigious quantities found here, in the ruins of old demolished cities, * * In Thesauris & flavissis, lib. 1. c. de auri pub. prosecut. lib. 12, 13. C. Th. de suscept. præpos.in the treasure-coffers or vaults which were hidden in that age, and in funeral urns;) And I was very much surprised how such great abundance should remain to this day, till I read that the melting down of ancient money was prohibited by the Imperial Constitutions.

Having represented those ancient Coins (British and Roman) † Suis typis.in their proper forms; it may be for the Reader’s Benefit, if we insert here a Chorographical Table of Britain (as it was a Roman Province,) together with the ancient names. Not that I promise to make it compleat; for who can pretend to that? But such a one, as, if you learn nothing else from it, will at least teach you, That there are continual changes and alterations in this world; new foundations of cities laid, new names of nations rais’d, and the old ones bury’d. So that (as the Poet says,)

Non indignemur mortalia corpora solvi,
Cernimus exemplis oppida posse mori
.

Vain mortals, ne’er repine at heaven’s decree,
When sad examples shew that towns themselves can die.

⌈CONJECTURES
UPON THE
Roman COINS,

Which are added
To those of Mr. CAMDEN.
By Mr. WALKER.

Tab. II, continued.

28. THE twenty-eighth is added, because, tho’ those contain nothing upon them expresly concerning Britain, yet Julius Cæsarcaesar was the first that discovered the nation, and made some small progress in reducing it. No mention of this is on his Coins, because then he was not supream, but acted as a General commissioned by the Senate; and the power of putting his Image upon Coins was not given him till afterwards, and till he had obtained the supream power. The reverse of this is, Augustus; because under him the Britains lived in peace and liberty; probably secured by Cunobelinus, who (as we said before) lived at Rome in his time.

29. The twenty-ninth is of Vespasian, who contributed more than any other to the conquest of Britain; and by his valour and success here, obtained that glory, which brought with it the Empire.

30. The thirtieth is of Decimus Clodius Albinus, a great Gourmond, but a good Justicer, and a valiant and expert soldier. He was a noble Roman, but born at Adrumetum. Commodus would have made him Cæsar, I suppose because he was accounted of a gladiatorian humor also; but he refused it, yet accepted it from Severus. When Severus went against Pescennius Niger, to keep him quiet in Britain, where he commanded the Legions, he named him Cæsar, and Sophinius; and a little after, made him partaker or companion in the Empire. But Pescennius being overcome, he went streight against Albinus; who hearing of it, met him with his British Legions in arms; where divers sore battles were fought with various success. Till, at Lyons, Albinus, by the treachery of some of his Officers, was vanquish’d, and sorely wounded, and basely and unworthily used by Severus; who cut off his head, sending it to Rome, where it was set upon the publick Gallows, and his body left in the PrætoriumPraetorium till it stunk, and was torn by dogs. It appears by divers of his Coins, that he was also Augustus, but not long before his death.

31. The thirty-first is of M. Aurelius Marius, and is placed here, because some say that he was born in Britain: at first he was a smith, but, being afterwards a soldier, and of prodigious strength and valour, he got himself to be chosen Emperor, upon Posthumus’s death. Some say, that he reigned but three days; but by his many Coins, it appears that he reigned longer, both in Britain and Gaul. The soldier who killed him, upbraided him, that it was with a sword which himself had made.

32. The thirty-second. I had here placed Bonosus, a Britain, son of a Rhetorician, a very valiant warlike man, and the greatest drinker of his age. He commanded RhœtiaRhoetia (the Grisons country) and the confines of the Roman Empire towards the Germans: and having lost the fleet upon the Rhine which was left in his charge, for fear of punishment he rebelled, and declared himself Augustus. Probus, after a great battle, took and hanged the Usurper. In his stead therefore I have taken the Coin of Æmilianus,AEmilianus being very rare; because I could not find, either in metal or writing, any one of Bonosus.

33. The thirty-third, being a rare Coin of Delmatius, I have described (though not so nearly related to Britain, being son to the brother of Constantine the Great,) chiefly, to fill up a void place.

As also (because Roman Coins are so well known, and there are very few more than what are here described, which concern Britain;) for the better understanding of exotick Coins, as of the Franks, British, and Saxon, I thought it not amiss to fill up the remaining space, with an Alphabet of such letters as are usually found upon them. Some I omitted, because I did not know them. The first Alphabet is of the Runic; which also hath some part in most of the rest.⌉

ornament
ornament
THE
DESTRUCTION
OF
BRITAIN.

Small T THE Romans having now withdrawn their Forces and abandon’d Britain, the whole frame of affairs fell into great disorder and misery; Barbarians invading it on one hand, and the Inhabitants breaking out into factions on the other; whilst each one was usurping the Government to himself. They lived (says Ninius) about forty years together, in great consternation. For Vortigern their King was apprehensive of the Picts and Scots, and of some attacks from the Romans who still remained here. He was also fearful of Ambrosius Aurelius or Aurelianus; for he surviv’d that desperate engagement, wherein his parents, the then Governours, were cut off. Upon this, Vortigern sent for the Saxons out of Germany to his assistance; who instead of auxiliaries, became the most cruel enemies, and after the various Events of a long war, at lengthGildas.
Saxons called into Britain.
dispossess’d the poor Britains of the most fruitful parts of the Island, their ancient inheritance.

But this woful destruction of Britain, shall be represented (or rather deplor’d) in the melancholy words of Gildas the Britain, who liv’d a little after, and who is all in tears at the thoughts of it. * * This Gildas is in some MS. Copies in France call’d Querulus, as I had it from the famous Barnab. Brisonius.The Romans being return’d home, there creep in great crowds out of the little narrow holes of theirCarucis.
Scitick vale
.
Carroghes or Carts (in which they were brought over the Scitick vale, about the middle of summer, in a scorching hot season,) a duskish swarm of vermine, a hideous crew of Scots and Picts, somewhat different in customs, but alike thirsting after blood. Who finding that their old confederates, the Romans, were march’d home, and refus’d to return; put on greater boldness than ever, and possessed themselves of all the North, and the remote parts of the Kingdom to the very Wall; as if they had been the true Proprietors. To withstand this invasion, the towers along the wall are defended by a lazy garrison, undisciplin’d, and too cowardly to engage an enemy; being enfeebled with continual sloth and idleness. In the mean while, the naked enemy advance with their hooked weapons, by which the miserable Britains, being pull’d down from the tops of the wall, are dash’d against the ground. Yet they who were destroyed after that manner, had this advantage in an untimely death, that they escap’d those miserable tortures which immediately befell their brethren and children. To be short, having quitted their Cities and the high Wall, they betake themselves to flight, in a more desperate and hopeless dispersion than ever. Still the enemy give them chase, still more cruel punishments are prepared; as Lambs by the bloody butcher, so were these poor creatures cut to pieces by their enemies. So that, while they stay’d there, they might justly be compared to herds of wild beasts. For these miserable people did not stick at robbing one another for present sustenance; and so, domestick dissentions enhanc’d the misery of their sufferings from abroad, and brought things to that pass, by spoil and robbery, that the very support of life was wanting in the country, and no comfort of that kind was to be had, but by recourse to hunting. Again, therefore, the remaining Britains send a lamentable petition to ÆtiusAEtius (a person of great authority in the Roman State) as follows:

This is in some Copies Agitius; in others Equitius Cos. without the numerals. To Ætius, thrice Consul,
The Groans of the Britains.

The Barbarians drive us to the Sea, the Sea again to the Barbarians; thus, between two deaths, we perish, either by Sword, or by Water.

Notwithstanding, they obtain no remedy for these evils. In the mean time, a terrible famine grows among the faint and strowling Britains; who, reduc’d to such straits by these intolerable sufferings, surrender themselves to the enemy, that they may have food to recruit their spirits. However, some would not comply, but chose rather to infest them from their mountains, caves, and thickets, with continual sallies. From that time forth, for many years, they made great slaughter of the enemy as oft as they went to forage; not relying on their own strength, but trusting in God, according to that of Philo, The help of God is certainly at hand, when man’s help faileth. The boldness of our enemies ceas’d for some time, but the wickedness of our Britains was without end. The enemies left us, but we did not leave our vices. For it has ever been the custom of this nation (as it is at this day,) to be faint-hearted in repelling an Enemy, but valiant in killing one another, and bearing the burden of our Iniquities, &c. Well, these impudent Irish robbers return home, with a design to come again shortly.insulae provinciae The Picts in the remotest parts of the * * In the text Insulæ; in the margin Provinciæ.Island, began from henceforth to be quiet; only now and then they made a little spoil and ravage. In these cessations of arms, the scars of the famin began to wear out among the desolate Britains, but another disease more keen and virulent succeeded. For during the forbearance of these Inroads, the Kingdom enjoy’d such excessive plenty, as was never remember’d in any age before; and that is ever accompany’d with debauchery, which then grew to so high a pitch, that it might be truly said, Here is such fornication, as is not named among the Gentiles. Nor was this the only prevailing sin, but they had all other vices incident to humane nature, especially such as at this day overthrow all goodness; a hatred of truth and the teachers of it, a fondness for lyes and those that forge them, an imbracing evil for good, a venerationNequitiæ pro benignitate.for Vice instead of virtue, a desire of darkness rather than light, and the entertaining Satan before an Angel of light. Kings anointed. Kings were not anointed by God, but were such men as they knew to be more cruel than the rest; and were soon after put to death without Tryal, by their own Anointers, and others more fierce and cruel elected. If any one of these Kings seemed more mild than other, or more just in his proceedings; all their malice was darted at him, as the subverter of Britain; and they weigh’d every thing that offended them, in the same scale: If there was any difference, it was the condemning of good actions, which were most displeasing; so that the prophesie denounced of old against Israel, might well be apply’d to them, Ah! sinful Nation, ye have forsaken the Lord, ye have provoked the holy one of Israel unto anger: why should ye be stricken any more, ye will revolt more and more, the whole head is sick, and the whole heart faint. From the sole of the foot even unto the head, there is no soundness in it. Thus they acted contrary to their own safety, as if no cure were bestow’d upon the world, by the mighty Physician of us all. Nor was this the demeanor of the Laity only; but of the Clergy and Pastors also, whose examples should be a guide to others. Many of them were notorious drunkards, swoln with pride and animosity, full of contention, full of gall and envy, and incompetent judges of good and evil. So that (as it is at this day) the Princes were contemned and slighted, and the people seduc’d by their own follies into endless Errors. In the mean time, God intending to purge his family, and reform it from such corruptions by the apprehension of miseries at hand, a report is again broach’d, and presently flies abroad, that now our old Enemies are approaching, with design to destroy us, and to inhabit the land, as they did formerly, from one end to the other. Notwithstanding all this, they became not penitent, but like mad horses, refusing the reins of reason, run on in the broad way of wickedness, leaving the narrow paths which lead to happiness. Wherefore (as Solomon says) when the obstinate servant is not reform’d with words, he is whip’d for a fool, and continues insensible. A Plague. For a plague rag’d so terribly among this foolish people, and, without the help of the sword, swept off such numbers, that the living could scarce bury the dead. But they were not yet amended by this judgment: that the saying of the Prophet Esay might be also fulfilled in them, And God called them to weeping and mourning, to baldness and sackcloth; but behold the killing of calves, and slaying of rams; behold eating flesh and drinking wine; and saying, Let us eat and drink, for to morrow we die. For the time drew near, wherein the measure of their Iniquities, like that of the Amorites, was to be full. They took counsel, as to the most effectual course for withstanding the frequent inroads of those barbarous nations, and how the booties which they took, should be divided. Then the whole Council, together with the proud Tyrant, being infatuated, devise this security, or rather destruction, for their country; that the Saxons of execrable memory,Saxons let into the Island. detested by God and man, should be invited into the Island (like so many wolves into the sheep-fold,) to repel the northern Nations. A thing more destructive and pernicious, than ever befel this Kingdom! O grossness of apprehension! O the incurable stupidity of these Souls! Those, whom at a distance they dreaded more than death, the foolish Princes of Egypt voluntarily invite into their own houses; giving mad counsel to Pharaoh.

Then that kennel of whelps issued out upon us, from the den of the barbarous Lioness, in three vessels, called in their language Cyules,The German Cyules. or long Galleys; with full sails, and lucky omens and auguries, portending that they should possess the land whither they were bound, for three hundred years; and, that one hundred and fifty years (being half of that time) would be spent in ravages. Having first landed in the east part of the Island, by the appointment of this unfortunate Tyrant, they stuck close there, pretending to defend the country; but rather oppress’d it. The foresaid Lioness, being advis’d that her first brood succeeded, pours in a larger herd of these devouring brutes; which arriving here, joyn themselves to the former spurious issue. From hence, the seeds of iniquity, the root of bitterness, those plagues justly due to our impieties, shoot out and grow among us with terrible increase. These Barbarians being received into the Island, obtain an allowance of provisions, pretending themselves falsly to be our guards, and that they were willing to undergo any hardships for the sake of the kind Britains, their Entertainers. This favour being granted, stopped (as we say) the Cur’s mouth, for some time. Then they complain that their * * Epimenia.monthly pay was too little (industriously seeking occasions of quarrel,) and declare that they would break their league, and plunder the Island, unless a more liberal subsistance was allow’d. Without more ado, they presently shew they were in earnest by their actions (for the causes which had pull’d down vengeance upon us before, were encreas’d:) From sea to sea, the country is set on fire by this prophane eastern crew, who ceased not to consume the Cities and country around, till the whole surface of the Island, as far as the western Ocean, was burnt by these dreadful flames. In this devastation, not inferior to that of the Assyrians heretofore upon Juda, was fulfilled in us (according to the History) that which the Prophet, by way of lamentation, says, They have burnt thy sanctuary with fire, they have polluted the tabernacle of thy name in the land. And again, O God, the Heathen are come into thine Inheritance, thy holy temple have they defiled, &c. So that all the Colonies were overturned with Engines; and the inhabitants, together with Bishops, Priests, and People, were cut off by fire and sword, together. In which miserable prospect, a man might likewise see in the streets, the ruins of towers pulled down, † Edito cardine.with their stately gates; the remains of high walls; the sacred altars, and limbs of dead bodies, with clods of blood, hudled together in one mixt ruin, as in a wine-press: for there were no other graves for the dead bodies, than what the fall of houses, or the bowels of beasts and fowls, gave them.

In reading this account, we ought not to be angry with honest Gildas, for inveighing so keenly against the vices of his Country-men the Britains, and the barbarous outrages of the Picts and Scots, and the insatiable cruelty of our Saxon Ancestors. But being now, by engraftings or mixtures for so many ages, become all one people, and civilized by Religion and Humanity, let us consider what they were, and what we ought to be; lest God, provok’d by our sins, should transplant other nations hither, that may either root us out, or enslave us.

BRITAINS of
ARMORICA.

Gildas. Big I IN these miserable and woful times, the remains of the poor Britains, who were found in the mountains, were butcher’d in great numbers; and others, almost kill’d with famine, surrendered themselves to the enemy as their slaves for ever, provided they might not presently be put to death, which was to be taken for a very great favour. Some retired beyond sea, singing under sail after a howling manner († Celeusmatis vice.instead of the Mariner’s Cry,) Thou hast given us, O Lord, as sheep to the slaughter, and scatter’d us among the heathen. Others remain’d in their native country, but with great fears; trusting their lives to vast mountains, dreadful precipices, intrenchments, thick woods, and rocks in the sea. Part of those who pass’d over the sea, were they (without question) who to secure themselves went in great numbers to Armorica in France, where they were received very kindly by the Armoricans. Which (not to mention a community of (a) language, that of Armorica being almost the same with our British or Welch, nor other Writers who agree in this point) is prov’d from an Author of the next age to it, and born in Armorica, who wrote the life of S. Wingualof the Confessor. A race of Britains (says he,) imbark’d in little vessels, were transported over the British sea to this land; the barbarous nation of the Saxons, all of the same terrible and warlike spirit, having possess’d themselves of their native Country. Then that dear race shut themselves within this corner; where, being before almost worn out with fatigues, they are settled in a quiet country. Yet our Historians tell us, that the Britains were seated on that coast long before this. Malmsbury says, That Constantine the Great was saluted Emperor by his army; and, having order’d an expedition for the * * Superiores terras.upper-parts, brought away with him many British Soldiers: by whose means, having obtain’d the Empire by several successful Engagements, he planted such of them as were past service, in a certain part of Gaul towards the west upon the shore; where to this day their posterity remain, incorporated with the Natives, and somewhat alter’d in modes and language from our Britains. This was an Order of Constantine the Emperor: Let the Veterans enter upon the vacant lands, and hold them freely forever. Likewise Ninius,Cod. Theod. lib.7. Tit.20. Maximus the Emperor, who slew Gratian, would not send home the soldiers that had followed him out of Britain, but gave them several countrys, from the Lake above Mons Jovis, to the city called Cantguic, and to the westernCumulus.
 
heap, Cruc-occhidient. He who writes notes upon Ninius, adds, without ground, That the Armorican Britons beyond sea, went from hence in an expedition with Maximus the Tyrant; and when they could not return, destroy’d the western parts of France; and taking their wives and daughters to marriage, cut out all their tongues, lest the children should speak their language. And upon this account, we call them in our language Lhet Vydion, i.e. half silent, because they speak confusedly. I cannot dispute the authority of these Writers; nay, I am of opinion, that the children of these Veterans, were they who receiv’d the Britains that fled afterwards out of their own Country. However, the name of Britains does not appear by the Writers of that age to have been in these parts before the Saxons came into our Britain; except those whom Pliny seems to place in Picardy, and who are called Brinani in some Copies. For if any conclude with Volaterranus, from the fourth book of Strabo, that Britannia was a city of Gaul; let him but look upon the Greek Text, and he will quickly see that Strabo speaks there of the Island of Britain, and not of a City. As for that verse of Dionysius Afer, which I have already cited; some are inclin’d rather to understand it (as Stephanus does) of our Britains, than (with Eustathius) of the Britains in Armorica; especially seeing Festus Avienus, an ancient Writer, has thus render’d it,

Cauris nimiùm vicina * * Britannia.Britannis:
Flavaque cæsariem Germania porrigit ora
.

Cold Britain, plac’d too near the Northern winds,
And yellow hair’d Germany her coast extends.

Nor let any one think, that the BritannicianiBritanniciani. mention’d in the Notitia, came originally from hence; who were only those Troops that were rais’d in our Britain.

(a) See Cornwall; as also Isacius Pontanus, in his Letter to Mr. Camden, published among his Epistles, p.90.

Before the arrival of our Britains, this Country was called ArmoricaArmorica., i.e. by the sea-side;Lexovii parhaps in Pliny. after that, to the same sense, it was call’d in our British tongue, Llydaw, that is, upon the shore; and, by our Latin writers of the middle age, Letavia. And therefore I suppose these to be the LætiLaeti that ZosimusZonaras. speaks of in Gaul, where he takes notice that Magnentius the Tyrant was born among the Læti there, and that his father was a Britain. These * * Called by Procopius, Arborici; and by another, the Country it self Cornu Galliæ, the horn of France.Armorici (during the reign of that Constantine, who was chosen for the sake of his name; and at the time when the Barbarians, over-running France, turned out the Roman Garrisons) made themselves a distinct Common-wealth. But Valentinian the Younger, by the assistance of ÆtiusAEtius , and the mediation of St. German, reduced them. At that time, Exuperantius seems to have govern’d them; of whom Claudius Rutilius writes thus:Galliae

Cujus Aremoricas pater Exuperantius oras
Nunc post liminium pacis amore docet:
Leges restituit, libertatemque reducit,
Et servos famulis non sinit esse suis.

Where great Exuperantius gently sways,
And makes the Natives love return in peace;
Restores their laws, and grateful freedom gives,
Nor basely lets them be his servant’s slaves.

From these verses, it is possible, ÆgidiusAEgidius Maserius might conclude, that the Britains were servants to the Armorici, and regained their freedom by force.

The first mention of the Britains in * * Stillingfl. Orig. Britan. p.187.Armorica that I know of, was in the year 461, about thirty years after the Saxons were call’d into Britain; for then, Mansuetus a British Bishop (among others of that Order in France and Armorica) subscrib’d first in the Council of Tours. The ninth year after, these new inhabitants of France, seeing the Visigoths possess themselves of the fertile countrys of Anjou and Poictou, fell upon them, and were the only people that hinder’d them from conquering all France. For they sided with Anthemius the Roman Emperor, against the Goths; so that ArvandusSid. Apollinar. was condemn’d of high treason, for writing letters to the King of the Goths, advising him to conquer the Britains who lived above the Loire, and to divide France between the Goths and Burgundians. TheseAn. 470. Britains were a cunning sort of people, war-like, seditious, and stubborn, upon the account of their valour, numbers, and allies, says Sidonius Apollinaris in his complaint of them to his friend Riothimus, as he himself calls him (but Jornandes stiles him King of the Britains,) who being afterwards sent for by Anthemius, went with a supply of 12000 men to the aid of the Romans; but before he could joyn them, was defeated in a set Battle by the Goths, and so fled to the Burgundians, who were then Confederate with the Romans. From that time (the Armorici being subdu’d by little and little) the name of Britains prevail’d so much in this their new country, that the whole body of the Inhabitants began to fall under it, and the tract it self to be call’d Britannia Armorica, and to be stil’d by the Franks Britannia Cismarina. Hence J. Scaliger;

Vicit Aremoricas animosa Britannia gentes,
Et dedit imposito nomina prisca jugo
.

Armorica stout Britain overcame,
And with her yoke impos’d her ancient name.

For, that they fell upon their friends who had entertained them, is manifest (among other Authorities) from the words of Regalis Bishop of * * Venetensis. Gregor. Turon. lib.10. c.g.Vennes, concerning himself and his friends. We are enslav’d to the Britains, and undergo a heavy yoke. In after-times, they courageously defended their lives and liberties against the Franks; at first under the conduct of petty Kings, and afterwards under Counts and Dukes; though (as Glaber Rodolphus has it,) their whole wealth consisted inLibertas fisci publici.freedom from tribute, and in plenty of milk. And hence William of Malmsbury, who wrote * * Five, C.six hundred years ago, says thus of them; They are a generation of men very needy at home; and therefore they earn foreign pay in other places by very toilsom work. If they be but well paid, they stick not (out of any regard to Right, or Kindred) at engaging in civil wars; but are mercenary, and for the side that bids most.

The BRITAINS of
Wales and Cornwall.

Big T THE rest of the miserable Britains (who were forc’d to seek a Country in their native one) underwent such terrible Calamities as are not to be express’d: being not only harrass’d with a cruel war carried on in all parts by the Saxons, Picts, and Scots, but every where oppress’d by the intolerable insolence of Tyrants. Who and what these were about the year 500, you shall hear in short from Gildas, who liv’d at that time, and was himself an eye-witness of all this. Constantinus.Constantine, among the Damnonii, though he had bound himself by an express oath before God and the Saints, that he would do the duty of a good Prince, yet slew two children of the blood royal, and their two Tutors (both valiant men) in two Churches, under the Amphibalus of the Abbot (* * As an old Glossary interprets it.a sacred vestment hairy on both sides;) having many years before put away his lawful wife, and defil’d himself with repeated adulteries.

Aurelius ConanusAurelius Conanus, also called Caninus., wallowing in the filth of parricides and adulteries, and hating the peace of his country, was left alone like a tree withering in the open field. His father and brothers were carried away with their own wild whimseys, and surpris’d by untimely deaths.

VortiporiusVortiporius., a tyrant of the Dimetæ,Dimetae the unworthy son of a good father; like a Panther in his manners, and being as much spotted with his sins; sitting in the throne in his grey hairs, full of craft and subtilty, and defil’d with parricides and adulteries, turn’d off his wife, and committed a rape upon her daughter, and then kill’d her.

CuneglasusCuneglasus., in Latin Lanio * * Otherwise writ furvus.fulvus (a yellow Butcher) a bear riding upon many, and the driver of the chariot which carries the bear, a despiser of God, and oppressor of the Clergy, fighting against God with sins, and against men with Arms; he turn’d off his wife, persecuted the Saints, was proud of his own wisdom, and trusted in the uncertain strength of his own riches.

MaglocunusMaglocunus., an Island Dragon (who had deprived many tyrants of their Kingdoms and lives) was ever the first in mischief; his strength and malice was generally above that of others; he gave more largely, sinned more profusely, fought more stoutly, and excelled all the Commanders of Britain both in extent of Dominions, and in the stature and gracefulness of his person. In his youth, he fell upon his Uncle then a King, with the flower of his forces, and destroy’d his Territories with fire and sword. Afterwards, when the fantastick thoughts of reigning in an arbitrary manner were gone, he fell into such remorse of conscience, that he profess’d himself a Monk; yet he soon return’d to his vomit, and breaking his monastick Vow, despis’d his first marriage, and fell in love with the wife of his own brother’s son then living; he kill’d the son, and his own wife, after he had liv’d some time with her; and then he marry’d the brother’s son’s wife, on whom he had before settled his affections. But the relation of these things belongs to Historians; who have falsly made these Tyrants to succeed one another: whereas it was at the very same time (as appears from Gildas who speaks to them all severally) that they usurp’d the Government in several parts of the Island.

These few remains of the Britains withdrew themselves into the western parts of the Island, namely, those which we call Wales and Cornwall; which are fortified by nature with hills and æstuaries.aestuaries estuaries

Cornwealas, Britwealas, Walsh, Welshmen. The Inhabitants of the first of those Countries were call’d by the Saxons * * Vid. Somner’s Glossary at the end of the Decem Scriptores, under the title Wallia.Britwealas, and the others, Cornwealas; as those in Gaul were call’d Galwealas. For, whatever was exotick and foreign; they call’d, Walsh; from whence also the Walloones in Holland, and the Vallachi upon the Danube, were originally nam’d. These Britwealas, or Welshmen, were a warlike people, and for many ages maintained their liberty under petty Kings of their own. Although they were separated from the English by a wonderful trench cast by King Offa; yet they were ever now and then making Inroads, and wasting their cities with fire and sword; and likewise were repay’d by the Saxons in the same kind. Walliae Statutum Walliæ. At last, in the reign of Edw. I. (as he writes of himself) The Divine Providence, which disposeth all things rightly, among other dispensations by which he has vouchsafed to bless us and our Kingdom of England, hath now by his mercy subjected the Kingdom of Wales, with the inhabitants thereof (who were before Feudatories to us) wholly and fully without let or hindrance, to our dominion; having annexed and united the same to the crown of our said Realm, as a member of the self same body. Notwithstanding, in the next age, nothing could perswade them to continue in subjection, no accommodation could be made, nor could the hatred between the two Nations be utterly extinguish’d, till Henry the seventh (as born among them) shew’d great favour and indulgence to the Country, and Henry the eighth admitted them to the benefit of the same laws and liberties that the English enjoy. Since that, and a long time before, the Kings of England have found them upon many occasions a People of untainted loyalty. But the Cornwalli were soon reduc’d under the dominion of the Saxons, in spight of all the opposition they could make in defence of their country; being over-match’d in numbers, and their territories not well enough guarded by nature to protect them.

Thus much may suffice concerning the Britains and the Romans. However, since I am treating of the Inhabitants, I must take notice of what Zosimus relates (though I took notice of it before,) That Probus the Emperor transplantedLib. 1. Vandals and Burgundians in Britain. the Vandals and Burgundians whom he had conquered, into Britain; who being settled here, proved very serviceable to the Romans, upon all Seditions and Insurrections. But where they could be seated, unless in Cambridgeshire, I cannot tell. For Gervasius Tilburiensis makes mention of an old Vallum in this County, which he calls Vandelsburg, and says it was a work of the Vandals.

I would not have any imagin, that in the time of Constantius, the Carthaginians were seated here, grounding upon that passage of Eumenius the Rhetorician; Nisi fortè non gravior Britanniam ruina depresserat, quam si perfusa tegeretur Oceano, quæ profundissimo Pœnorum gurgite liberata, ad conspectum Romanæ lucis emersit, i.e. If that destruction of Britain were not greater, than if it had been overwhelm’d with the Ocean: But now, being freed from a deep gulf of the [Pœni,]Poeni she lifts up her head at the sight of the Roman light. For there is an old Copy which belong’d to Humphry Duke of Glocester, and after that to the Right Honourable Baron Burghley Lord High-Treasurer of England, wherein it is read PœnarumPoenarum gurgitibus. And he seems to treat of those Grievances and Calamities, which they endur’d under Carausius.

Nor, from that of Agathias in the second book of his History, The Britains are a nation of the Hunns, would I have any one asperse our Britains, or conclude them to be Hunns. For in the Greek Copy it is read Greek text and not Britones, as I was assur’d long since by the learned Francis Pithæus;Pithaeus and as J. Lewenclaius, a very excellent Historian, has now publish’d it.

THE
PICTS.

Big N NOW, of the other Inhabitants of Britain: And first of the Picts; who, in point of Antiquity, are allow’d by Historians to come next in order to the Britains. Hector Boëtius Boetius derives these people from the Agathyrsi; and Pomponius LætusLaetus , Aventinus, and others, from the Germans. Some fetch them from the Pictones in Gaul, and Bede from the Scythians. It happen’d (says he) that the Picts sailed from Scythia (as the report goes) in some few gallies into Ireland, and having in vain desired of the Scots a settlement there, they went over to Britain by their advice, and fix’d in the north parts of it, about the year 78, according to the receiv’d opinion.

In such (a) a variety of Conjectures, I know not which to adhere to; however to show, as near as I can, how this matter stands, I will deliver my own thoughts of it. And if the Authority of Venerable Bede were not an overbalance to all Conjectures; I should be apt to think that the Picts were not transplanted from any other country, but were originally Britains, I mean those very Britains, who, before the Romans came here, inhabited the north parts of the Island; those who, refusing to be slaves to the Romans (as they are a People most averse to servitude) afterwards join’d them. For as those Britains, who upon the Saxon invasion were loth to part with their liberty, withdrew and retreated to the west parts of the Island, viz. Wales and Cornwall, which are full of steep and craggy hills; so doubtless the Britains, in the Roman war, rather than be brought under slavery (the worst of evils) shifted to these northern parts, which are defended by the inclemency of the air, by rough and craggy mountains, and by the Sea, and the Bogs; where they were secured, not so much by their weapons, as by the sharpness of the air, and, by degrees, grew up with the natives into a populous Country. For Tacitus tells us, that the enemies of the Romans were driven into these parts (as into another Island) by Agricola his father-in-law; and no one questions, but they were Britains who peopled these remote parts of the Island. For can it be imagin’d, that those Britains who were at war with the Romans (an army of 30000 fighting men, led out against Agricola; who also gave Severus such terrible defeats, that in one expedition seventy thousand of his Roman and confederate Troops were cut off,) were every soul of them destroy’d, without one remaining to propagate a Posterity, so as we must needs people the place with foreigners from Scythia or Thrace? I am so far from believing it (though Bede hath said it, upon the credit of others,) that I should sooner affirm them to have been fruitful to such a degree, that their own country was unable to hold and maintain them, and that therefore they were constrain’d to break in upon the Roman Province; as afterwards they certainly did, when the Scots had settled among them. But because Bede says it, according to the common report of those times; I am very apt to believe, that some from Scandia (which was, heretofore, with all that northern tract, call’d Scythia) might arrive among these Northern Britains, by the help of that continu’d set of Islands, lying almost close to one another.

(a) See Bishop Usher’s Antiquitat. Britan. Eccles. cap.15. where their original is fully discussed. Dr. Stillingfleet, Orig. Britan. p.246. proves them to have their original from Scandinavia.

Lest any one should imagin that I suffer my self to be impos’d on by a specious lie; I think, I can shew from the manners, name, and language of the Picts (in all which they will appear to agree with our Britains,) that they were indeed the very Britains themselves.

Without observing, that neither the Picts (according to Bede,) nor the Britains (according to Tacitus) made any distinction of Sex in point of Government, or excluded the Females from the Crown; it is certain, that the fashion of painting, and dawbing themselves with colours, was common to both nations. Thus much we have already observ’d among the Britains; and Claudian will shew us the same among the Picts,

Nec falso nomine Pictos
Edomuit

— In happy war o’ercame
The Picts that differ nothing from their name.

Again,

Ferroque notatas
Perlegit exanimes Picto moriente figuras
.

— And oft survey’d
Pale ir’n-burnt figures on the dying Pict.

Isidorus is no less clear in this matter. The name of the Picts answers their body; because they squeeze out the juice of herbs, and imprint it on their bodies by pricking their skins with a needle; so that the spotted nobility bear these scars in their painted limbs as a badge of honour.

But how can we imagin that these Picts were Germans, who never had any such way of painting among them? or that they were the Agathyrsi of Thrace, a people so very far off;See pag. cxl. and not rather the very Britains, seeing they were in the same Island, and had the very same custom of painting?

Nor are those Barbarians (who so long infested the Romans by sallies out of the Caledonian wood and the most northerly parts thereabouts,) mention’d by any other name in ancient Authors, Dio, Herodian, Vopiscus, &c. than that of Britains. Likewise Tacitus (who gives a full account of the wars of his father-in-law Agricola in these extreme parts of Britain) calls the Inhabitants by no other name than this of Britanni, and è Caledonia Britanni; whereas these new-comers the Picts had been here ten years before, according to our modern writers; which deserves our observation, since Tacitus knew nothing of them in his time. Nor would those Roman Emperors, who carried on the war successfully against them, Commodus, Severus, and Bassianus and Geta his sons, have assum’d the title of Britannici upon the conquest of them, in case they had not been Britains. Without doubt, if the Romans (with whom every thing unknown, was magnificent) had conquered any other nation different from the Britains and unknown before, whether they had been call’d Picts or Scots, they would have had those titles of Picts or Scots in their Coins and Inscriptions. Tacitus conjectures from their red hair and the bigness of their limbs, that they came originally from Germany; but immediately after, he ascribes it more truly to the Climate, which models the bodies of men. Whereupon, Vitruvius: The parts towards the north-pole produce men of huge bulk, taunish colour, and lank red hair. Moreover, that the Caledonians (who without dispute were Britains) were the very same Nation with the Picts, we have another hint in that of the Panegyrist, Caledonum aliorumque Pictorum sylvas, &c. i.e. the words of the Caledonians and other Picts; implying, that the Caledonians were no other than the Picts. And that these Caledonians were a British Nation, Martial intimates in this verse,

Quinte Caledonios Ovidî visure Britannos.

Friend Ovid, who your voyage now design
To Caledonian Britains, &c.—

Ausonius also; who at the same time tells us they were painted, when he compares their colour to green moss mix’d with gravel;

Viridem distinguit glarea muscum
Tota Caledonius talis pictura Britannis
.

Green moss with yellow sand distinguish’d grows,
Just so the Caledonian Britain shows.

But as these were known for a long time by no other name than that of Britains, and this name was from their painted bodies; so afterwards about the time of Maximinian and Dioclesian (before which, the word Picts is not to be met with in any Writer,) when Britain had been so long a Province that the Inhabitants began to understand the Provincial Latin; these seem first to have been call’d Picts, to distinguish them from those who were confederate with the Romans, and call’d Britains. And what could give occasion for calling them Picts, but that they painted themselves? If any one make it a question, whether our Britains used the Provincial Latin, he has not observ’d, what pains were taken by the Romans to bring the Provinces to speak that language, nor what multitudes of Latin words have crept into the British tongue. Not to urge the authority of Tacitus; who writes, that in Domitian’s time, the Britains affected the very Eloquence of the Roman language. Lib. 4. c.37.But as for this name of Picts, the authority of Flavius Vegetius will clear all doubts concerning it. He shows very plainly, that the Britains us’d the word PictæPictae to express a thing colour’d, in the very same sense that the Romans did. For he says, the Britains call’d your Scout-pinnaces Pictæ, the sails and cables thereof being dy’d blue, and the mariners and soldiers clad in habits of the same colour. Certainly, if the Britains call’d ships from their sails of a blue-dye, Pictæ, there is no reason in the world, why they should not give the name Picti to a people that painted their bodies with several colours, and especially with blue; for that is the dye that woad gives.

It is also to our purpose, that the Northern Picts, who were converted to Christianity by the preaching and example of S. Columbanus, are call’d in the old Saxon Annals (a) Brittas Peohtas, i.e. British Picts.

(a) In all the Copies I have seen, they are simply called Pihtas.

Language of the Picts. The reason why there are not more arguments from the Language of the Picts, is, because there is hardly a syllable of it to be found in any Author: however, it seems to have been the same with the British. Bede tells us, that a Vallum began at a place call’d in the Pictish tongue Penuahel; now Pengual in British expressly signifies the head or the beginning of the Vallum. Moreover, in all that part of the Island which was longest possess’d by the Picts (namely, the East-part of Scotland,) many names of places savour of a British original: for example, Morria, and Marnia, from the British word Mor, because those countries border upon the sea: Aberden, Aberlothnet, Aberdore, Aberneith; that is, the mouth of the Den, of the Lothnet, of the Dore, and of the Neith; from the British Aber, which signifies the mouth of a river. So Strathbolgy, Strathdee, Strathearn, that is, the Vale of Bolgy, of the Dee, and of the Earne; from Strath, which is a vally in British. Nay, the very Metropolis of the Picts has a name that is evidently of British Extraction; I mean Edinburgh (which Ptolemy calls Castrum alatum;) for Aden signifies a wing in British. Nor will I strain it into an argument, that some of the petty Kings of the Picts were called Bridii, that is, in British (as I have often observ’d already) (b) painted.

(b) The true signification of Brith, see before, under the title, Name of Britain; and Somner’s Glossary to the Decem Scriptores, under Britannia.

From what has been said, we may reasonably infer that the language of the Picts was not different from that of the Britains; and therefore that the nations themselves were not different. Bede indeed speaks of the language of the Picts and Britains as different; in which place, he seems to mean the dialects only, by the word Language.

Nor is it strange that the Picts should by their incursions make such a terrible slaughter of their Countrymen the Britains; seeing at this day, in Ireland, those who are subject to the English, have no such malicious and spiteful enemies as their own fellow-natives the Wild-Irish. For, as Paulus Diaconus has it, As the Goths, HyppogothsHypogoths , Gepidians and Vandals, changing their name only, and speaking the self same language, were frequently at wars with one another; just so were the Picts and Britains; especially after the last became Confederate with the Romans. These are the motives that have induc’d or rather forc’d me to think the Picts, a remainder of the Britains. But perhaps the Authority of Bede may overbalance all these; and if the Reader so please, I am content that a Tradition handed by so great a man, and built only upon the report of others, do prevail against these Conjectures.

Stillingf. Orig. Brit. p.239. ⌈And that account which Bede gives, of their coming from Scythia, is prefer’d by a late learned Historian, before the foregoing Opinion, That they were originally Britains. Against which it is urg’d by him, That Eumenius the Panegyrist (the first who mentions the Picts) expressly distinguishes them from the Britains, and supposes them to be Enemies to each other, The Britains, says he, were exercised by the arms of the Picts and Scots: That tho’ Dio sets down the names of distinction then us’d for the Extra-provincial Britains, he divides them into two sorts, Mæatæ,Maeatae and Caledonii; but says nothing of any Picts: That, at that time, Zonaras calls them all by the name of Britains: That, as to the Authority of the Panegyrist, who seems to call the Caledonians (who were undoubtedly Britains) Picts, in that expression, Non dico Caledonum aliorumque Pictorum Sylvas; the reading, as Valesius observes, ought to be, Non Dicaledonum aliorumque Pictorum, agreeably to Ammianus Marcellinus’s Division of the Picts into Dicaledones and Vecturiones: That if it be ask’d, why Tacitus, Dio, Herodian, Vopiscus, &c. take no notice of any Enemy to the Romans in those parts, besides the Britains, if there was another distinct Nation; it may as well be ask’d, why the later Writers do so distinctly mention the Picts, if they were no other than the old Britains ? If they were not, they were painted from the beginning, and whence then came the new name of Picts so long after? and why do the Roman Writers, all of a sudden alter their style, and exchange the name Britains, so famous among the Romans, for that of Picts, which was not heard of before? In favour of Bede’s Opinion, that they came from Scythia (taking Scythia, according to Strabo’s account of the ancient division, for the whole north-part of Europe, as Celtia was the west,) it is alledg’d, That ClaudianAtlant. s.9. makes Thule the country of the Picts, and Olaus Rudbeck hath made it very probable that by Thule, Scandinavia is meant, as best agreeing with the ancient relations concerning Thule: That it appears from the old Gothick Histories, to have been the custom of the Scythians, to make frequent Expeditions to sea, for booty and for new settlements: That Pliny reckons the Agathyrsi among these Scythians, and it appears that the Agathyrsi were remarkable heretofore for painting their Bodies, from that of Virgil, Pictique Agathyrsi, and from what Solinus says of them, “That their Bodies were painted Colore cæruleocaeruleo , just as the old Picts were.” That Tacitus observes of the Arii, a fierce Northern People, that they had tincta corpora, or in other words were Picts; and Virgil saith the same of the Geloni, who were next neighbours to the Agathyrsi. Since therefore, Olaus Rudbeck settles the Agathyrsi upon the Baltick Sea; this may seem to point out to us the proper original of our Picts, or the place from whence they came over into this northpart of Britain.⌉

Deucalidonii & Vecturiones. Ammianus Marcellinus divides the Picts into Dicalidonii and Vecturiones; I should rather read Deucalidonii, and suppose them to have inhabited the West coast of Scotland, where the Deucalidonian Ocean breaks in. Although I formerly imagin’d them to be so called, as if one should say Nigri Caledonii (for Dee signifies black in British;) just as the Irish at this day call the Scotch of that country Duf Allibawn, that is, black Scots; and as the Welch call’d the Pirates who infested them from that coast, Yllu du, the black Army. But it is more probable, that they took that name from their situation. For Deheu Caledonii signifies the Caledonians living on the right hand, that is, to the Westward: as the other Picts dwelling to the left, or the East (which Ninnius calls the left-hand quarter) were term’d Vecturiones, perhaps from the word Chwithic, which signifies the left hand in British; and are fansy’d by some to be corruptly nam’d in Ptolemy, Vernicones.

Primord. p.1021. ⌈But, in opposition to this conjecture, Archbishop Usher proves, that by the right hand and left hand among the Britains, is understood, not the west and the east, but the south and the north; agreeable to Bede’s division of the Picts into northern and southern, by a ridge of Mountains, which was probably the Mons Grampius, and was afterwards the bound between the Scots and the Picts, after the Scots had settled themselves in that part of the Territories of the Picts, which lay next to Ireland.⌉

An old Saxon Fragment seems to express the Picts by the word Pegweorn, for under that name it speaks of a Nation at enmity with the Britains; whereas, the ancient Saxons called the Picts, (a) Pehits, and Peohtas. Hence in Whitkindus, Pehiti is every where instead of Picti.

(a) Pihtas is common in the Saxon; but Pehits I never observed.

Customs and manners of the Picts. The manners and customs of those ancient and barbarous Britains, who afterwards † † See p.xliii. and cxl.went by the name of Picti, are already describ’d from Dio and Herodian. It remains now, that I continue the history of them. Upon the decline of the Empire, when the Romans unwarily rais’d those Troops of Barbarians; some of the Picts were added by HonoriusBlondus. (when there was every where a profound peace) to the standing Army of the Empire, and call’d Honoriaci.Honoriaci. These, in the reign of the tyrant Constantine, (he (b) who was elected for the sake of his name) laid open the passes of the Pyrenees, and let the Barbarians into Spain. And at length (having first by themselves, and after, with the Scots their Allies, exceedingly annoy’d this Province of the Romans) they began to be civiliz’d. Those of the South were converted to ChristianityBede. by Ninia or Ninianus the Britain a most holy man, about the year 430; but those of the North (who were separated from the others by a craggy ridge of high mountains) were converted by Columbanus, an Irish-Scot, and a Monk of extraordinary sanctity, in the year 565. He taught them (wherever he learn’d it) to celebrate the feast of Easter, between the 14th day of March and the 20th, but always upon Sunday; and also, to use another kind of Tonsure than the Romans did, namely, that which resembles a Crown. These points were sharply contested for a long time in the Island, till Naitan, King of the Picts, with much ado brought his Subjects to a conformity with the Roman Church. In this age, many of the Picts, according to the custom of those times, went in Pilgrimage to Rome; and, among others, one of them is recorded in the Antiquities of St. Peter’s Cathedral there, in these words, Asterius, a Count of the Picts.Asterius, Count of the Picts, and Syra with his men, perform’d their Vows. At last, they were so overpower’d by the Scots flowing in upon them from Ireland; that, being defeated in a bloody Engagement about the year 740, they were either quite extinguished, or did slide by little and little into the name and nation of the Scots. Which very thing befel the mighty Kingdom of the Gauls; who, being conquer’d by the Franks, came by degrees under the same name.

(b) See a more distinct account of his Election and Actions, given by Mr. Camden in the County of Southampton.

Caesar When the Panegyrist intimates, that before Cæsar’s time Britain was haunted by its half-naked Enemies the Picts and Scots, he seems to speak the language of his own age; for * * Pag. cxl.certainly they were not then in Britain, under the name of Picts.

And when Sidonius Apollinaris says, in his Panegyrick to his Father-in-law,

—— Victricia Cæsar
Signa Caledonius transvexit ad usque Britannos,
Fuderit & quantum Scotum, & cum Saxone Pictum
.

—— Tho’ Cæsar’s conqu’ring arms as far
As Caledonian Britains urg’d the war,
Tho’ Scots and Picts with Saxons he subdu’d.

I cannot but cry out in the words of another Poet,

Sit nulla fides augentibus omnia Musis.

No credit justly should the Muses find,
That soar so high, they leave the truth behind.

Cæsar, who is prodigal enough in his own praises, would never have conceal’d these exploits, if he had done them. But such writers are not unlike some well-meaning Authors of this age, who, in the history of Cæsar, tell us that he conquer’d the French in Gaul, and the English in Britain; whereas, at that time there were no such names in being, neither that of the English here, nor of the French there; for it was many ages after, that these People came into their respective Countries.

⌈But an argument has been rais’d from the foregoing passage of Eumenius the Panegyrist, not only to make the name of the Picts more ancient, but also to prove that they were in Cæsar’s time a distinct Colony dwelling in Britain. The words of the Panegyrist are these, Ad hoc Natio etiam tunc rudis, & soli Britanni Pictis modo & Hibernis assueta hostibus, adhuc seminudis, facile Romanis armis signisque cesserunt, i.e. In Cæsar’s time, an undisciplin’d Nation, the Britains alone, a Nation that knew no Enemy but the Picts and Irish, and a People half-naked, were easily put to flight by the Romans. Trophaea The argumentBuchan, l.2. drawn from hence by a learned Writer of the Scotch Nation, is, that the Panegyrist speaks of the Picts of the British soyle; whereasStillingf. Orig. Brit. p.58. it is evident that he there lays the comparison between the Victories of Cæsar and Constantius in Britain, and gives the advantage to that of Constantius, in this respect among others, that Cæsar had none but the Britains to encounter; but Constantius was to fight also against a Roman Legion, and other foreign soldiers that were drawn over to the side of Carausius and Allectus; as it is set forth in the very next paragraph. And besides, if Eumenius had meant the British soile, he would have said soli Britannici, and not Britanni; in the same manner that he said in the same Oration, Victoria Britannica; and in another, Britannica Trophæa.⌉

caesarPictones. That the Pictones of Gaul were the same nation with our Picts, I dare not, with Johannes Picardus, believe; seeing the name Pictones was very famous in Gaul, even in Cæsar’s time; and these of ours are no where express’d by that name: unless it be in one passage of the Panegyrist, where I know that Pictonum, by a slip of the transcriber, is put for Pictorum.

THE
SCOTS.

Big T THE place, among the British Nations, next to the Picts, is in justice due to the Scots: But before I proceed (lest some spiteful and ill-natur’d persons should misconstrue those things for calumny, which with all sincerity I have collected out of ancient Writers concerning them) I must caution the Reader, once for all, that every word is to be understood of the old, true, and genuine Scots; whose posterity are those that speak Irish, possessing for a long way together that tract which we now call the West part of Scotland and the Islands thereabouts; and who are commonly term’d Highland-men. For the more civilized who inhabit the Eastpart of the country, though adopted into that name, are not really Scots, but of the same German original with us English. This, they cannot but confess, and we cannot but acknowledge; they, as well as we, being called by the Highlanders, Sassones. Besides, they speak the same language, namely the Saxon, with some variation in Dialect only; which is an infallible proof of the same original. In which regard, I am so far from casting any reflection upon them, that I have always loved them the more, as men of the same blood and extraction, and respected them highly, even when the Kingdoms were distinct; and now much more, since by the good Providence of God we are † † Under James 1.united into one body, under one Sovereign Head of England and Scotland; which Union may the Almighty ever bless, to the happy, prosperous, and peaceful state of both nations.

The † † See Bishop Usher’s Antiquat. Britan. Eccles. cap. 15.original of the Scotch nation, as well as its neighbours, and the etymology of the name, are so wrapt up in obscurity, that even the sagacious Buchanan either did not discover it, or only discover’d it to himself: for he has utterly fail’d the expectation of the world in this point. Upon which account, I have long forborn to enter the lists; not caring to play the fool, as others have done, in admiring fables. AEgypt Egypt For, one may as probably refer the original of Scotland to the Gods, as to Scota the sham-daughter of Pharaoh King of Ægypt, married to Gaithelus son of Cecrops the founder of Athens. Scota, Pharaoh’s daughter. But, as this opinion is rejected by the ingenious among the Scots themselves, as a gross ignorance in Antiquity; so that other of a later date, absurdly fetch’d from a Greek original, as if the Scots were so call’d quasi Greek, that is, obscure; is also to be exploded, as spightfully invented, to the dishonour of a most famous and warlike nation. Nor is the opinion of our Florilegus, that the Scots are so called as sprung from a confused medley of nations, universally receiv’d. In the mean time, I cannot but admire, upon what grounds Isidore could say, That the Scots in their own tongue have their name from their painted bodies, because they are marked by iron needles and ink, with various figures. Lib. g. c.2. Which is also alledg’d in the same words by Rabanus Maurus, in his Geography, to the Emperor Lodovicus Pius; to be seen in Trinity-College Library at Oxford.

But seeing Scotland has those within her self who are able to trace her Original from the highest steps of Antiquity, to their own honour and that of their Country, if they will but heartily set themselves to it; I will only point out the Fountain from whence I conceive these Truths are to be drawn, and offer some things, which I would have them diligently consider: for in this point I profess my self a Sceptick.

Ireland the Country of the Scots. First therefore of their original, and then of the place from whence they were transplanted into Ireland. For it is plain, that out of Ireland (an Isle peopled by the Britains, as shall be shown in its proper place,) they came over into Britain; and that they were seated in Ireland, when they first became known to Writers by that name. So Claudian, speaking of their inroads into Britain;

Totam cùm ScotusIernem.Hibernem
Movit, & infesto spumavit remige Thetis
.

When Scots came thundring from the Irish shores,
And th’ ocean trembled struck with hostile oars.

In another place also,

Scotorum cumulos flevit glacialis * * Ierne.Hiberne.

And frozen Ireland moan’d the crowding heaps
Of murther’d Scots.—

⌈This last passage is by a late learned Advocate for the Antiquity of the Scots in Britain, apply’d, not to Ireland, but to Scotland, and to Strathern a particular Province thereof, so call’d from the river Ern, from whence the Country might be call’d Ierne. But this, however an ingenious conjecture, seems to be inconsistent with that other passage of Claudian, just now mention’d; which plainly supposes the Scots to be then in Ireland, and to cross a Sea into Britain. And so Buchanan himself understands this passage of Claudian; and Gildas, where he gives an account how the Scots infested Britain, speaks of their coming by sea, and carrying away their prey beyond the sea, and says, that the Roman forces drove them trans maria, beyond the Seas. Nor does it seem, by any means, to be a fair solution of this difficulty, to say that these Seas were only the Friths, over which the Scots pass’d from one part of Scotland to another. For altho’ it is true, that these Friths are sometimes call’d Maria or Seas, yet they cannot be meant on this occasion, because Gildas and Bede expressly tell us, “That when the Roman Legion first defeated the Picts and Scots, they commanded a wall to be built between the two Seas to hinder their Incursion”; which would have serv’d no end or purpose, if their former custom had been, to cross over the two Friths, and land on this side the Wall. So that the plain meaning must be, that the Scots cross’d the sea from Ireland, and landing in the north-parts of Britain, joyn’d the Picts, and so march’d towards the Wall, and, as the same Historians say, pull’d the poor Britains from it with hooks, and forc’d their passage into the Roman Province; which had been needless, if their way had been, to pass over the Friths, between which the Wall was built.

But to proceed.⌉ Orosius likewise writes; Ireland is peopled by nations of the Scots. Agreeable to which is that of Isidore. Scotland and Ireland are the same: but it is called Scotland, because it is peopled by nations of the Scots. Gildas calls them Hibernos grassatores, Irish robbers. Bede also, The Scots, who inhabit Ireland, an Island next to Britain. And so in other places. Eginhardus, who lived in the age of Charles the Great, expressly calls Ireland, the Island of the Scots. Thus also Giraldus Cambrensis, That the Scotch nation is the off-spring of Ireland, is sufficiently prov’d by the resemblance of Language and Dress, as well as of arms and customs, continu’d to this day. But now of the Points, which I had to offer, to be further considered by the Scots.

Gaiothel, or Gaithel, and Gael. Since they who are the true genuine Scots, own not the name of Scots, but call themselves Gaiothel, Gael, and Albin; and many People are call’d by their neighbours after another name than what they give themselves, by which the first rise of nations is often traced; (for instance, the people of the lower Pannonia, who call themselves Magier, are call’d by the Germans Hungari, because they were originally Hunns; the People bordering upon the forest of Hercynia, go by the name of Czechi among themselves, whereas they are call’d by others Bohæmi,Bohaemi because they are the off-spring of the Boii in Gaul; the Inhabitants of Africa, who have also a peculiar name among themselves, are call’d by the Spaniards Alarbes, because they are Arabians; the Irish, who call themselves Erenach, are by our Britains call’d Gwidhill; and both the Irish and Britains give the English no other name than Sasson, because we are descended from the Saxons:) Since these things are so; I desire it may be enquir’d by the Scots, whether they were not so call’d by their neighbours, quasi Scythæ.Scythae For, as the Low-Dutch call both Scythians and Scots by one name, Scutten; so it may be observ’d from the British writers, that our Britains likewise called both of them Y-Scot. Ninnius also expressly calls the British inhabitants of Ireland, Scythæ, and Gildas calls that Sea which they pass’d over out of Ireland into Britain, Vallis Scythica.Vallis Scythica. For so it is in the Paris Edition, whereas other Editions absurdly read it Styticha vallis. Again, King Alfred (who, † † Seven, C.eight hundred years ago, turn’d Orosius’s History into Saxon) translates Scots by the word Scyttan; and our own borderers on Scotland do not call them Scots, but Scyttes and Scetts. For as the same people (so Walsingham has it) areIn his Hypodigma. call’d GetæGetae , Getici, Gothi, Gothici; so from one and the same original come ScythæScythae , Scitici, Scoti, Scotici.

But whether the name was given that nation by the neighbours, on account of its Scythian manners, or because they came from Scythia; is what I would have them consider in the next place. Lib. 6.
Strabo
, lib. 4.
For Diodorus Siculus and Strabo expressly compare those Britains, who were the original Inhabitants of Ireland (the true native country of the Scots,) to the Scythians, in point of barbarity. Besides, they drink the blood out of the wounds of the slain, they ratifie their leagues with mutual draughts of blood, and the wild Irish and those who are true Scots think their honour greater or less, in proportion to the numbers they have slain; as the Scythians heretofore did. Farther, it is observable, that the main weapons among the Scots, as well as among the Scythians, were bows and arrows. For Orpheus calls the Scythians Greek text, as ÆlianAElian and Julius Pollux, Sagittarii, Archers; and upon this, the learned are of opinion that both nations took that name from their skill in shooting. Nor is it strange, that several nations should take the same name, from the same Customs; since those who have travell’d the West-Indies, tell us, that their stout men who use bows and arrows, are call’d all over India and the Islands about it, by the common name ofCaribes.
Benzo, lib. 2.
Caribes, tho’ they are of several nations.

But that the Scots came from Scythia, the Irish Historians themselves relate; for they reckon Nemethus the Scythian, and long after, Dela (descended from the posterity of Nemethus, or, in other words, of Scythian extraction) among the first inhabitants of Ireland. Ninnius also, Eluodugus’s Scholar, expressly writes thus: In the fourth age of the world (the space between the building of the Temple and the Babylonish Captivity) the Scythians possess’d themselves of Ireland. Agreeable to this, is the authority of modern writers; of Cisner in his Preface to Crantzius; and ofTom. 1. p.37. Reinerus Reineccius, who says, There remains a nation of the Scots in Britain, descended from the Scythians. praefFlahert. Ogyg. p.67. 350.Stillingfl. Orig. Brit. Præf. p.37. ⌈And a late learned Irish Antiquary declares, That it appears by all their ancient Records, that they had their original from the Scythians; observing also, that a part of their Country in their own language is called Gœthluighe,Goethluighe i.e. Gothland, from the Goths or Scythians who took possession of it.⌉ Yet I much question, notwithstanding the Getes were a Scythick nation, whether Propertius means our Irish, when he says,

Hibernique Getæ, Pictoque Britannia curru.

And Irish Getes, and British foes that ride
In painted Chariots —

From whence the Scots came into Ireland. But perhaps the honour of the Scots is not to be sav’d in this point, unless they be transplanted from Spain into Ireland: For this, both they and their Historians do as zealously contend for, as if their lives and liberties were at stake; and indeed not without some reason. Scythians in Spain. And therefore all this is but lost labour, if there are no Scythians to be found in Spain. But that there were Scythians in Spain (not to mention the Promontory among the Cantabri, called Scythicum, next to Ireland; nor what Strabo writes, that the Cantabri were like the Scythians in manners and barbarity,) is clear from Silius Italicus, who was born in Spain. Concani. For that the Cancani, a nation of Cantabria, were the off-spring of the Massagetæ,Massagetae i.e. the Scythians, appears by this verse of his;

Sil. Ital.
Lib. 3.
Et quæ Massagetem monstrans feritate parentem
Cornipedis fusa satiaris Concane venâ
.

Concans, that show themselves of Scythian strain,
And horse’s blood drink from the reeking vein.

Some few lines after, he informs us that the Sarmatæ,Sarmatae (who are granted by all to be Scythians) built Susana, a City of Spain;

Sarmaticos attollens Susana muros.

Susan, that rears her proud Sarmatian walls.

Luceni. From these Sarmatæ, or Scythians, the Luceni, whom Orosius places in Ireland, seem to be descended (seeing Susana is reckon’d by the Spaniards themselves among the Lucensii;) as likewise the Gangani of Ireland, from these Concani. For the Lucensii and Concani among the Cantabri, were neighbours; as the Luceni and Gangani were, on the coast of Ireland which lies towards Spain. If anyone start the question, What Scythians these were that came into Spain? I can say nothing to it, unless you allow them to have been Germans. And I wish, the Scots themselves would consider this point. Germans in Spain. That the Germans formerly enter’d Spain (not to urge the authority of Pliny, who calls the Oretani of Spain, Germans,) Seneca, who was himself a Spaniard, will shew us. De Consul. ad Albin.
Lib. 4. c.12.
The Pyrenees, (says he) did not stop the passage of the Germans; theHumana Levitas.Levity of human nature forc’d it self through these impassable and unknown ways. And that the Germans were called Scythians, may not only be gather’d from Ephorus and Strabo, who call all the nations towards the north Scythians; but also from Pliny. The name of Scythian (says he) is every where used among the Sarmatæ and Germans. Aventinus is my witness, that the Germans were call’d Scythæscythae scythulae and Scythulæ by the Hungarians. Now, to derive their Original from the Scythians, can be no way dishonourable, since they are not only a most ancient people, but have conquer’d many other nations; have been invincible themselves, and free from any foreign yoke. I must not omit, that the Cauci and Menapii (who were reckon’d among the most famous nations in Germany) are placed by Ptolemy, under the same names and at the same distance, in Ireland; which makes it probable, that they had both Name and Original from the Germans.

Vassæus. If the Scots are not descended from these; I would have them consider, whether they are not the off-spring of those Barbarians, who were driven out of GallæciaGallaecia in Spain by Constantine the Great, according to the Chronicle of King Alphonsus. For it is from those parts, that they would have themselves transplanted into Ireland. If they examin who these Barbarians were; I doubt not, but they will agree with me, that they were Germans. Vassaeus Cantabriae For in the reign of Gallienus, Orosius says, that the more remote Germans possess’d themselves of SpainAbrasa.then wasted; and who could these remote Germans be, but the Scythians? But Aurelius Victor, published by Andreas Schottus, calls those Germans, Franks. Yet, seeing these Franks and the remoter Germans sailing out of Germany, were carry’d by stress of weather a long way into the Ocean, and, as Nazarius says to Constantine, infested the Spanish coasts all along our seas; who can believe that they left Ireland (a most fruitful Island, and excellently situated for Descents into Spain) for the dry barren soil of * * Cantabriæ.Biscay? Nay rather, as the Norwegians from Scandia, in the time of Charlemain and after, often invaded Ireland and got footing there; so we may probably imagin that formerly the Franks did the same, and that they pass’d from thence into Spain;Orosius, lib. 7. and, being driven out there by Constantine the Great, return’d to Ireland. It is also likely, that more of them afterwards went thither; as well when the Vandals and Goths made those terrible devastations in Spain, and the barbarians were at war among themselves, and kill’d and plunder’d one another; as when the invasions of the Saracens gaul’d the Spaniards, and drove many of them into Gallitia and Cantabria. But let others clear these matters; it is enough for me, that I have shown my willingness to remove the cloud.

The next Query I would offer to them, is, how it comes to pass, that the Irish (the Ancestors of the Scots) and the Scots themselves, glory in the name Gael and Gaiothel; and that their language is call’d Gaiothlac; and why they nam’d that part of Britain where they first settled, Argathel? From what original can they derive these names? From the GallæciGallaeci in Spain, many of whom doubtless shifted into Ireland; and whose original is to be fetch’d from the Gallati or Gauls? or from the Goths, as some moderns are of opinion, who would deduce the word Gaiothel (as Cathalonia in Spain) from the Goths? Here, they will naturally seek for proofs, in some resemblances between the Gothick language, and that of the Irish; which yet has no congruity with any other language of Europe that I can find, but only the British and the German. How true that of Huntington may be; The Scots came from Spain to Ireland in the fourth age of this world; and part of them still remain behind, and speak the same language, and are called Navarri; I say, how true this passage is, let others judge. I take no notice of David Chambres, a Scotchman, who was informed by the Jesuits, that the Scotch language is spoken in the East-Indies. I am afraid, the distance of that country might prompt the credulous man to take the liberty of telling a lye which he never made.

Goths and Highlanders have the same Apparel. If arguments may be drawn from Habits; we shall find the same dress and apparel among the Highlanders of Scotland, that was formerly used by the Goths; as appears by Sidonius, who in his description of a Goth, has given you the picture of a Scotch Highlander. They shine (says he), * * Croce.with yellow; they cover their feet as high as the ancle with hairy untann’d leather; Their knees, legs, and calves, are all bare. Their garment is high, close, and of sundry colours, hardly reaching down to their hams. Their sleeves only coverBrachiorum principia.the root of their arms. Their inner coat is green, and edged with red fringe. Their belts hang down from the shoulder. The lappets of their ears are cover’d with * * Flagellis. Locks of hair hanging over them (for so the many separate twists in the hair of the Scotch and Irish, are properly call’d.) Their Arms are hooked Spears (which Gildas terms uncinata tela) and ¦ ¦ Securibus missilibus.
In Horat. de Arte Poet.
hatchets to fling. They wore also strait-bodied coats (as Porphyry says) without girdles. Whether this is not the very habit of the Irish-Scots, I appeal to themselves. I would also have them consider this passage of Giraldus Cambrensis in his first Book Of the Institution of a Prince: When Maximus pass’d out of Britain into Gaul to possess himself of the Empire, with the whole strength of men, and arms, that the Island could raise; Gratian and Valentinian, brothers and partners in the Empire, shipp’d over the Goths (a nation hardy and valiant, being at that time either their allies, or subjects, and secur’d to their Interest by some Imperial favours) from the borders of Scythia, into the north parts of Britain, in order to annoy the Inhabitants, and make them recall the usurper with their Youth. But being too powerful for them, both by the natural valour of the Goths, and by finding the Island destitute of their wanted strength; of Invaders they became Inhabitants, and possess’d themselves of no small territories in the north parts of the Island. But who these Goths were (unless you allow them to be Scots) others must find out; and perhaps they may have some light from Procopius,Lib. 2. de Bello Gothorum. where Belisarius answers the Goths, expostulating why they had granted Sicily to the Romans, in these words; We permit the Goths likewise to have Britain (a much more excellent Country than Sicily) heretofore conquer’d by the Romans. For it is but reason, that they who have bestow’d favours, should receiveParem gratiam.equal thanks, or an equal return of kindness. To this head also we may probably refer what the Scots write of Fergusius the Scot; how he was a companion of Alarick the Goth at the sacking of Rome: Lib. 6. cap.25. And what Irenicus tells us of Gensricus King of the Vandals going over to Scotland and Britain; and what Cambrensis (wherever he had it) relates of the Gaideli or Scots, deriving not only their name, but their original, from the Vandals; who (as P. Diaconus informs us) were the same with the Goths. Nor is it to be thought any diminution of the glory of the Scots, to own themselves the progeny of the Goths; when the most potent Kings of Spain value themselves upon that extraction; and the greatest of the Italian Nobility either do in truth derive their pedigree from the Goths, or at least pretend it. Levinus Lemnius.And the Emperor Charles the fifth was wont to say, that all the Nobility of Europe were derived from Scandia and the Goths. However, all this weighs not so much with me, as to make me believe that the Scots are the off-spring of the Goths.

Diodorus Siculus. In short, I would have the learned part of the Scots consider, whether they are not descended from the old British Inhabitants of Ireland (for it is certain, that the British formerly inhabited Ireland;) and whether they were not call’d ScythæScythae or Scoti, because they were like the Scythians in manners, or because they were the real Scythians that came out of Scandia or Scythia, to whom the GallæciGallaeci , Franks, or Germans (being driven out of Spain) and also the Goths or Vandals, joined themselves, when Spain was imbroil’d in a bloody war; or else, that medley of people that flock’d into Ireland, and thereupon took the name from their Neighbours. The language of the Irish (saith Giraldus) is called Gaidelach, being as it were a compound of all other languages. Under the year 77. And Florilegus, whencesoever he takes it; The Scots have their Original from the Picts and Irish, as being made up of several nations. For that is called ScotScot., which is a mass of several things. Almans, Agathias, l.1. Thus the Almans (according to Asinius Quadratus) went by that name, because they sprung from a medley of People. Neither can it seem strange, that so many nations should formerly crowd into Ireland; seeing that Island lies in the center between Britain and Spain, and very commodious for the French-Seas; and in these eight hundred years last past, it is clear from our Histories, that many Norwegians, and Oustmans from Germany; and English, Welsh, and Scots out of Britain, have planted and settled themselves there.

This is the sum of what I would desire the Scots to consider. In the mean time, let them remember that I have asserted nothing, but only hinted some things, which may seem pertinent to this enquiry. If all this give no light to the original of the Scots, they must apply themselves for it elsewhere, for I am perfectly in the dark in this point; and have pursu’d the truth (which has still fled me) with much labour to little purpose; however, I hope nothing has been said, that can reasonably give offence.

When the Scots came into Britain. Concerning the time when the name of Scots was first known in the world, there is also some difficulty; and upon this very pointG. Buchanan. Humfrey LhuidLhuyd, HumfredH. Lhuidus. is attack’d by Buchanan, the best of Antiquaries by the best of Poets. For Lhuid having said that the name of Scoti was not to be found in any Author before Constantine the Great, Buchanan flies upon him with all the violence imaginable, and tries to dispatch him with two petty arguments; the one drawn from a Panegyrist, the other from his own conjecture. Because an old Panegyrist says, that Britain in Cæsar’sCaesar time was infested by enemies from Ireland; by consequence (forsooth,) the Scots at that time must be planted in Britain: whereas none ever said before, that those Irish had then any settlement at all, much less that they were Scots. The Panegyrist, without question (as is usual with Writers) had his eye upon his own times, and not upon Cæsar’s. As for the Conjecture, it is not his own, but the learned Joseph Scaliger’s. See before, p.lix. For, in his notes upon Propertius, where he is, by the way, restoring that place of Seneca to the true Reading,

Ille Britannos
Ultra noti
Littora ponti
Et cæruleos
Scuta Brigantes
Dare Romuleis
Colla Cathenis
Jussit, &c
.

He puts it Scotobrigantes; and then cries out, that the Scots are indebted to him for the discovery of their original. For my part, I am sorry I cannot second this opinion, having ever honour’d him upon many accounts, and been a great admirer of his learning. But this conjecture is not the product of Copies, but of his own fancy, and the sense will bear either Reading, cæruleos scuta Brigantes as all the Copies have it, or Cæruleos cute Brigantes, as the learned Hadr. Junius reads it. Yet Buchanan (chusing rather to please himself with his own and other men’s fancies, than to close with the common and true Reading) cries up this conjecture to the skies. First, because Authors do not inform us, that the Britains painted their shields. Secondly, that Seneca said Scoto-Brigantes, to distinguish them from the Brigantes of Spain and Ireland. Lastly, because in this verse he separates the Britains and the Brigantes, as different nations. But if one may have leave to dispute this point with him; what should hinder them from painting their shields, who painted themselves and their chariots? What need was there to coin the new word Scoto-Brigantes for distinction’s sake? When he calls them Cæruleos, and says they were subdu’d by Claudius, does not this sufficiently distinguish them from the other Brigantes? That observation, of the Britains and Brigantes, different nations, does not look like the Poet; who could never be ignorant of the poetical Liberty of expressing the whole by a part. Since then these pleas will not hold, I will reinforce Buchanan with a supply from Egesippus, who is commonly thought very ancient. For where he treats of the greatness of the Romans, he says; * * i.e. Ireland, lib. 5. c.15.Scotland† See Bishop Usher’s Antiquitat. Britannicarum Eccles. p.239. fol.which owes nothing to other Countries, dreads them; and so does Saxony, inaccessible by reason of its bogs. But hold: this will not come up to the point neither; for he liv’d since Constantine, as appears by his own Writings; nor does this make any more for the Scots living in Britain, than that verse of Sidonius which we cited but now. A more weighty reason than all this, is that which the famous and learned J. Craigs, after a nice Enquiry, has started, out of Josephus Ben-Gorion concerning the destruction of Jerusalem; that in the Hebrew copy they are expressly call’d Scots, whom Munster in his latin translation falsly calls Britains instead of Scots. But I have not yet found, in what age this Ben-Gorion liv’d. It is plain, he lived since Flavius Josephus, seeing he makes mention of the Franks.

If I may engage so many great men in this controversy: As far as I have observed, the first mention of the nation in any Author, is in the reign of Aurelian. For Porphyry, who then wrote against the Christians, takes notice of them in these words, as S. Hierom tells us.Against the Pelagians, to Ctesiphon. Nor has Britain (a province fruitful in Tyrants) nor the Scotch nations, nor any of those barbarous nations all around to the very Ocean, heard of Moses and the Prophets. At which time also, or a little before, Antiquaries observe that the names of those mighty nations the Franks and Almans, were first heard of, in the reign of Gallienus. The opinion therefore of some Authors is not grounded upon good authority, That the Name and Kingdom of the Scots, flourish’d in Britain many ages before the birth of Christ. Rather take the time of it from Giraldus. When Nellus the Great reigned in Ireland, the six sons of Muredus King of Ulster possess’d the north parts of Britain. So, from these a nation was propagated, and call’d by a peculiar name Scotland, which inhabits that corner even to this day. But that this happen’d about the time when the Roman Empire fell to decay, is thus inferr’d. While Lagerius son of this Nellus reign’d in Ireland, Patrick the Irish Apostle came thither; it being then about the year 430 after the birth of Christ. So that this seems to fall about the time of the Emperor Honorius. For, whereas before, they liv’d after a rambling manner without any fixed abode, as Ammianus tells us, and had long infested Britain and the marches thereof; then they seem to have settled themselves in Britain. The Liber Pasletensis puts this return under the year 404.But they would have it, that they then return’d from Ireland, whither they had withdrawn themselves when routed by the Romans and Britains; and they take this passage of Gildas to be meant of that time; The Irish robbers return home, with design to come back again shortly. About this time, Reuda, mention’d by Bede, is thought by some to have settled in this Island, upon a winding of the River Cluid northward, either as a Conqueror or Confederate. FromBede, l.1. c.1. this Captain (says he) they are called Dalreudini to this day: for in their tongue dal signifies a part; and from this Reuda it is (as others think) that we call them Redshanks. It is thought also, that Simon Brech (whom the Scots affirm to have been the founder of their nation) flourish’d about that time. The true name of him was Sinbrech, that is, freckled Sin, as we read in Fordon ; perhaps the very same Brichus, who about the age of S. Patrick infested Britain, with Thuibaius, Macleius and Auspacus, all Scots; as we read in the life of S. Carantocus.

But since the Scots who live in Britain, call the Country which they inhabit AlbanAlban and Albin. and Albin, and the Irish themselves call it Allabany; it may be no absurd enquiry, whether this Allabany may not have some remains of the old name Albion; or whether it may not be from Albedo whiteness (which they call Ban,) so as Ellanban may be in Scotch, a white Island; or whether it might not come from Ireland, which is call’d by their Poets Banno, and so Allabany signify another Ireland, or a second Ireland. For Historians call Ireland Scotia Major, and the kingdom of the Scots in Britain Scotia Minor. Moreover, seeing the Scots call themselves in their own language AlbinAlbin and Albinus. (whence Blondus has named them Scoti Albienses or Albinenses, and Buchanan Albini,) let the Criticks consider, whether that of S. Jerom, where he inveighs against a certain Pelagian, a Scotch-man, should not be read Albinum for Alpinum; He calls him, An Alpine DogAn Alpine Dog., huge and corpulentS. Albin also in the Martyrology, xv. Sept. is call’d Albinus., who can do more mischief with his heels than with his teeth, for he is the off-spring of the Scotch nation bordering upon Britain: And he says in another place, he was over-stuff’d with ScotchPultibus.fourmetie. I do not remember that I ever read of Alpine Dogs; but that the (a) Scotch Dogs were then famous at Rome, appears from Symmachus. Seven Scotch DogsScotch Dogs, l.2. Epist.176. (says he) were so admired at Rome ** Prælusionis die. the day before the Plays, that they thought them brought over in iron-cages.

(a) Of what great value the British Dogs were, see at large in Hamshire.

After the Scots (b) were come into Britain, to the Picts; though they annoy’d the Britains with continual skirmishes and ravages, yet the Scotch kingdom came not immediately to it’s growth, but they continu’d a long time in the corner where they first arriv’d: nor did they (as BedeLib. 1. c. ult. says) for the space of one hundred and twenty seven years or thereabouts, take the field against the petty kings of Northumberland; till at the same time they had well-nigh routed the Picts, and the kingdom of Northumberland was utterly destroyed, by Civil wars and the invasion of the Danes. Then, all the north part of Britain fell under the name of Scotland, together with that hither-country on this side the Cluid and Edinburgh Frith.Bede. For, that this was part of the kingdom of Northumberland, and in the possession of the Saxons, is universally agreed. Whereby it comes to pass, that all the inhabitants of the East part of Scotland (called Lowland-men, as living Low) are originally Saxons, and speak English. But such as live toward the West (called Highland-men, from their high situation), are real Scots and speak Irish, as we observ’d before; being mortal enemies to those Lowlanders who speak English.

(b) Of the first coming of the Scots into Britain, see Stillingfleet’s Orig. Britann. p.280.

That the AttacottiAttacotti., a warlike nation, did infest Britain, along with the Scots; we have the authority of Ammianus Marcellinus: and, that these were part of the Scotch nation, is the opinion of H. Lhuid; how true I know not. St. JeromL.2. contra Jovianum. expresly calls them a British People: Who tells us, that when he was young (probably in the time of the Emperor Julian) he saw in France the Attacotti a British People, feeding upon man’s flesh; and that when they found in the woods, droves of hogs, and herds of beasts or sheep, they us’d to cut off the buttocks of the herdsmen, and the paps of the women, and look upon these as the richest dainties. For we are to read it Attacotti, upon the authority of Manuscripts, and not Scoti with Erasmus; who at the same time owns the place to be faulty. Though I must confess, in one Manuscript it is Attigotti, in another Catacotti, and in a third Cattiti.Vincentius in his Speculum reads it Attigotti.In Æthicus’s Geography they are read Cattiganci. But of the Scots it cannot be understood; as it commonly is; for Jerom in that place, speaking of the Customs of several nations, begins the sentence immediately following, thus, The Scotch nation has no wives belonging to particular men, &c. Ambrones. And in another place, where he mentions the Attacotti, Erasmus puts in the room of it Azoti. These (as we learn from the Notitia) were Stipendiaries, in the decline of the Roman Empire. For they are mention’d among the Palatine-Aids in Gaul, Attecotti juniores Gallicani, and Attecotti Honoriani Seniores; and in Italy, Attecotti Honoriani juniores. By this addition of Honoriani, they seem to have been some of those Barbarians with whom Honorius the Emperor made a League, and listed them in his army; not without great damage to the Empire.

Ambrones. Among the nations which made incursions into Britain, the Ambrones are reckon’d by John Caius (one, who has employ’d his time to excellent purposes, and to whom the Commonwealth of Letters is extreamly indebted;) and he does it upon the Authority of these words of Gildas where he treats of the Picts and Scots. Those former enemies, like so many * * Ambrones lupi.ravenous wolves, enrag’d with hunger and thirst, leaping over the sheep-folds, and the shepherd not appearing; carried with the wings of oars, the arms of rowers, and sails driven forward by the winds; break through, and butcher all they come near. Here, the good old man remember’d that he had read in Festus, how the Ambrones swarm’d into Italy along with the Cimbrians; but then he had forgot that Ambro (as Isidore observes) signifies a Devourer. And neither Gildas, nor Geoffrey of Monmouth (who also calls the Saxons Ambrones) use the word in any other sense. Nor have I found in ancient Authors, that any other Ambrones did ever invade Britain.

THE
ENGLISH-SAXONS.

Britannia Saxonica map, left. Note overlap.
Britannia Saxonica map, right. Note overlap.

Britannia Saxonica

English Saxons. Big W WHEN the Roman Empire, under Valentinian the younger, was declining apace; and Britain, both (a) robb’d of her ablest men by frequent levies, and abandon’d by the Roman garrisons, was not in a condition to withstand the incursions of the Picts and Scots: * * Call’d also Guortigern.Vortigern (who either was constituted General by the Britains, or, as some think, usurp’d that title) (b) in order to confirm his government, and recover the sinking State, sends for the Saxons out of Germany to his relief. He was (says Ninnius) apprehensive of danger from the Picts and Scots, (c) from the Roman power, and from Aurelius Ambrosius. The Saxons, immediately, under the command of Hengist and Horsa, (d) arriv’d in Britain with their Ciules (e), (for so they call’d their flat-bottom’d boats or pinnaces,) and, by their success against the Scots and Picts in two several engagements, rais’d their reputation considerably. And because the Britains did absolutely depend upon their Valour, they sent for fresh supplies out of Germany, partly to man the frontier garrisons, and partly to annoy the enemy by sea. Guortigern (says Ninnius) at the instance of Hengist, sent for Octha and Ebissa to come to his aid; and they, with forty of their Ciules, sailing round the Pictish coasts, wasted the Orcades, and possess’d themselves of a great many Islands and countriesTrans mare Fresicum.beyond the Frith, as far as the borders of the Picts. At length, being mightily pleas’d with the lands, the way of living, and the plenty of Britain, and building upon the cowardice of the natives; under pretence of ill pay and short diet, they enter into a league with the Picts, raise a most bloody war against their Entertainers the Britains, put the poor frighted Inhabitants in all parts to the sword, waste their lands, raze their cities; and after many turns and changes in their several battles withAurelius Ambrosius; by Gildas Ambrosius Aurelianus. Aurelius Ambrosius (who had taken upon him the government, (f) in the administration whereof his parents had lost their lives) and with the (g) warlike Arthur; at length they dispossess the Britains of the best part of the Island, their hereditary estates. At which time (in a word) the miserable natives suffer’d whatever the Conqueror could inflict, or the Conquer’d fear. For auxiliary troops flocking daily out of Germany, still engag’d the harrass’d Britains afresh: such were the Saxons, the Jutes (for that is their right name, not Vites) and the Angles. They were indeed, strictly speaking, distinguish’d by these names; but yet promiscuously call’d Angles and Saxons. But let us now treat severally and briefly of each; that, as far as is possible, we may discover the originals of our own nation.

(a) It was most of all exhausted by the proceedings of Maximus; who, being set up Emperor by the soldiery in Britain, to secure himself against Gratian and Valentinian, carried over the flower of the Britains, and would not let them return home. See Ninnius, cap.23. Stillingfl. Orig. Brit. p.288.

(b) Not so much against the Scots and Picts, as his own Subjects. For tho’ those northern nations did (no doubt) very much terrifie him; yet he had more reason to be jealous of the Britains themselves, if what Gildas tell us be true, that, in the confusion they were left, they set up Kings and quickly dethroned them, advancing worse to that dignity.

(c) This must be meant of the Roman party left in the Island, who might be suppos’d to have a greater respect for Ambrosius. For the Northern nations, breaking in upon Rome at that time, did so effectually divert that nation, that no harm could be fear’d from those parts.

(d) See Bishop Usher’s Antiquit. Britann. p.207, &c.

(e) I rather think it was a general name for their ships. For William of Malmesbury, describing their coming, says, they brought three Ciules, which the Saxon Annals express by Scipas. And it is a word too, very commonly made use of in the names of men, which generally consisted of something sublime, and never of diminutives. Unless these Ciules were their pirating vessels; for then, we need not wonder that they pass’d into the names of men, since piracies were the peculiar talent and glory of that nation.

(f) Probably murder’d by their own subjects; according to Gildas’s character of their behaviour at that time.

(g) How far the British History of Arthur may be admitted; See Stillingfleet’s Orig. Britan. p.335. Usher. Primord. p.61, &c.

Only, I must first set down what Witichindus, a Saxon born, and an ancient writer, has left us concerning the coming over of the Saxons. Britain, having been long before reduced into the form of a Province by Vespasian the Emperor, and flourish’d a great while under the protection of the Romans; was at last invaded by the neighbouring nations, as seeming to be abandoned by the Roman aids. For the Romans, after * * In the text Martialis; but in the margin, Possibly Martianus.Martian the Emperor was murder’d by the soldiers, were heavily annoy’d with foreign wars, and so were not able to furnish their allies with aids, as they had formerly done. However, before they quitted the nation, they built a large wall for it’s defence, running along the borders thereof from sea to sea, where they imagin’d the enemy would make their Inroads. But after a soft and lazy people were left to encounter a resolute and well-disciplin’d enemy, it was found no hard matter to demolish that work. In the mean time, (a) the Saxons grew famous for their success in arms, and to them they dispatch’d an humble embassy to desire their assistance. The Embassadors, being admitted to audience, made their addresses as follows. Most noble Saxons, The miserable ¦ ¦ Bretti, for Britanni.Britains, shatter’d and worn out by the frequent incursions of their enemies, upon the news of your many signal victories, have sent us to you, humbly requesting that you would assist them at this juncture. A land large and spacious, abounding with all manner of necessaries, they give up entirely to your disposal. Hitherto, we have liv’d happily under the government and protection of the Romans; next to the Romans, we know none of greater valour than your selves, and therefore in your courage do now seek refuge. Let but this courage and those arms make us conquerors, and we refuse no service or duty you shall please to impose. The Saxon Nobles return’d them this short answer. Assure your selves, the Saxons will be true friends to the Britains; and as such, shall be always ready to relieve their necessities, and to advance their interests. The Embassadors, pleas’d with the answer, return home, and comfort their country-men with the welcome news. Accordingly, the succours they had promis’d being dispatch’d into Britain, are joyfully receiv’d by their allies; and do in a very little time clear the kingdom of Invaders, and restore the country to the Inhabitants. And indeed, there was no great difficulty in doing this, since the fame of the Saxon Valour had so far terrify’d them, that their very presence was enough to drive them away. The people who infested the Britains, were the Scots and * * Pehiti, in the margin Picti.Picts; and the Saxons were supply’d by the Britains with all necessaries to carry on the war against them. Upon which, they staid in the country for some time, and liv’d in very good terms with the Britains; till the Commanders (observing that the land was large and fruitful, and that the natives were not at all inclin’d to war; and considering that themselves, and the greatest part of the Saxons, had no fix’d habitation) send over for more forces, and striking up a peace with the Scots and Picts, make one body against the Britains, force them out of the nation, and divide the country among their own people. Annonae Thus far Witichindus; Stillingfl. Orig. Brit. p.320.⌈who yet seems too lavish in the Promises of duty and submission supposed to be made by the British Ambassadors. For neither Bede, nor Ethelwerd (both Saxons) mention the least promise of submission; and Gildas expressly says, That their first pretence of Quarrelling, was for greater Allowance (call’d by him Epimenia, and by Bede, Annonæ;) which shows, that they came over as mercenary soldiers, upon promise of pay.⌉

(a) The former experience that Britain had had of the Saxon courage, was sufficient to point out that nation before any other. For even in the times of the Romans, they were not afraid to prey upon our coasts; and to that degree, as to oblige them to guard the coasts, with the Officer call’d Comes Littoris Saxonici.

Original of the Saxons. The original and etymology of the Saxons, like those of other nations, have been confounded with fabulous conjectures, not only by Monks, who understood nothing of Antiquity, but even by some modern Pretenders. One will have them deriv’d from Saxo, son of Negnon, and brother of Vandalus; another, from their stony temper; a third, from the remains of the Macedonian army; a fourth, from certain knives; which gave occasion to that rhime in Engelhusius,

Quippe brevis gladius apud illos Saxa vocatur,
Unde sibi Saxo nomen traxisse putatur.

The Saxon people did, as most believe,
Their name from Saxa, a short sword, receive.

Crantzius derives them from the German Catti; and the learned Capnio, from the Phrygians. Of these, every man is at liberty to take his choice; nor shall I make it my business to confute such fabulous opinions.

Sacae Only, I think the conjecture of those learned Germans, who imagin that the Saxons are descended from the Sacæ,Saxons from the Sacæ of Asia. the most considerable People of Asia; (b) that they are so called, as if one should say Sacasones, that is, the Sons of the Sacæ; and that out of Scythia or Sarmatia Asiatica, they came by little and little into Europe, along with the Getes, the Suevi, and the Daci;Melancthon, L.11. this, in my judgment, deserves credit the best of any other. For indeed, the opinions of those who fetch the Saxons out of Asia, where mankind had its rise and growth, has some colour of reason: Since, besides what Strabo affirms, that the Sacæ (as the Cimerii had done) did invade remote Countries, and call a part of Armenia, Sacacena, after their own name; besides this, Ptolemy places the Sassones, Suevi, Massagetes, and Dahi, in that part of Scythia: andCisner. Cisner has observed, that those nations, after they came into Europe, retain’d in great measure the same vicinity which they had formerly in Asia.

(b) See Seld. Polyolb. p.27.

Michael Neander. Nor is it less probable, that our Saxons came from either the Sacæ or Sassones of Asia, than it is that the Germans are descended from the Germani of Persia, mention’d by Herodotus; which yet they positively conclude from the affinity of those Languages. For the learned Joseph Scaliger has told us, that Fader, muder, brader, tutchter, band, and the like, are still used in the Persian Language, in the same sense as Father, mother, brother, daughter, bond, are with us.

Stillingfl. Orig. Brit. p.305, 306. ⌈However, this original of the Saxons from the Sacæ of Asia, may be thought too far fetch’d; unless there were some fair historical account, how the Saxons came to be propagated by those Sacæ; and no such account being given, it may seem to be little more than a possibility. Nor may that other original from the short swords call’d Sachs seem altogether vain, when it is consider’d, that the Quirites had their name from Quiris, a short spear, and the Scythians from Scytten, to shoot with a Bow. Tacitus also, speaking of some of the Northern Germans, saith, That the common Badges they wear, are round shields, and short swords; and the Arms of Saxony to this day, as Pontanus observes, are two short swords a-cross.⌉

But when the Saxons first began to have a name in the world, they liv’d in Cimbrica Chersonesus, which we now call Denmark; where they are settled by Ptolemy, who is the first that makes mention of them. And in that place of Lucan,

Longisque leves Axônes in armis.

—Light Axons in long arms,

we are not to read Saxones (as some Copies have it) but the true reading isAxones, a People of Gaul. Axones. ⌈And that the reading is the same in Ptolemy, where he places them in the Cimbrick Chersonese, is probable, from a MS. which belong’d to Mr. Selden, and which leaves out the initial Σ.⌉

While they liv’d in that Cimbrica Chersonesus, in the time of Dioclesian, they came along with their neighbours the Franks, and mightily annoy’d our coasts; and the Romans committed it to the care of Carausius to repel them. (a) Afterwards, passing the river Albis, part of them broke in by degrees upon the Suevian Territories (which at this day is the Dukedom of Saxony,) and part took possession of Frisia and Batavia, which the Franks had quitted. For the Franks, who had formerly inhabited the inmost of those Fens in Friseland (some whereof are now washed into that Sea, which at this day we call the Zuider-see,) and who afterwards had possessed themselves of Holland; being* * In leges recepti. receiv’d into protection by Constantius Chlorus, and Constantine the Great, and his sons, and sent to cultivate the desarts of Gaul: these (I say) either forcing a passage with the sword into more plentiful countries, or else (as Zosimus.Zosimus tells us) driven out by the Saxons, left Holland. From which time, all the inhabitants of that German Coast, who lived by piracy, have gone under the name of Saxons, as before they were called Franks. Those (I mean) who lived in Jutland, Sleswick, Holsatia, Ditmarse, the Bishoprick of Breme; the County of Oldenburg, East and West Friseland, and Holland. For the Saxon nation (as is observed by Fabius QuæstorQuaestor Ethelwerd,Ethelwerd
Nephew’s Nephew to King Adulf, flourish’d about the year 950.
who was of the Royal line of the Saxons) included all the Sea-coast, between the river Rhine, and the city Donia, which now is commonly called Dane-marc. This Author (not to conceal the name of a person, who has been so serviceable to me) was first discovered by the eminent Mr. Thomas Allen of Oxford, a person of great learning and humanity, and was, with many others, communicated to me.

(a) Whether the early piracies of the Saxons upon that coast (mention’d by many Authors,) is to be so interpreted, as if they then dwelt between the Elb and the Rhine, or only drew down thither to carry on their trade of robbing, whilst still their habitation was in the Cimbrick Chersonese; is a question amongst the learned. Camden here, and Bishop Stillingfleet (Orig. Britan. p.309.) favour the former Opinion. But Archbishop Usher (Primord. c.12. p.215. fol.) thinks they came down much later.

From this coast it was, that the Saxons, encouraged by their many slaughters of the Romans, made frequent Inroads into the Provinces, and for a long time annoy’d this Island, till at last Hengist himself came. That this Hengist set sail for England out of Batavia or Holland, and built the Castle of Leyden, is confirm’d, not only by the Annals of Holland, but also by the noble Janus Dousa, a person of admirable parts and learning, who of that burg, or tower, writes thus,

Quem circinato mœnium ut ambitu
The second Ode of Leyden. Sic arcuatis fornicibus novum
Putatur Hengistus Britanno
Orbe redux posuisse victor
.

The mighty Hengist, if we credit fame,
On circling arches rais’d this stately pile,
O’er British Seas when he in triumph came,
And brought new Lawrels from the conquer’d Isle.

The Jutes,Jutes. so call’d (as (b) many think) from the Gutes, Getes or Goths (for a Manuscript copy reads Geatun) did certainly inhabit the upper part of Cimbrica Chersonesus, which the Danes to this day call Juitland. It is possible, they may have descended from the Gutti, whom Ptolemy places in Scandia, and whose present seat is Gothland. But here I must caution you against assenting to the opinion of Jornandes, that this was the Country of those Goths,Spartian, Trebellius Pollio Capitolinus, &c. who conquered and over-ran Europe; since the most ancient and best approved writers have told us, that they liv’d beyond the Ister, near the Euxine Sea, and were formerly called Getes.

(b) See Sir Henry Spelman’s Glossary, under the title Guti.

The Angles. In what place the Angles liv’d, is a debated point, and the opinions concerning it are various. Most Authors place them in Westphalia, where Engern now stands, and where the Suevi-Angli, mentioned by Tacitus and Ptolemy, had their abode. With whom I agree, if they mean of Tacitus’s age; but I fansy they came down afterwards to the Sea-coasts. Others seek them in Pomerania, where there is a very considerable town called Angloen. But seeing these reach into the more inland parts of Germany, at so great a distance from the sea, we must seek some other place where to seat our Angles; and Bede has directed us to look for them between the Saxons and the Jutes. The AnglesLib.1. c.15. (says he) came out of that country, which is called Angulus, and is said from that time to lye waste, between the countries of the * * Gutarum. And in the margin of Camden, So the Manuscript reads it, not Vitarum.
Angel in Dennark; the seat of the Angles.
Jutes and Saxons. Seeing between Juitland and Holsatia (the ancient seat of the Saxons) there is a small province in the Kingdom of Denmark and under the City of Flemsburg, called at this day † Angel, which Lindebergius in his Epistles terms Little-England; I am pretty well assur’d, that I have found the ancient Seat of our Forefathers; and that from this very place the Angles came into our Island. And what makes me more confident herein, is the authority of that ancient Author Ethelwerd, who writes thus; Old Anglia is situated between the Saxons and Giots, the capital town whereof is called in Saxon Sleswick, but by the Danes Haithby. In the very same place, Ptolemy seems to seat the Saxons; so that the middle-age Poet is probably in the right,

Saxonia protulit Anglos,
Hoc patet in lingua, niveoque colore
.—

Their rise to Saxony the Angles owe,
Their language, this, and native whiteness show.

Some of these Angles, marching into the inner parts of Germany, and mixing with the Longobards and Suevians, broke into Italy, and are generally supposed to have left behind them some remains of their name; such are, Engelheim, the native country of Charles the Great, Ingolstad, Engleburg, Englerute in Germany, and Angleria in Italy.

What the etymology of the name is, I dare not say: however, I utterly reject that Angulus, Son of Humbius, and his Queen Angela, whom some silly people would have to be the founders of our Nation. Nor can I believe, that it had the name from Angulus, a corner (as if it were a corner of the world) which is intimated in those common verses,

Anglia terra ferax, & fertilis angulus orbis,
Insula prædives quæ toto vix eget orbe
.

With richest wares, that take their happy birth,
Or from the face, or bowels of the earth,
Our fruitful corner of the world is blest,
Not joyn’d, and scarce beholden to the rest.

And as for Goropius’s conjecture, that the Angli are derived from an angle, i.e. a Fishing-rod, or Fishing-hook, because (as he adds) they hook all to them, and are, as we commonly say, good anglers; this does not deserve so much to be credited, as laughed at. But whoever finds out the etymology of Engelbert, Engelhard, and such like German names, does in all probability at the same time discover the original of the Angli. That the Frisons came along with them into Britain, is plain from Procopius. Ann. 1607. And because that book is not extant, it may not be amiss to give you the place entire, as I had it transcribed from a Copy in the King’s Library at Paris, by that singular good man, and compleat Antiquary, Franciscus PithæusPithaeus . De Bell. Goth. Lib. 4. Greek text
Greek text. i.e. (in my rude translation;) The Island of Britain is inhabited by three most populous nations, each whereof has their several Kings. The names of the People are, the ANGLES, the FRISONES, and those of the same name with the Island, the BRITONS. As to the inhabitants, they seem to be so numerous, that every year they flock over in great companies, with their wives and children, to the Franks, who assign them that part of their Island, which is least cultivated. Upon this, they pretend a claim to the whole Island of [Britain;] and it is not long, since the King of the Franks, dispatching some of his own subjects on an embassie to Justinian at Constantinople, sent along with them some of the Angles, out of pure ostentation, as if the Island were part of his dominions.

Usher Primord. 21 ⌈And yet this passage is refer’d by others, not to our Britain, but to Brittia; placed by the same Procopius between our Island of Britain, and Thule, which in him is Scandinavia. And Isacius Tzetzes is to be understood of the same, when he speaks of the Island of Britain (read Britia,) with Britain on the West, and Thule on the East.⌉

Saxons, Angles, and Jutes, one nation. These are the several people of Germany, who seated themselves in Britain. That they were but one nation, and called by one general name, sometimes Saxons, sometimes Angles, or (to distinguish them from those who were left behind in Germany) Anglo-Saxons; is plain from Gildas, Boniface, Bede, Paulus Diaconus and others. But in Latin they are most frequently term’d Gens Anglorum (i.e. the nation of the Angles) and in their own Language, to the same sense, Engla-Theod.

When the Saxons came into Britain. The (a) exact time when they were invited into Britain by Vortigern, is a dispute amongst writers: but to wave the rest, Bede and his followers do thus settle the Chronology of those dark and confused times.

(a) See this matter stated at large by Bishop Usher Antiquitat. Britann. p.217, &c. and Dr. Stillingfleet, Orig. Britan. p.316.

In the 23d year of Theodosius the Younger, and that of Christ 430, the Britains, overpower’d by the Picts and Scots, desire aid of Ætius,AEtius then in his third Consulship; but without success.

Under Valentinian the third, S. German came over into Britain two several times, to oppose the Pelagians; and leading-up the Britains against the Picts and Saxons, by virtue of his intercession to God gain’d them the victory.

In the first year of Martian, and that of Christ 449, the nation of the English Saxons came over into Britain.

But since it is evident from the Kalendar of the Consuls, that the third Consulship of Ætius fell in the xxxixth year of that Theodosius, and of Christ 446; and since it appears by the most authentick writers,Baronius. that S. German dy’d in the year of Christ 435; there is great reason to suspect that the numerals in Bede have been corrupted, and that the Saxons came over hither before the year of Christ 449. For otherwise, how is it possible that S. German, who died in 435, should lead up the Britains against the Saxons, who by that computation were not then come over? Besides, Ninnius affirms, that S. German return’d out of Britain into his own country after the death of Vortigern, who was the person that invited the Saxons into Britain: so that their coming over must necessarily have been before the year 435, (b) the last of S. German’s life. Farther yet, in the second year after Leo the Great was made Pope (which falls in with that of Christ 443.) Prosper Tiro, who lived at the same time, tells us, That Britain, after several bloody defeats, was at last subdued by the Saxons. Which puts it beyond all dispute, that they came over before that year, I mean 449. But to remove all scruples about that matter, let me add this Chronological note, which is at the end of some copies of Ninnius, and satisfies me beyond all the rest.

(b) Concerning the precise time, when S. German lived, see Stillingfl. Orig. p.208.

From the Consulship of the two Gemini, * * Read Fusius.Rufus and Rubellius, to that of Stilico, 373 years.

From Stilico to Valentinian, son of Placidia, and to the reign of Vortigern, 28 years.

From the reign of Vortigern, to the Discord between Gaitolinus and Ambrosius, are 12 years: which is Guoloppum, i.e. Cathguoloph.

Vortigern reign’d in Britain when Theodosius and Valentinian were Consuls; and in the fourth year of his reign the Saxons came over, and were received by Vortigern, when Felix and Taurus were Consuls.

From the year that the Saxons came into Britain, and were received by Vortigern, to† Otherwise, Decius Paulinus.Decius Valerianus, are 69 years.

By this computation, the English-Saxons must have come into Britain in the 21st year of Theodosius the Younger, which is nearest to Bede’s account, that is, the year of Christ 428; for then Felix and Taurus were Consuls: and other circumstances, both of person and time, agree to it.

Stillingfl. Orig. Brit. p.316. ⌈But others think, that in this matter there are but two certain Characters as to the Time, viz. That it was after the third Consulship of Ætius, and after the death of Theodosius; and finding that this Chronological note at the end of Ninnius, agrees not with either, they chose to govern themselves in this matter by the Authority of Gildas and Bede, with the Series of the British and Roman affairs at that time; by which it falls at or after the year 449.

And the foregoing Arguments, upon which it is fix’d to a more early date, seem to them to be liable to several Exceptions. Usher. Prim. p.204. The first is grounded upon St. German’s dying in the year 435; but that he liv’d much longer is prov’d from Honoratus in the life of Hilary Bishop of Arles, who mentions St. German as present when Chelidonius was deposed by Hilary in his Visitation; which Sirmondus places Anno Dom. 444, and which appears to be rightly plac’d by the Epistle of Leo, and the Rescript of Valentinian upon Chelidonius’s Appeal, which bears date in the year 445. Add to this, what Bede saith, That he was kindly receiv’d by Valentinian and Placidia, at Ravenna, and there died; and what Constantine saith in his life, That he sat thirty years after Amantor in his See, who died in the year 418. The second Argument from Prosper Tiro, is objected against, because it contradicts Gildas, who may deserve greater credit than Prosper Tiro in matters relating to the British History. And the third Argument from the Calculation at the end of Ninnius, is therefore dislik’d, because it makes their coming-in to be near twenty years before the third Consulship of Ætius.AEtius

I think fit to advertise the reader of one thing more (not in the mean time, to assume the character of a Critick) (a) that in many copies of Gildas, from whence Bede took that passage about Ætius, it is read Agitio III. Consuli: and in others, the numerals are omitted, and it is written ÆgitioAEgitio ; and in one, ÆquitioAEquitio Cos. But I could never find in the Fasti, any Consul of that name, (b) unless we may imagin that he was an extraordinary Consul.

(a) See Camden’s Epistles, p.7.

(b) The learned Selden seems to be of opinion, that this Ætius was really no Consul, but only a person of great note and authority at that time; for (says he) Illustres sæpius Viros indigitant historici nostri Consules; i.e. Our Historians very often call eminent men, Consuls. Which conjecture might hold, if the numerals were left out (as they are indeed in some Copies;) but if they are supposed to stand, there is plainly no room for it. See Bishop Stillingfleet’s Origines BritannicæBritannicae, p.300.

But at what time soever they came over, it is certain they shew’d wonderful courage, and this temper’d with great prudence.Victory of the Saxons. For in a short time, they became so considerable, both for numbers, discipline, and Conquests, that they were in a most prosperous and powerful condition, and their victory in a manner entire and absolute. All the conquer’d, except some few who took refuge in the uncultivated Western parts, yielded, and became one Nation with them, and embrac’d their Laws, name, and language. For besides England, the English-Saxons possessed themselves of the greatest part of Scotland (and the High-landers, who are the true Scots, call them Sassons to this day;) where they use the same language with us, only varying a little in the Dialect. And this language we and they have kept in a manner uncorrupted, together with the kingdom, for 1150 years. By which it appears how trivial and false that was (like others of the same nature) which the Saxon ProphetsGildas. foretold, when they set sail for this Island, That they should stay here only 300 years, and that 150 of these should beSæpiùs vastaturos.taken up in frequent Wars.

The subject matter, and place, seem next to require, that something be added concerning the Manners and Customs of our Fore-fathers the Saxons; and therefore I shall set down what I have observed upon that head.

Customs and manners of the Saxons. The Saxons were in general a warlike nation; and (as Zosimus has told us) were looked upon to be the most valiant of all the Germans, both for greatness of mind, strength of body, and a hardy constitution. Marcellinus observes, That the Romans dreaded them above all others, because their motions were always sudden. And Orosius says, that, for their courage and activity, they were terrible. Saxony is a place inaccessible by reason of the marshes, and the frontiers of it are unpassable. But tho’ this may seem to secure them in great measure against invasions, and though the captive Saxons frequently made up a part in the Roman triumphs; yet are they accounted a most stout People, excelling all others in piracies: however, in these they rely more upon their fly-boats, than their courage, and make it their business, not so much to fight, as to run: Orig. Lib.9. c.2.
 
Thus far Egesippus; who is followed by Isidore: The Saxons, situate upon the Sea-shore, and among fenns unpassable, are very stout and very active. From whence they took their names, as being aSaxum.hardy resolute sort of men, and in piracy out-doing all others. They were eminent for their tallness, symmetry of parts, and exactness of features: Whereupon, Witichindus the Monk has left us this description of them; The Franks were amazed to see men of such vast bodies, and so great souls. They wondered at their strange habit and armour, at their hair hanging down upon their shoulders, and above all at their courage and resolution. Their cloaths were * * Sagæ.Sagae close-coats; their armour, long spears: when they stood, they lean’d upon little shields; and wore a sort of large knives, hanging before. But formerly they us’d to shave their heads to the very skin, except a little about the crown, and wore a plate round their heads; as Sidonius Apollinaris plainly intimates in these verses;

Istic Saxona cærulum videmus,
Adsuetum antè salo, solum timere,
Cujus verticis extimas per oras,
Non contenta suos tenere morsus,
Altat lamina marginem comarum.
Et sic crinibus ad cutem rescissis,
Decrescit caput, additurque vultus
.

Here ’twas we saw the purple Saxon stand,
Us’d to rough seas, yet shaking on the land.
The frozen plate that on their crown they wear,
In one great turf drives up their bushy hair:
The rest they keep close shav’d; and thus their face
Appears still bigger, as their head grows less.

What their Habits were, may be learnt from Paulus Diaconus’s observation upon the Longobards: Their cloaths were loose, and generally linnen, such as the English-Saxons use; the trimming, broad, and of several colours.

The Saxons skill in naval Affairs. They were admirably well skill’d in naval affairs; and by their long and continual piracies had inured themselves so to the sea, that (as one has it) they dreaded the land. They annoy’d the coasts of Britain and France, even as far as Spain, to that degree, that it was found necessary to guard the shores of both kingdoms with officers and soldiers, against any attempts they might make upon them. And these, for that reason, were called (c) Counts of the Saxon-shoreThe Count of the Saxon-shore. along Britain and France. But for all that, by the help of their nimble Fly-boats, they made a shift very frequently to plunder our coasts. To which allude those verses of Sidonius Apollinaris:

Quin & Aremoricus piratam Saxona tractus
* * Timebat.Sperabat, cui pelle salum sulcare Britannum
Ludus, & assuto glaucum mare findere lembo
.

Armorica the Saxon pirates fear’d,
That on the British coasts in shoals appear’d,
And thro’ the narrow sea in boats of leather steer’d.

But in France, near Little-Britain, they got possession of all that part about Baieux, and kept it a long time; as is evident from Gregorius Turonensis, who calls themBaiocassin Saxons. Saxones Baiocassini, as the vulgar term them Sesnes Bessins.

(c) See more of these in Kent; and Sir Henry Spelman’s MS. Iceni, in Bodley’s Library.

With what barbarity they plunder’d our coasts, SidoniusLib. 9. Epist. ad Numantium. himself will tell you. The messenger (says he) whom we discoursed pretty largely about your affairs, assured us that you had lately charged the enemy at sea, that you were wholly taken up between rowing and fighting, and that you were upon the winding sea-coasts, giving chase to thePandos myoparones. In the margin Ciuli.fly-boats of the Saxons. And in these, assure your self of as many head-pirates as there are rowers: they are all at the same time both masters and servants, all teach and learn in this their trade of robbing. So that a caution to take great care of your self, is highly necessary at this time. It is the most terrible Enemy you can engage. He takes you unawares, is gone in a moment, despises opposition, and certainly worsts you, if you are not very well provided. If he pursue, he undoubtedly catches you; if he fly, he always escapes. Shipwracks are so far from frighting him, that they harden him. These people do not only understand the dangers of the seas, but are intimately acquainted with them. In a Tempest, if they are pursued, it gives them an opportunity of escaping; if they are pursuing, it secures them against being discovered at a distance. They readily venture their lives among waves and rocks, if there is any hope of surprising the enemy. Always, before they weigh anchor and set sail homewards from the Continent, their custom is, to take every tenth Captive and put them to death by equal and exquisite tortures; which is the more melancholy, because it proceeds from superstition; and, after those who are to dye, are got together, they pretend to temper the injustice of their death, by a seeming equity of Lots.

Such are their vows, and with such victims do they discharge them. Thus, being rather polluted with sacrilege, than purified by sacrifices, those bloody murderers look upon it as a greater piece of religion to rack a poor captive, than to let him be ransom’d. To this purpose is that fragment of an ancient History, which we find in Isidore. The Saxon nation relies more upon their fly-boats, than their courage; and are always provided rather to run than fight. And that of Salvian (who lived in those times) concerning the barbarous nations, The Alani are immodest, but not treacherous; the Franks are treacherous, but very courteous; the Saxons are very cruel, but exceeding chaste. Of so great constancy and resolution were they (if one may so call it,) that they would rather chuse to murder themselves, than be exposed to the contempt of others. So that when Symmachus had provided a number of them against the publick shows, the very day they were to be brought into the Theatre, they strangled themselves, and so disappointed the people of that piece of diversion. Of these, SymmachusL.2. Epist. 46. himself writes thus: The number of the Saxons is lessen’d by death; for the private guards not watching narrowly enough the wicked hands of that desperate nation, the first day of the sword-play discovered nine and twenty of them strangled, without a halter.

The Saxon nation was likewise strangely superstitious; for which reason, whenever they had any weighty matters under debate, they were, besides their soothsaying, principally directed by the neighing of horses, which they look’d on as the surest Presage. A Horse, the Arms of the Saxons. (a) And this may possibly be the reason why the Dukes of Saxony bore in their Arms a horse. But why our Hengist and Horsa had their names from an horse (for both these names in Saxon signifie an horse) is a mystery to me; unless it was to portend their warlike courage; according to that of Virgil,

Bello armantur equi, bella hæc armenta minantur.

Horses are arm’d for war, approaching war
Such beasts presage.—

Adam Bremensis refers these to the Saxons, but Tacitus to the Suevi. They also very much us’d the casting of Lots: for, cutting a branch from some fruit-tree, they divided it into little slips: each of these they distinguished by several marks, and so cast them promiscuously upon a white cloth. Next, if the consultation was upon publick affairs, the Priest, but it upon private, the master of the family, after intercessions to the Gods, looking up to heaven, took each of them up three several times, and then gave an interpretation according to the mark set upon them. To foretell the events of war, they used to take a Captive of the Nation against which their Design was, and to oblige him to fight a duel with some one of their own country; each was to fight with the arms of his country; and by the issue of this, they concluded which side would be conqueror. Saxon Gods.The God they worshipped most, was Mercury, whom they called Wooden; his sacrifices were Men; and the day consecrated to him, was the fourth of the week, which we therefore at this day call Wednesday.Wednesday (b). The sixth day, they consecrated to Venus, whom they called Frea and Frico, from whence we call that dayFriday. Friday: as Tuesday.Tuesday is derived from Tuisco, the founder of the German nation. They had also a Goddess calledThe Goddess Eoster. Eoster, to whom they sacrificed in the month of April; whereupon, saith Bede, they called April, Eoster-monath; and we at this day call theTime of Sacrifice. Paschal Feast, Easter. The Angles (saith Tacitus) as did the other neighbouring nations, worship’dHerthus, a Goddess. Herthus, i.e. their mother earth; as (c) believing that she interested her self in the affairs of men and nations. In our language, that word still signifies earth,Earth. but not in the German; for they use Arden to signifie earth. The foremention’d Ethelwerd has left us this account of their Superstitions, as to what relates to his own times. The Northern Infidels have been seduced to such a degree, that to this day the Danes, Normans, and Suevians, worship Woodan as their Lord. And, in another place, The barbarous nations honour’d Woodan as a God; and those Pagans offer’d Sacrifice to him, to make them victorious and valiant.

(a) See Barkshire, under the Title, Vale of White-horse.

(b) From the same original is Wodensdic, Wodensburrow, &c. in Wiltshire.

(c) See Sir Henry Spelman’s Glossary, under the title Herthus.

But Adam Bremensis gives a more full account of these matters. In a Temple (call’d in their tongue Ubsola, the furniture whereof is all of gold) the people worship the Statues of three Gods. Thor, the most powerful of them, has a room by himself in the middle; and on each side of him, are, Wodan, and Fricco. TheSignificationes.
Thursday.
emblems of them are these: Thor they take to be the ruler of the air, and to send, as he sees convenient, thunder and lightning, winds and showers, fair weather, and fruit. Wodan, the second, is more valiant; it is he that manages wars, and inspires people with courage against their Enemies. Fricco, the third, presents men with peace and pleasure; and his statue is cut with a large * * Priapo ingenti.privy-member. They engrave Wodan armed, as Mars is with us. Thor seems to be represented, with the Scepter of Jupiter. But these errors have at length fled before the Truth of Christianity.

A Monarchy always, even in the Saxon Heptarchy. After they had fix’d in Britain, they divided it into seven Kingdoms, and made it a Heptarchy. But even in that, he who was most powerful, was (as BedeLib. 2. c.5. has observ’d) stil’d King of the English nation; so that in the very Heptarchy, there seems always to have been a sort of Monarchy. 596. Afterwards, Austin, commonly call’d the English Apostle,Austin the English Apostle. was dispatch’d hither by Gregory the Great; and, banishing those monsters of heathenish profaneness, did with wonderful success plant Christ in their hearts, and convert them to the Christian Faith.Conversion of the English to Christianity. How it came to pass that Gregory should have so peculiar a concern for the Conversion of the English nation, we may learn from venerable Bede, who has left us what himself receiv’d by tradition. Lib. 2. c.1. The report goes, that on a certain day, when the merchants were newly come, and great variety of wares were exposed to sale, many Chapmen flock’d together, and amongst the rest Gregory himself. He took notice, among other things, of some boys that were to be sold: their bodies were white, their looks ingenuous, and their hair very lovely. After he had view’d them, he enquir’d (as the story goes) from what country or nation they came? They told him, from the Isle of Britain, the inhabitants whereof were all of that make and complexion. Next, he ask’d them, whether the people of that Island were Christians, or were yet involv’d in the errors of Paganism? The answer was, that they were Pagans. At which, fetching a deep sigh, Alas! (says he) that the father of darkness should be master of such bright faces, and that such graceful looks should carry with them a mind void of inward grace. Another question he put to them, was about the name of that country. They told him, the people were called Angles. And (says he) not amiss: for as they have Angelical looks, so it is fit that such should be fellow-heirs with the Angels in heaven. But what was the name of that peculiar Province from whence these were brought? It was answer’d, the inhabitants of it were called Deiri.Hol. Deirness. Yes (says he) Deiri, as much as de ira eruti, i.e. deliver’d from wrath, and call’d to the mercy of Christ. What is the name of the King of that Province? They told him, ÆlleAElle . And, alluding to the name, it is fit (says he) that Alleluia should be sung in those parts, to the praise of God our Creator. Upon this, going to the Pope (for this happen’d before he was made Pope himself) he beg’d him to send the Nation of the Angles, in Britain, some Ministers of the Gospel, by whose preaching they might be converted to Christ; adding, that himself was ready, by the assistance of God, to perform this great work, if it should please the Pope to have it done.

Concerning the same Conversion, Gregory the Great writes thus: Behold, it has pierced the hearts of all nations! how the utmost bounds of East and West are joyned in one common Faith! Even the British tongue, which used to mutter nothing but barbarity, has a good while since begun to eccho forth the Hebrew Halleluia in divine Anthems. And in a Letter to Austin himself: Who can express the general joy and satisfaction among all faithful people, since the English nation (by the Grace of Almighty God, and the endeavours of you our Brother) hath quitted the Errors of Darkness, and is enlighten’d with the beams of our holy Faith; since, with a most pious zeal, they now tread under-foot those Idols, before which they formerly kneeled with that blind veneration. In an ancient fragment of that age, we read thus: Upon one single Christmas-day (to the eternal honour of the English nation) Austin baptized above ten thousand men, besides an infinite number of women and children. But pray, how should Priests, or others in holy Orders, be got, to baptise such a prodigious number? The river Swale, in Yorkshire.Bede tells this whole matter of Paulinus, Archbishop of York, not of Austin. The Archbishop, after he had consecrated the river Swale, commanded, by the Criers and principal men, that they should with faith go in two by two, and in the name of the holy Trinity baptize each other. Thus were they all regenerate, by as great a miracle, as once the people of Israel passed thro’ the divided Sea, and thro’ Jordan, when it was turned back. For in the same manner here, so great a variety of sex and age, pass’d such a deep chanel, and yet (which in human account is incredible) not one receiv’d harm. A strange miracle this was! but what is yet a greater, the River cures all diseases and infirmities. Whoever steps in faint and disordered, comes out sound and whole. What a joyful sight was this for Angels and men! So many thousands of a Proselyte nation, coming out of the chanel of the same River, as out of the womb of one Mother! One single pool preparing so many inhabitants for the heavenly mansions! Hereupon, Pope Gregory (with all the companies of the Saints above) broke forth into joy; and could not rest till he had written to Eulogius, the holy Patriarch of Alexandria, most joyfully to congratulate him upon so vast a number being baptized on one Christmas-day.

Religion of the Saxons. No sooner was the name of Christ preach’d in the English Nation, but with a most fervent zeal they gave up themselves to it, and employ’d their utmost endeavours to promote it, by discharging all the duties of Christian Piety, and by erecting Churches, and plentifully endowing them: so that no part of the Christian world could show either more or richer Monasteries, than they. Nay, even some of their Kings preferred a Religious life before their very Crowns. So many holy men did it produce, who, for their firm profession of the Christian Religion, their resolute perseverance in it, and their unfeigned piety, were Sainted; that in this point it is equal to any country in the whole Christian world. And as that prophane Porphyry stiled Britain a Province fruitful in tyrants, so England might juftly be called an Island most fruitful in Saints.

The learning of the Saxons. Afterwards, they began to promote humane learning, and by the help of Winifrid, Willebrod, and others, conveyed that and the Gospel together into Germany; as a German Poet has told us in these Verses:

Hæc tamen Arctois laus est æterna Britannis,
Quòd post Pannonicis vastatum incursibus orbem,
Illa bonas artes, & Graiæ munera linguæ,
Stellarumque vias, & magni sydera cœli
Observans, iterum turbatis intulit oris.
Quin se relligio, multum debere Britannis
Servata, & latè circum dispersa fatetur:
Quis nomen, Winfride, tuum, quis munera nescit?
Te duce, Germanis pietas se vera, fidesque
Insinuans, cœpit ritus abolere prophanos.
Quid non Alcuino facunda Lutetia debes?
Instaurare bonas ibi qui fœliciter artes,
Barbariemque procul solus depellere cœpit.
Quid? tibi divinumque Bedam, doctissimus olim
Tam varias unus bene qui cognoverat artes
Debemus.

Let this to Britain’s lasting fame be said,
When barbarous troops the civil world o’respread,
And persecuted Science into exile fled:
’Twas happy she did all those arts restore,
That Greece or Rome had boasted of before:
Taught the rude world to climb the untrod spheres,
And trace th’ eternal courses of the stars.
Nor Learning only, but Religion too,
Her rise and growth to British soil doth owe.
’Twas thou, blest Winifred, whose virtue’s light
From our dull climate chased the fogs of night:
Profanest rites thy pious charms obeyed,
And trembling superstition own’d thy power and fled.
Nor smaller tokens of esteem from France
Alcuinus claims, who durst himself advance
Single against whole troops of ignorance.
’Twas he transported Britain’s richest ware,
Language and arts, and kindly taught them here.
With him his Master Bede shall ever live,
And all the learning he engross’d, survive.

Britain twice School-mistress to France. And Peter Ramus farther adds, that Britain was twice School-mistress to France; meaning, first by the Druids, and then by Alcuinus, who was the main instrument made use of by Charles the Great, in erecting an University at Paris.

The marching back of the Saxons into Germany. And as they introduc’d into Germany Learning and Religion, so also did they introduce military discipline. Nay, what is more, those Saxons who live in the Dukedom of Saxony are descended from them, if we may depend upon Eginhardus’s words: The Saxon nation (as Antiquity tells us) leaving those Angles which inhabit Britain, out of a desire, or rather necessity, of settling in some new home, pass’d the sea, making to the German Coast, and came ashore at a place named Haduloha. It was about that time, that Theoderick King of the Franks made war upon Hirminfrid, Duke of the Thuringi, his son-in-law, and barbarously wasted the land with fire and sword. After two set battles, the victory was still depending, tho’ abundance of Blood had been shed on both sides. Upon which, Theoderick, disappointed of his hopes of Conquest, sent Ambassadors to the Saxons. Their Duke at that time was one Hadugato; who, as soon as he heard their business, and their proposals of living together in case of victory, marched with an Army to their assistance. By the help of these (who fought it out stoutly, as if they had been disputing for their own Liberty and Property) he conquer’d the enemy, spoil’d the inhabitants, put most of them to the sword, and, according to promise, yeilded up the land to the Auxiliaries. They divided it by lot; and, because the war had reduced them to so small a number that they could not people the whole; they let out part of it, especially that which lies Eastward, to the Boors; each of which, according to his quantity, was to pay a certain Rent. The rest they cultivated themselves. On the South-side of them, liv’d the Franks, and a party of the Thuringi, who had not been engaged in the late war; from whom they were divided by the river Unstrote. On the North-side, were the Normans, a fierce and resolute nation: on the East, the Obotriti; and on the West, the Frisians. Against these they were always maintaining their ground, either by truce, or by Engagements when necessary. But now let us return to our English Saxons.

The Saxons, for a long time, liv’d under their Heptarchy in a flourishing condition; till at last, all the other Kingdoms, shatter’d with civil wars, were subdu’d to that of the West-Saxons. For Egbert, King of the West-Saxons, after he had conquered four of these Kingdoms, and had a fair prospect of the other two; to unite them in name, as he had already done in government, and, to keep up the memory of his own nation, publish’dAbout the year 800. on Edict, wherein it was ordered that the whole Heptarchy which the Saxons had possessed themselves of, should be called Englelond, i.e. the land of the Angles.England. From hence came the Latin name Anglia; taken from the Angles, who, of the three nations that came over, were the most numerous and most valiant. The Kingdoms of Northumberland and Mercia, two of the largest, with that of the East-Angles, were theirs; whereas the Jutes had no more than Kent, and the Isle of Wight; and the Saxons, the territories of the East, West, and South-Saxons; very narrow bounds, if compared with those large territories of the Angles. From these, many ages since, they were call’d by one general name, Angles, and in their own language,Theod, i.e. a nation. Englatheod, Anglcynne, Englcynne, Engliscmon; tho’ at the same time every particular Kingdom had a distinct name of its own. And this is evident, as from other Writers, so especially from Bede, who entitles his history, The History of the English nation. So, even in the Heptarchy, the Kings who were more powerful than the rest, were stiled Kings of the English nation. Then it was, that the name of Britain fell into disuse in this Island; and was only to be found in Books, being never heard in conversation. Epist. ad Zachariam P. P. So that Boniface, Bishop of Mentz, an English-man born, terms our nation Transmarine Saxony. But King Eadred (as appears from certain Charters) stil’d himself King of Great Britain, about the year 948; and Eadgar, about the year 970, Monarch of all Albion.

When it was first called England, then were the Angles in the height of their glory; and as such (according to the common fate of things in this world) were ready for their fall. For the Danes, after they had prey’d upon our Coasts for many years together, began at last to make miserable havock of the Nation it self.

ornament
THE
NAMES of the ENGLISH-SAXONS.

Big I I Had design’d here, to insert the order and succession of the Saxon Kings, as well in the Heptarchy as Monarchy; but because this may not be a proper place for them, and a heap of bare names may not be so acceptable; perhaps I shall oblige the reader more, by drawing up a short scheme of the observations I have made (especially out of Alfrick the Grammarian) concerning the force, original, and signification of their Names. Phoenicum Not that I pretend to explain every name, for that would be too laborious a Work; besides, that such barbarous names (wherein there is a great emphasis, a concise brevity, and something of ambiguity,) are very hardly translated into another language.Porphyry de Theolog. Phœnicum. But because most of them are compounds, the simples whereof are very few; I shall explain the latter, that so the signification of the former (which always implied something of good luck) may be more easily discover’d; and to shew that the Greek text nominum (the derivation of names) mentioned by Plato, is to be found in all nations.

Æl. Eal. Al. ÆL. EAL and AL. in compound names (as Greek text in the Greek-compounds) signifies all or altogether. So, Ælwinaelwin ael, is, a complete Conqueror: Albert, all illustrious: Aldred, altogether reverend: Alfred, altogether peaceful. To these, Pammachius, Pancratius, Pamphilus, &c. do in some measure answer.

Ælf, Ulf, &c. ÆLF. (which according to various dialects, is pronounced ulf, wolph, hulph, hilp, helfe, and at this day helpe) implies assistance. So Ælfwin, is victorious aid: Ælfwold, an auxiliary governour: Ælfgifa, a Lender of assistance. With which, Boetius, Symmachus, Epicurus, &c. bear a plain analogy.AElfwin AElfwold AElfgifa AELF

Ard. ARD. signifies natural disposition. As Godard, is a divine temper: Reinard, a sincere temper: Giffard, a bountiful and liberal disposition: Bernard, filial affection, &c.

Athel. and Ethel. ATHEL. Adel. and Æthel. is Noble. So Æthelred, is noble for counsel: Æthelard, a noble genius: Æthelbert, eminently noble: Æthelward, a noble Protector.AEthel AEthelred AEthelard AEthelbert AEthelward

Bert. BERT. is the same with our bright; in the latin illustris and clarus. So Ecbert, eternally famous or bright: Sigbert, famous conqueror: And she who was term’d by the Germans Bertha, was by the Greeks call’d Eudoxia, as is observ’d by Luitprandus. Of the same sort were these, Phædrus, Epiphanius, Photius, Lampridius, Fulgentius, Illustrius.Phaedrus

Bald. BALD. as we learn from Jornandes, was us’d by the northern nations to signifie the same as the latin audax, bold; and is still in use. So Baldwin (and by inversion Winbald) is bold conqueror; Ethelbald, nobly bold: Eadbald, happily bold. Which are of the same import, as Thraseas, Thrasymachus, Thrasybulus, &c.

Burh. ⌈BURH. is a Tower, and, from that, a defence or protection; so, Cwenburh is a woman ready to assist; Cuthburh eminent for assistance.

Ceol. CEOL. an initial in the names of men, signifies a Ship or Ciule, such as those that the Saxons landed in.⌉

Cen and Kin. CEN. and Kin, denote kinsfolk. So Cinulph, is a help to his kindred: Cinehelm, a protector of his Kindred: Cinburg, the defence of his kindred: Cinric, powerful in kindred.

Cuth. CUTH. signifies knowledge, or skill. So Cuthwin, is a knowing conqueror: Cuthred, a knowing counsellor: Cuthbert, famous for skill. Much of the same nature, are Sophocles, Sophianus, &c.

Ead. EAD. ⌈ ÆD.aed ED.⌉ in the compound, and Eadig in the simple names, denotes happiness, or blessedness. Thus, Eadward is a happy preserver: Eadulph, happy assistance: Eadgar, happy power: Eadwin, happy conqueror. Which Macarius, Eupolemus, Faustus, Fortunatus, Felicianus, &c. do in some measure resemble. ⌈Ead may also, in some cases, be derived from the Saxon eath, which signifies Easie, gentle, mild.

Ferth. FERTH, and FORTH. common Terminations, are the same as in English, an Army; coming from the Saxon-word Saxon: fyrth.⌉

Fred. FRED. is the same with peace; upon which our fore-fathers call’d their sanctuaries fred-stole, i.e. the seats of peace. So, Frederic, is powerful or wealthy in peace: Winfred, victorious peace: Reinfred, sincere peace.

Gar. ⌈GAR. in Saxon signifies a weapon; so Eadgar, is a happy weapon; Ethelgar, a noble weapon.⌉

Gisle. GISLE. among the English-Saxons signifies a pledge. Thus Fredgisle, is pledge of peace: Gislebert, an illustrious pledge: like the Greek Homerus.

Heard. ⌈HEARD, signifies a Keeper; and is sometimes initial, as Heard-bearht, a glorious Keeper, sometimes final, as Cyneheard, a Royal-keeper.⌉

Hold. HOLD. in the old Glossaries is mention’d in the same sense with wold, i.e. a governor or chief officer; but in some other place, for love, as Holdlic, lovely.

Helm. HELM. denotes Defence; as Eadhelm, happy defence: Sighelm, victorious defence: Berthelm, eminent defence: like Amyntas, and Boetius, among the Greeks.

Hare and Here. HARE. and HERE. differing in pronunciation only, signifie both an army, and a lord. So, Harold, is a General of an army; Hareman, a chief man in the army; Herebert, famous in the army: Herwin, a victorious army. Which are much like Stratocles, Polemarchus, Hegesistratus, &c. among the Greeks.

Hild.

Wiga.
HILD. in Ælfrick’sAElfrick’s Grammar is interpreted a Lord, or Lady. So, Hildebert, is a noble Lord: Mahtild, an Heroick Lady: and in the same sense, is Wiga also found.

Leod. LEOD. signifies the people: ⌈or rather a Nation, Country.⌉ &c. Thus Leodgar, is one of great interest with the People, ⌈or Nation.⌉

Leof. LEOF. denotes love. So Leofwin, is a winner of love: Leofstan, the best belov’d. Like these, Agapetus, Erasmus, Erastus, Philo, Amandus.

Mere. ⌈MÆREMAERE . is derived from the Saxon Saxon: maer, famous, great, noted: so, Ælmere,AElmere is, all famous; ÆthelmereAEthelmere , famous for nobility.⌉

Mund. MUND. is peace; from whence our Lawyers call a breach of the peace, Mundbrech. So, Eadmund, is happy peace: Æthelmund, noble peace: Ælmund, all peace: with which these are much of the same import, Irenæus: Hesychius, Lenis, Pacatus, Sedatus, Tranquillus, &c.AEthelmund AElmund Irenaeus

Ord. ⌈ORD. signifies an Edge or Sharpness; as in Ordhelm, Ordbright, &c. and in the Islandish tongue Or signifies a spear or dart.⌉

Rad. red. rod. RAD. red. and rod. differing only in dialect, signifie counsel; as Conrad, powerful or skilful in counsel: ÆthelredAEthelred , a noble counsellor: Rodbert, eminent for counsel. Eubulus and Thrasybulus have almost the same sense.

Ric. RIC. denotes a powerful, rich, or valiant man; as Fortunatus has told us in those verses:

Hilperice potens, si interpres barbarus adsit
Adiutor fortis hoc quoque nomen habet
.

Hilp’ric Barbarians a stout helper term.

So, Alfric, is altogether strong: ÆthelricAEthelric , nobly strong, or powerful. To the same sense, are Polycrates, Crato, Plutarchus, Opimius.

Sig. SIG. was us’d by them for Victory; as Sigebert, famous for victory: Sigward, victorous preserver: Sigard, conquering temper. And almost in the same sense, are Nicocles, Nicomachus, Nicander, Victor, Victorinus, Vincentius, &c.

Stan. STAN. amongst our forefathers was the termination † Vid. Sax. Gram. de Adjectivis.of the superlative degree. So, Athelstan, most noble: Betstan, the best: Leofstan, the dearest; Wistan, the wisest: Dunstan, the highest.

Weard. ⌈WEARD. whether initial or final, signifies watchfulness or Care; from the Saxon Saxon: weardan, to ward or keep.⌉

Wi. WI. holy. Thus Wimund, holy peace: Wibert, eminent for sanctity: Alwi, altogether holy. As, Hierocles, Hieronymus, Hosius, &c.

Wig. ⌈WIG. being a termination in the names of men, signifies war; or else a Heroe, from Saxon: wiga, a word of that signification.

Wiht. WIHT. an initial in the names of men, signifies strong, nimble, lusty; which are imply’d in that word, being purely Saxon.⌉

Willi. WILLI. and Vili. among the English-Saxons (as Billi at this day among the Germans) signify’d many. So Willielmus, is the defender of many: Wildred, worthy of respect from many: Wilfred, peace to many. Which are answer’d, in sense and signification, by Polymachus, Polycrates, Polyphilus, &c.

Win. ⌈WIN. whether initial or final in the names of men, may either denote a masculine temper, from Saxon: win, which signifies in Saxon War, Strength, &c. or else the general love and esteem he hath among the People; from the Saxon Saxon: wine, i.e. dear, beloved, &c.⌉

Wold. WOLD. and Wald. with them, signify’d a ruler or governour. From whence Bertwold, is a famous governor; ÆthelwoldAEthelwold , a noble governour: Herwald, and by inversion Waldher, a General of an army.

But here let us stop; since others as well as my self, will think I have said too much upon so trifling a subject.

The name Britain renew’d. It may perhaps be more considerable if I tell posterity (supposing these papers to have the good fortune to live) what I my self am † Circ. Ann. 1607.an eye-witness of; That as Egbert ordered this nearer part of Britain, then his own dominion, to be call’d England; so now, after about * * Now, about 900.800 years, while I am revising this work, King † Jac. 1.James being by the favour of heaven and his own hereditary title, invested with the Monarchy of this Island, to the general satisfaction of all good men (that, as the Island is but one, encompass’d with one sea, under one person, and one crown, with the same language, religion, laws, and judicial process; so, to settle it in lasting happiness, and to remove all old quarrels, it might be call’d by one name:) King * * Jac. 1.James (I say) in the second year of his reign, did by Proclamation assume the stile and title of King of Great Britain in all cases whatsoever, except in the Instruments of Law.

General Rules, whereby to know the Original of the Names of PLACES in England.

AB, in the beginning of names of Places, is oft-times a contraction of Abbot, and implies, either that a Monastery was there, or that the place belonged to some Monastery.

AC, AK, being Initials in the names of Places, signify an Oak, from the Saxon Ac, an Oak.

AL, ATTLE, ADLE, do all seem to be corruptions of the Saxon Saxon: aethel, Noble, famous; as also ALLING and ADLING, are corruptions of Saxon: aetheling, noble, splendid, famous.

AL, ALD, being initials, are derived from the Saxon Saxon: Eald, ancient; and so is oft-times the initial All, being melted by the Normans, from the Saxon Saxon: eald.

AL, HAL, are derived from the Saxon Saxon: healle, i.e. a hall, a Palace: So, in Gothick, alh signifies a Temple, or any other famous Building.

ASK, ASH, AS, do all come from the Saxon Saxon: aesc, an Ash-tree.

BAM, BEAM, being initials in the name of any place, usually imply it to be, or at least to have been, woody; from the Saxon beam, which we use in the same sense to this day.

BARROW, whether in the beginning or end of names of Places, signifies a Grove; from Saxon: bearwe, which the Saxons us’d in the same sense.

BRAD, being an initial, signifies broad, spacious, from the Saxon Saxon: brad, and the Gothick braid.

BRIG (and possibly also BRIX) is derived from the Saxon Saxon: bricg, a bridge; which to this day in the northern Counties is called a brigge, and not a bridge.

BRUN, BRAN, BROWN, BOURN, BURN; are all derived from the Saxon Saxon: born, Saxon: bourn, Saxon: brunna, Saxon: burna; all signifying a River.

BUR, BOUR, BOR, come from the Saxon Saxon: bur, an inner chamber, or place of shade and Retirement.

BURROW, BURH, BURG, are derived from the Saxon Saxon: burg, byrig, a City, Town, Tower, or Castle.

BYE, BEE, came immediately from the Saxon Saxon: by, bying, i.e. a dwelling.

CAR, CHAR, in the names of places, seem to have relation to the British Caer, a City.

CASTOR, CHESTER, are derived from the Saxon Saxon: ceaster, a City, Town, or Castle; and that, from the Latin Castrum; the Saxons chusing to fix in such places of strength and figure, as the Romans had before built or fortified.

CHIP, CHEAP, CHIPPING, in the names of places, imply a market; from the Saxon Saxon: cyppan, ceapan, to buy or traffic.

COMB, in the end, and COMP in the beginning of names, seem to be derived from the British kum, which signifies a low situation.

COT, COTE, COAT, are all from the Saxon Saxon: cot, a Cottage.

CRAG, is in British a rough steep rock, and is used in the same sense in the northern Counties, at this day.

DEN, may signifie either a Valley, or a woody place; for the Saxon Saxon: den imports both.

DER, in the beginning of names of Places, is generally to be derived from Saxon: deor, a wild-beast: unless the place stand upon a river, for then it may rather be fetch’d from the British dur, i.e. water.

ER, a syllable in the middle of names of places, comes by contraction from the Saxon Saxon: wara, dwellers.

ERNE, ERON, do immediately flow from the Saxon Saxon: ern, earn, a cottage or place of retirement.

EY, EA, EE, may either come from Saxon: ig an Island, by melting the Saxon Saxon: g into Saxon: y, which is usually done; or from the Saxon ea, which signifies a water, river, &c. or lastly, from Saxon: leag a field, by the same kind of melting.

FLEET, FLEOT, FLOT, are all derived from the Saxon Saxon: fleot, which signifies a bay, or gulf.

GRAVE, a final Syllable in the names of Places, is from the Saxon Saxon: graef, a Grove, or Cave.

HAM, whether initial or final, is no other than the Saxon Saxon: ham, a house, farm, or village.

HOLME, HOWME, whether jointly or singly, comes from the Saxon Saxon: holm, a river-Island; or, if the place be not such, the same word signifies also a hill, or mountain.

HOLT, whether at the beginning or ending of the name of any place, signifies, that it is, or hath been, woody, from the Saxon Saxon: holt, a wood; or sometimes, possibly, from the Saxon Saxon: hol, i.e. hollow, especially when the name ends in tun or dun.

HYRST, HURST, HERST, are all from the Saxon Saxon: hyrst, a wood, or grove.

INGE, in the names of places, signifies a meadow, from the Saxon Saxon: ing of the same import.

LADE, is the mouth of a river, and is derived from the Saxon Saxon: lade, which signifies a purging or discharging; there being a discharge of the waters, into the Sea, or into some greater river.

LEY, LEE, LAY, are all from the Saxon Saxon: Leag, a field or pasture; by the usual melting of the letter Saxon: g.

LOWE, LOE, come from the Saxon Saxon: hleaw, a hill, heap, or barrow; and so the Gothick hlaiw, is a monument, or barrow.

MARSH, MARS, MAS, are derived from the Saxon Saxon: mersc, a fenn, or fenny place.

MER, MERE, whether in the beginning, middle, or end, always signify the same with the Saxon Saxon: mere, i.e. a pool, or lake.

OVER, hath a double signification in the names of places, according to the different situations of them. If the place be upon, or near, a river, it comes from the Saxon Saxon: ofer, or Saxon: ofre, a brink, or bank: But if there is in the neighbourhood another of the same name, distinguished by the addition of Nether; then Over is from the Saxon Saxon: ufar, i.e. upper, and nether from the Saxon Saxon: nither, i.e. lower.

PRES, PREST, seem to be derived from the Saxon Saxon: Preost, a Priest; it being usual, in after-times, to drop the letter (o) in like cases.

RIG, RIDGE, seem to signify the top of a hill falling on each side; from the Saxon Saxon: hrigge, and the Islandick hriggur, both signifying a back.

STEAD, STED, being in the name of a Place that is distant from any River, comes from the Saxon Saxon: sted, styd a place; but if it be upon a river, or a harbour, it is to be derived from Saxon: stathe, a shore, or station for ships.

STOKE, STOAK, seem to come from the Saxon Saxon: stocce, signifying the stock or body of a tree.

STOWE, STOE, whether singly or jointly, are the same with the Saxon Saxon: stow, a Place.

THORP, THROP, THREP, TREP, TROP, are all from the Saxon Saxon: thorp, which signifies a Village.

TON, TUN, are derived from the Saxon Saxon: tun, a hedge, or wall; and this seems to be from Saxon: dun a hill; the Towns being anciently built on hills, for the sake of defence and protection, in times of war.

WEALD, WALD, WALT, whether singly or jointly, signify a wood or grove, from the Saxon Saxon: weald, a word of the same import.

WERTH, WEORTH, WYRTH, whether initial or final in the names of Places, signify a farm, court, or village, from the Saxon Saxon: weorthig, used by them in the same sense.

WIC, WICH, come from the Saxon Saxon: wic, which, according to the different nature and condition of Places, hath a threefold signification; implying, either a village, or a bay made by the winding banks of a river, or a Castle.

WIN, in the names of Places, implies a battle fought there; for so the Saxon Saxon: win signifies.

WOLD, whether singly or jointly, signifies a plain open Country; from the Saxon Saxon: wold, a plain, and a place without wood.

ornament

ornament
NOTES
UPON THE
SAXON COINS.

General Remarks, by Mr. Walker.

I. Big T THE Saxons and Franks bordered upon one another in their ancient seats between the Elbe and the Rhine, and changed their countries much about the same time; i.e. a little before the year of Christ 450. For a King of the Franks dying, left two sons, who contended for the Kingdom; the elder (whose name we know not) took part with Attila, and brought an army to him; as the younger did to Aetius. This seems, by good Authors, to have been Meroveus, a very valiant Prince, and great friend to the Romans. To him, after that great battle, Aetius gave part of Gallia, then very much depopulated by those destructive wars: which he going to possess, took with him the whole remainder of his nation; into whose country the Saxons succeeded. But a few years after, a considerable part of them relinquished it, accepting that invitation into Britain. Both nations seem to have spoken the same language, and retained the same customs, and to have imitated one another, as in many other things, so in their coins; both as to figure, weight, and manner of stamping. On the one side placing the King’s face, and sometimes his name only; on the other, the name of the Mint-master, and sometimes of the governour of the place where coined. So that there is little or no Erudition to be gained by them: (though their predecessors, the Britains, were careful, after their embracing Christianity, to express some of its customs and ceremonies.) But in this they differed, that the Franks used more variety, and frequent changes, both of allay, weight, and value, in their coins; and their Princes made more use of their seigneurage, or sovereign power of coining, to the no small disadvantage and trouble of their subjects; insomuch that they petition’d King Charles VII. to quit this his prerogative; and on that condition they would consent, that he should impose upon them tailles (taxes) and aides. To which the King consented; reserving to himself only such a proportion of the seigneurage, as might pay the Officers of the mint, and the charges of fabrication. Whereas, this Nation hath very seldom practised it, either then, or since. And though the French writers very much applaud us for it; yet the reason may be, that we have not such great occasions and necessities to force us to it. Therefore neither have we such variety of laws, records, or regulations of moneys, as in France are in the Court des monnoies, established for those orderings and pleas concerning their money. And I conceive the reason to be, because very much more money was requisite to be coined in that rich and spacious dominion (which was, because of its situation, exceedingly frequented by merchants;) than in this small corner: as, I think, appears from this, that all our money is readily fabricated in one place, whereas in France more than twenty are hardly sufficient. And though, in the Saxon times, the like licence was granted to several cities and large towns; yet it seems, by the remains which we find of them, that no great quantity was here coined; nor can I imagin whence they should procure any great quantity of bullion.

II. Though there be not much Erudition in these coins (as indeed neither was there in the times of the later Emperors of Rome, who after Aurelian, did more regard the profit of the money, than the honour of their actions,) yet something now and then occurs. But I think there is no man who would not be glad to see the countenances, and other relicts, of their victorious Ancestors. For, notwithstanding what some have written, it seems very difficult to shew such a succession of worthy Princes in any nation, as were those of the Saxons; especially the progeny and successors of Cerdic in the West. For, even when Pagans, they were very active, valiant, and warlike; and governed their people in great justice and peaceableness. Amongst so many of them, it is wonderful to see how few were slothful, or vicious.

Saxon Coins table 1
Table 1: Saxon Coins

III. Concerning their coins in general, it is observable, that we had much fewer of brass, than silver; ⌈till a vast quantity of them were found at Rippon, Ann. 1695.Mr. Thoresby. But as to Gold, there are no Saxon moneys of that metal in any Repository now in being, nor mention of such in any authentick Record.⌉ Most of their Coins are also small (pennies) equal to about three of our pence. They are likewise thin, to hinder falsifying. The Kings, even when the Kingdom was reduced to one Monarchy, had several minting-houses. Divers Bishops also, and some Noblemen, had privileges to coin. King ÆthelstanAEthelstan had at London eight; at Winchester six; at Lewis, Hastings, Hampton, Wereham, in each two; at Chichester one; at Rochester three, (the King two, the Bishop one); at Canterbury seven, (the King four, the Archbishop two, the Abbot one) &c. The reverse upon their coins was for the most part quarterly divided: for at first they made no other money, and when they would have a half-penny or farthing, they broke them into two or four parts; and these are called broken money to this day. Hoveden saith, that Henry I. was the first that coined half-pence and farthings, because before his time, when any one would pay a half-penny or farthing, it was done by breaking the penny into two or four parts. Harding also saith, that Edward IV. was the first, who coined groats or great pennies; which I think is false, for those peices were stamp’d in Edward the third’s time,Mr. Thoresby. ⌈as appears by several, coined in that reign, both at York and London, and now preserved in the Musæum Musaeum of Mr. Thoresby. One of which (to put this matter out of all doubt) has Aquitain; which shews that it was minted before the Kings of England assumed the title of France. But in the noble Repository of the Right Honourable the Earl of Pembroke, an accurate Judge in this, and many other parts of Learning, there is a much greater Rarity, viz. a Groat of King Edward the First; which Prince (and not Henry I.) took away the use of broken monies, and coined half-pence and farthings round, which continued till the reign of King James I, who left off coining of silver farthings.⌉ The Danes also, whilst they governed here, used the Saxon-like penny; though they reckoned by † Oras.Ores; but having never seen any of them, I conceive it was not the name of any coin, but used only in accounting; as with us, a mark, a noble, &c.

IV. Ingulfus observes, that the Saxon alphabet was changed by King ÆlfredAElfred , who being very learned and curious, introduc’d the French manner of writing. Their former hand seems to have borrowed much from the Runic, as you may see in the Table added to the last plate of the Roman Coins. That which he introduced, was according to the best Roman at that time used, though he took it from the French. For, by those characters, we may make a good judgment of the writings of those times, and the antiquity of the Manuscripts. Their W (the form whereof may be seen in the Saxon Alphabet) was peculiar to them: it seems to have been in pronunciation the same with the V consonant; which anciently, I believe, did not partake of the B. For that sound, the Emperor Claudius invented the Digamma ÆolicumAEolicum ; but, after his death, it was disused. Vir the Saxons pronounced were; vallum, wall; vidua, widwe a widow, and the like. The Greeks expressed Vespasianus, by Greek text, the Latins called vinum, the Saxons wine. More may be observed concerning their alphabet; which perhaps may be considered in another place.

V. Mr. Thoresby. ⌈The Saxon Coins in the following Tables, which are distinguished from the rest by their largeness, are supposed by persons of Curiosity to be indeed larger by far than the Originals; and tho’ Speed hath delineated them so, before the lives of the Monarchs, it is certain, that the Saxon Saxon: scilling was merely nominal, as our Marks and Nobles, and that no larger pieces were ever coined, than their Pennies, which in their dimensions are between the Sizes of the three pences and groats of the late hammered monies. And to put this matter beyond dispute, tho’ some of these large pieces are ascribed to Sir Andrew Fountain and Mr. Thoresby, they have, in their respective Musæum’s, none larger than the common sort; one only excepted, which yet is no larger, than according to the † Fountain’s Num. Sax.
Tab. ix. Num. incert
. II.
draught thereof.

VI. To make the Saxon Coins more intelligible to such as are not well acquainted with their Characters; besides Mr. Walker’s Notes, the Inscriptions in each Table are given in modern characters by Mr. Thoresby; the remaining letters of each word (not expressed in the Inscription) being added in smaller letters.⌉

Saxon Coins. Tab. I.
Notes upon Tab. I. by Mr. WALKER.

1, 2. THE first and second are of the same Cuthred King of Kent, (there seem very few coins of the Kings of Kent, extant). There were also two of the same name, West-Saxons, and Christians. This Cuthred was by Coenuulf King of Mercia made King instead of Eadbertus Pren. He reigned (though obscurely, as being set up by an enemy) eight years, and died Anno 805.

3. The third is of Plegmund, Anno 890. chosen by God and all his Saints (saith the Saxon Chronicle) to be Archbishop of Canterbury. He was a person of excellent worth, for learning, prudence, and devotion: at first, an Hermit living near Chester; whence he was brought by King Alfred, both to instruct him when young, and advise him when he came to his Kingdom; by whom also he was thus advanced. He was in great veneration in the whole Church, as appears by the Archbishop of Rhemes letters: he deceased Anno 923.

4. The fourth, Ceolnoth; consecrated Archbishop, Sept. 1. 830, and Anno 831 received the Pallium; he died Ann. 870. He was commonly called, The good Bishop.

5. The fifth, Eadberht, was the name of two Kings of Kent, and of one of Northumberland. Which of these coined this money, is uncertain. His name (as too many of those of our ancient Kings) is diversly written, as Edbert, Eadbert, &c. The Reverse (a Dragon) if yet it be a Dragon (v. Tab 1. Sect. 3.) was an ensign used by divers of the Northern Princes. This seems copied from one of Antiochus Epiphanes. The Romans, from Trajan’s conquering of the Dacians, used it also; but their’s was in the form of a great serpent, and not of an Imagination, as this is.

6. The 6th, Ecgbert, was the name also of divers Saxon Kings; one of Kent, one of Northumberland, one of Mercia; besides him of the West-Saxons, who reduced all the Kingdoms into one Monarchy. For whom this coin was made, is to me unknown: he seems placed between two crosses in imitation of some of the Eastern Emperors. The reverse seems to be only the name of the Mint-master. Uiborhtus is a name still in reputation in the North; it may be this Ecberht was the Northumbrian.

7. The seventh, Cuthred; whether the same with the former, is not known. I rather think him to be the West-Saxon, the brother of Ethelwerd, about the year 740; a valiant and victorious Prince. Sigebert seems to have been the Noble-person, who was commander of the place where this was coined.

8. The eighth, Alred, is Alhred King of Northumberland Anno 765: he reigned eight years, and, at York, was expelled his Kingdom Anno 774. On the reverse, Edwin, seems to have been a Nobleman.

9. The ninth, Eanred may either be Eanfrid or Eandred, both Kings of Northumberland. Eanfrid, eldest son of Ethelfrith, was expelled his country by Edwin; who had slain his father, and usurped the Kingdom Anno 617, but being slain by Ceadwalla and Penda, Eanfrid returned to the crown Anno 634, and was baptized, and built St. Peter’s Church at York (of which S. Edwin had laid the foundation) making Paulinus Bishop. Eadwin on the reverse, seems to have succeeded Eanfrid, after some years.

10. The tenth, ÆlfredAElfred , seems by the cypher or monogram on the reverse, to have been the King of Northumberland (the face not corresponding to that of Ælfred the West-Saxon). He murthered his true and lawful Prince Anno 765; and himself was expelled also. He is said to have been very learned: to shew which, it may be, he stamped that Monogram on the reverse: (after the example of divers Constantinopolitan Emperors, but not after those of the Franks;) which was begun by Charles the Great, probably because he could not write so much as his name, as Eginhart saith; and that, even in his old age, he vainly endeavoured to learn.

11. The eleventh, Edilred, seems to have been Ethelred King of the Northumbers, son of Mollo. After he had reigned four years, he was driven out, and Readuulf crowned; who being slain by the Danes at Alvethlic, Ethelred again succeeded. But carrying himself tyrannically, particularly murthering Oelf (Alfus) and Oelfwin, (Alfwin) sons of Alfwold, he was again expelled, and died in banishment. There was also another Ethelred, son of Eandred, a tributary King of the Northumbers; who was forced from his Kingdom in the fourth year of his reign: and, being again restored, he was slain four years after.

12. The twelfth Eandred, son of Eardulf, King of the Northumbers, reigned thirty years after Alfwold the Usurper: Afterwards, he submitted to Egbert.

13, 14. The thirteenth and fourteenth belong to Offa, the Mercian King (the reverse being the same in both, who seems to have been a Nobleman, and not a Mint-master.) Three of that name, An. 803. subscribed the Synod at Clovesho, and another succeeded S. Boniface in the Archbishoprick of Mentz. Offa having slain Beornred Ann. 557. reigned over the Mercians: a Prince he was of great courage and success in arms; but not just nor virtuous: for he basely murthered Ethelbriht King of the East-Angles (enticing him to his Palace that he might marry his daughter,) and seized upon his kingdom. He had much entercourse, and at length friendship also, with Charles the Great. He drew a Trench of wondrous length from sea to sea, separating the Mercians from the Welch; part whereof remains visible to this day.dyke He was the first who granted a perpetual Tax to the Pope out of every House in his Kingdom, at his being at Rome; and gave very bountifully, after his return, to the Clergy, by way of Penance for his Sins. He died An. 794.

15. The fifteenth Beornuulf, a valiant man, usurped the Kingdom of Mercia from Ceoluulf; and in his third year was overthrown by King Egbert at Ellendon, An. 823. He retired thence to the East-Angles (as part of his dominion, by the seisure of King Offa,) with the remainder of his army, and was there encounter’d, and slain: Whereupon the East-Angles surrender’d themselves to Egbert. The reverse I take to be Moneta.

16. The sixteenth, Ludican, succeeded Beornuulf in Mercia, An. 824. He reigned only two years: then, preparing to revenge the death of Beornuulf, his kinsman, upon the East-Angles, he was by them, with his five Consuls, surprized and slain. The reverse I understand not.

17. The seventeenth Berhtulf, An. 838. reigned in Mercia, but as feudatary to the West-Saxons: being much molested with the invasions of the Danes, he quitted his Kingdom, and retired to a private life. The reverse is Uulfhean; but who he was, is unknown.

18. The eighteenth, Burgred was by King Etheluulf made King of the Mercians, and married his daughter Ethelswith. To avoid the oppression of the Danes, he resigned his kingdom, and retired to Rome; where he lived in great reputation of Sanctity till his death. His Queen also enter’d into a Monastery at Pavia, and there died. The reverse is Vvhne, only the Mint-master. There are divers other of his Coins, but, differing only in the names of the Mint-masters, they seem not worthy to be inserted.

19. The nineteenth seems (however unlike the faces are on the Coins,) to have been of the same person. The reverse seems to be Moneta Uulffard; who he was, is not known.

20. The twentieth, is of Adulf or Aldulf, King of the East-Angles, son of Ethelwald’s brother; a very worthy and pious Prince, as appears by the reverse; and a great friend to venerable Bede: What Prisin means I know not. The reverse is remarkable, because his name is otherwise spell’d, than upon the Coins.

21. The one and twentieth is St. Edmond, King of the East-Angles, crowned at fourteen years old, at Buers, against his will: a very pious, valiant, and hopeful Prince. In the year 871. his kingdom was invaded by the Danes; against whom most valiantly fighting at Theotford, his army was routed, and himself taken and shot to death with arrows. Neither this, nor the two following, seem to have been Coined by him; but, as I conceive, by some of the West-Saxon Edmunds, who were all very much devoted to this holy martyr; tho’ they may also denote king Alfred. The reverse seems to be the name of the Mint-master.

22. The reverse of the two and twentieth, Oda Moneta; the place I understand not.

23. On the three and twentieth, Jomam me fecit, signifies, that Jomam was the Mint-master. Me fecit, is common upon the Coins of the Franks, in Gallia.

24. The twenty-fourth, ÆthelredAEthelred Rex Anglorum, seems not to have been one of the West-Saxons; the first of whom is commonly written ÆtheredAEthered ; and the second is neither in countenance nor habit like this. There are mentioned in our Histories, an Æthelred, successor to his brother Wulfred in Mercia: another, the son of Mollo; and another the son of Eandred, of whom we have already spoken. He is said to have married Leofrun, mother to Ethelbert, who was murthered by Offa; and to have reigned fifty years: little besides is known of him. The reverse seems to be a devout acknowledgment of his being sustained by the hand of Almighty God, who is Alpha and Omega. Who Holizard was, is not known. This seems to have been coined at Norwich.

25. The twenty-fifth is like this reverse, on both sides, but of what Prince unknown: it is read Tuna moneta Eaxceaster, as I conceive. I cannot make sense of the Reverse.

26. The twenty-sixth seems to be Sigfrid Moneta, a King of the East-Saxons; called also Suuefred, and denominated Sigfrid the good. He makes no great figure in our Annals. It is not usual to add Moneta to the King’s name. Concerning Euura, I can find nothing.

27. The twenty-seventh seems to have been King of the East-Saxons, son of Siger; a very comely and virtuous person, and exceedingly beloved of his people. Yet, devotion prevailing, after a short reign, he, with Kenred King of Mercia, went to Rome in the time of Pope Constantine, and there retired into a Monastery. Ibba on the reverse, seems to be some Nobleman.

28. The twenty-eighth, Edmund Rex, seems to have been one of the West-Saxon Edmunds. The reverse may be, Edmund Martyr.

29. The twenty-ninth I do not understand.

30. The thirtieth. For which of the Athelstans this was, I know not, as neither the reverse.

31. The thirty-first, Eunaa Rex. I cannot find any such name in all our Histories. The reverse seems to mention † † See Thoresby, on this Coin, below.Oxford.

32. The thirty-second: I cannot find any mention of Heareth and Herred.

33. The thirty-third is imperfect.

34. The thirty-fourth seems not to be ÆlfredAElfred the West-Saxon, because the name is spell’d otherwise. Ounig is also unknown.

35. The thirty-fifth is to me unknown.

Notes upon Tab. I.
By Mr. THORESBY.

1. 1st, CVTHRED REX. Reverse, EABA.
2. 2d, CVTHRED REX CANTij. Reverse, EABA MONETArius.
3. 3d, PLEGMVND ArCHIEPiscopus. Reverse, EIDMVND MOnetarius.

4. 4th, CEOLNOTH ARCHIEPiscopus. Reverse, DIALA MONETA DORObernenis.

5. 5th, EOTBEREHTVS. Reverse, a Dragon without any Inscription: Speed takes this for Ethelbert, the first Christian King of Kent: Sir Andrew Fountain, more probably, for Eadbert King of Northumberland, to which the smallness of the piece (being no bigger than the brass Saxon: sticcas of those ages) inclines me.

6. 6th, ECGBERT the Northumbrian King. Reverse, VIBEREHTVS.

7. 7th, CVTHRED REX. Reverse, SIGEBERHT.

8. 8th, EALRED REX (NorthumbriæNorthumbriae .) Reverse, EADWINI.

9. 9th, EANRED REX (Nor.) Reverse, EADWINI.

10. 10th, AELRED REx (Nor.) the Saxon: T on its side at the King’s Beard, stands for the Letter X, for which there is no room in its due place, as * * Notæ in Anglo-Sax. nummos, p.1.Dr. Wotton very well observes. Upon the Reverse, a Cypher or Monogram, which Mr. Edward Thwaits conjectures to be CIVITas NORTHVICum, and consequently ascribes the Coin to Alfred the Great; Norwich not being a place of any note in the time of the Northumbrian Alfred. (Mr. Hearn’s notes upon King Alfred’s life, p.164.)

11. 11th, EDILRED rex North. Reverse, MONNE.

12. 12th, EANRED REX (North.) Reverse, FORDRED.

13. 13th, OFFA REX (Merc.) Reverse, LVLLA.

14. 14th. Same Inscription.

15. 15th, BEORHWLF REX (Merc.) Reverse, MOHN.

16. 16th, LVDICA REX MErciorum. Reverse, WERBALD or BALDWER MONEta (or Monetarius.)

17. 17th, BERHTVLF REX (Merciorum.) Reverse, VILLEHEAH.

18. 18th, BVRGRED REX (Merc.) Reverse, WHNE or WINE MONETArius. Dr. Wotton inclines to have the E, after WIN in the reverse, to signify Saxon: Eorl, the Earl’s money.

19. 19th, BVRGRED REX (Merc.) Reverse, VVLFEARD MONETArius.

20. 20th, AVDVLFIVS PRISIN (what the latter word signifies, I know not.) Reverse, VICTVRIA ADVLFO.

21. 21st, SC (Sanctus) EADMVND REx A. Reverse, WINEFeR MONETArius. Dr. Wotton makes it WINIF Regis MONETARius.

22. 22d, Reverse, ODO MONERLIA. – ODO MONEtarius Regis LINcoln, Dr. Wotton, p.9.

23. 23d, IOMA. Monetarius ME FECIT. These three were coined in memory of St. Edmund, King of the East Angles; and, I suppose, from the A in the Center, by King Alfred.

24. 24th, ÆTHELREDAETHELRED REX ANGLORum (An. 978.) Reverse, FOLCEARD MOneta NORTHumbrorum; as Mr. Walker in the latin Edition of King Alfred’s life; or Norwich, as Sir Andrew Fountain.

25. 25th, TVNA MOnetarius EAXEEST (Exeter.)

26. 26th, SYCFRADNII. Reverse, EVVRA MHO (monetarius).

27. 27th, OFFA. REX. Reverse, IBBA.

28. 28th, EADMVND REX (941.) Reverse, EADMVND Monetarius.

29. 29th, Unknown.

30. 30th, ÆTHELSTANAETHELSTAN REX (925.) Reverse, Saxon: WVLLSIG or WAVLLSIG, (Wulsig.) The Building is revers’d by the Engraver’s mistake.

31. 31st. What is supposed to refer to Oxford, is certainly King Osbright; only the Letters are to be read the contrary way Saxon: upside-down, OSBVEHT REX Reverse Saxon text, a cross EVNAARE. The Letters are very often thus misplaced in the brass pieces of that age; and sometimes, tho’ much more rarely, I have met with them so upon the Roman Coins of the Bass Empire.

32. 33. 32d and 33d. These seem imperfect.

34. 34th, ELFRED REX. Reverse, OYDIG MONetarius.

35. 35th, Seems to be of Edmund the Martyr, his name is inverted Saxon text, reversed DNVME; but what to make of the rest of the Letters, I know not. Reverse, ENSAM MOneta. perhaps for Evesham or Esham in Worcestershire.

Saxon Coins. Tab. II.

Notes upon Tab. II. by Mr. WALKER.

1. TO the first; there were two Ethelweards, one of the South, the other of the West-Saxons; this seems to be of the latter. In some writers he is called Ethelheardus. Little is remember’d of him; besides that when King Ina went to Rome, Anno 728, he assumed the government of the Kingdom, and fought a battle with Prince Oswald: with what success, is not mentioned. He is said to have governed fourteen years. On the reverse is Edmund, with a ligature of several letters, which cannot stand for St. Edmund the Martyr, since that happened not till Anno 870. After which time there was none, except Ethelbert, the son of Ætheluulf;AEtheluulf but he also was before the Martyrdom of St. Edmund. I rather think that cypher to signify some mark of the Monetarius.

2. The second Coenuulf, called commonly Kenulph, Kinulf, Ceoluulf. One of that name was adopted to be King of the Northumbers by Osric. Little more is known of him, than that he left his Kingdom, and became a Religious at Lindisfarn. Another was King of the West-Saxons, who reigned in great splendor and renown thirty one years. He was once worsted by the great Offa at Bensington (now Benson) in Oxfordshire. He was slain at Mereton in Surrey (by Kinheard, a seditious noble man, who had been banish’d by him) as he was with a Lady there, too much affected by him, about Anno 786. But this Coenuulf seems to have been a King of Mercia, a very worthy Prince. This Coin is of him; he was a very powerful and victorious, as well as pious Prince; and accounted one of the great Saxon Monarchs. He dispossess’d Ethelbertus Pren, King of Kent, and took him prisoner, but afterwards released him without ransome or other condition.

3. The third, Beormerick (by Speed called Brithric; for of that other name we find no mention in histories) was King of the West-Saxons, and succeeded Coenuulf. In the third year of his reign, was the first appearance of the Pirates upon these coasts. Pirates, I call them, because they were not owned by any Sovereign Prince till long after: but were a confluence of all sorts of thieves, who, by spoil and robbery, arrived to much wealth, and had the confidence to erect a kind of Community or Republick at a strong town, now called Wollin in Pomerania; whence they went out to rob, and laid up their prey there. Brihtrick banished Ecgberht, fearing both the goodness of his title, and his great abilities; yet dying childless, he left the Kingdom to him, An. 800. He was poysoned by his wife, the wicked Eadburga; tasting by chance of a Cup which she had prepared for one of his favourites. Upon his death, she fled, with all her treasures, into France; when, coming to Charles the Great, he ask’d her whom she desired to marry, himself or his son, there present? She foolishly answer’d, that if it were in her choice, she would marry his son, because he was the younger. Whereupon the Emperor told her, that if she had chosen himself, she should have married his son; but now, that she should retire to such a monastery. Whence also, for her incontinency, she was shortly turned out, and died begging.

4. The fourth, Ecgberht, partly by conquest, partly by the submission of other Kingdoms, united all into one dominion, calling it England; because, as it is said, himself, the King of the West-Saxons, was an Angle. It seems that Almighty God saw it necessary, for resisting the violence of the heathenish Pirates, to unite the intire force of all the Nation, yet little enough to defend themselves. He was a Prince (though but of small stature) of extraordinary wisdom and valour; for, being banished by Brithric, he apply’d himself to Charles the Great, who bestowed upon him a considerable post in his Army. And he was signally blessed with a numerous succession of most worthy Princes of his family and blood; which indeed was necessary for the preservation of the Nation, and its peace and unity.

5. The fifth, Cenedryd Regina, some suppose to have been wife to the great Offa, the Mercian, and to have reigned after his death; and that Eopa was one of her chief Ministers. But she rather seems to have been the eldest daughter of Kenuulf the Mercian: to whom also he left the care of Kenelm his son; whom, out of ambition, she caus’d to be murthered by his Educator. After his death, she reigned some time; and perhaps might be married to some of the West-Saxon Princes: As Eopa (a name frequent amongst the Saxons) was the Son of Ingilidus or Ingilfus, brother of Ina; and therefore probably might be in some great, perhaps the chief, employment under her, or else married to her: and for that reason placed upon her Coin; and not as a King, or a Bishop, though he hath a Cross in his hand. That she was a Mercian, appears by the letter M upon the reverse.

6, 7. The sixth and seventh are of King ÆthelwolfAEthelwolf , son and heir of Egbert, a peaceable and devout, yet very valiant, Prince. He first gave the tithe of his own Estate, and afterwards of the whole Kingdom, with the consent of the Nobility, to the maintenance of the Clergy.

He obtained a very great and glorious victory over the Danes at † † Perhaps Ockham, in Surrey.Aclea. He subdued also part of North-wales, upon the intreaty of Burhred, King of Mercia; and, out of great bounty and moderation, resigned it to him. After, setling the Kingdom, he had so much leisure, as to go to Rome (a journey mentioned with honour by Anastasius Bibliothecarius;) where he sojourned in very great esteem twelve months. In his return, he married Juditha, the beautiful daughter of Carolus Calvus; who, after Etheluulf’s death, was re-married to Baldwin ferreum-latus, Forester, and afterwards Count of Flanders. At his return, his undutiful, if not also rebellious son, Æthelbald,AEthelbald endeavoured to exclude him the Kingdom. Yet, notwithstanding the Nobility freely offered their assistance against Æthelbald; rather than engage in a war with his own people, he, in wonderful moderation, consented to divide the Kingdom, and contented himself with the worse half.

8. The eighth, Plegmund, is out of its place; yet not to be omitted, because on the reverse is the Pallium, or Archiepiscopal ornament received from the Pope, who thereby acknowledged and authorized such an one to the dignity of an Archbishop; and from this also, seems derived that which is now since, even till this time, the Arms of that Archbishoprick, though otherwise fashioned. This of Plegmund is not unlike the Pedum of the oriental Bishops.

Saxon Coins table 2
Table 2: Saxon Coins

9. The ninth. It is uncertain, for which ÆthelstanAEthelstan this was made, for there were divers. One was King of Kent, a very valiant and victorious Prince against the Danes (whether he was the son of Egbert or Ætheluulf, is not easily discovered from our authors; I rather think him the second son of Egbert.) Another was a Danish King, called Godrun, who was overcome by King Alfred at Edington, and afterwards Christen’d, and call’d at his baptism Æthelstan;AEthelstan of whom hereafter. But this seems most probably to have been the son and successor of Edward Senior. Regnald on the reverse, seems to have been the son of Guthferth, the son of Sihtric, a Danish King in Northumberland. Chron. Sax. An. 923. he took York; which he seems to have kept, till recover’d by Æthelstan; yea, though An. 924, it be said, that the Scots, and Regnald, and the son of Eadulf, and all the inhabitants of Northumberland, had chosen Edward Senior to be their Lord and father. That was only for fear of his arms, and they rebelled again presently after his death. I cannot but lament the misery of this Nation in those times. When (v.g.) in Northumberland, The Danish Invaders had one King, the Saxons another; and they had not their limits distinguished, but lived promiscuously one amongst another, so that here was always certain war, or uncertain peace. In the time of King Edmund, An. 945. Regnald was baptized; but relapsing (as it seems) he was by King Edmund driven out of his Kingdom. The Building, upon the reverse may perhaps signify some repairing of the Minster; and AC may also stand for Archiepiscopus. It is reported by divers of our Historians, that Ethelstan, in his march towards the North, seeing a great number of people going upon the way, demanded whither they went? and being answer’d that they went to visit the Shrine of St. John of Beverly, who wrought many miracles, he resolved to go thither also, and after having paid his devotions, vow’d, that if St. John would pray to God for victory over his enemies, he would redeem his knife (which he there presented and left) with somewhat of value; which he did at his return with victory. See Yorkshire at Beverley. And I have been inform’d, that about 1660, the people going to repair something in that Church of Beverley, light accidentally on the Coffin of St. John; upon the opening of which, they found the dried body of the Saint, and an old fashioned Knife and Sheath.

10. The tenth and eleventh are of the valiant, devout, and bountiful third son of King ÆtheluulfAEtheluulf . He fought many and sore battles against the Danes, most-what successfully. At Ashdown (near Lamborn in Barkshire) was a most terrible fight against the whole body of the Danish forces, divided into two wings; one under two of their Kings, the other led by their Earls. King ÆtheredAEthered divided his army likewise into two bodies; the one commanded by his brother ÆlfredAElfred , the other by himself. Ælfred was ordered to sustain their charge, whilst King Æthered heard publick Prayers; and though word was brought him that the battle was begun, and his brother fiercely charged, yet would he not rise from his Prayers till all was ended; and then, after a most terrible battle, he obtained an entire and glorious victory, wherein were slain one of their Kings, and most part of their Earls and chief Commanders. In another battle, this most worthy, valiant, and benign Prince, was mortally wounded, and died at Winborn in Dorsetshire.

11. In the eleventh, the name is Æthered, as it is also in the Testament of King Ælfredaelfred: the letters of the former reverse I cannot interpret; in the latter, is Osgut moneta. The other letters I understand not.

12. From the twelfth to the eighteenth, they are of the great Ælfred. The reverses of all, or most of them, seem to be Noblemen and Governours. The reverse of the twelfth, seems to be in honour of St. Cuthbert, one of the first, greatest, and most famous of our English Saints. His life is written both in prose and verse by Venerable Bede, who was born some time before Cuthbert died, so that his story was then fresh in memory. When King Ælfred was in his lowest estate, absconding in Athelney, St. Cuthbert is said to have appeared to him, and to his wife’s mother, declaring to them, that Almighty God was reconciled to him, and pardoned his offences (the chiefest whereof were the neglect of his duty, and too much addiction to hunting in his youth, as St. Neot warned him) and would suddenly give him a signal victory over his enemies (which happened at Edington in Wiltshire,) and would restore him to his Kingdom. The King, in gratitude, gave to the service of God, in St. Cuthbert’s Church, the Province called now the Bishoprick of Durham, and put his name upon his Coin: as he did likewise that of Uulfred,13. Count or chief governour of Hamshire, upon the thirteenth.

14. Of the fourteenth I understand neither side. The reverse seems to be Bernwaled; but it is unknown to me who he was. 15. So is also that of the fifteenth, only it was an eminent name amongst them; as was also Æthelstanaethelthelstan 16. on the sixteenth. 17. That upon the seventeenth, was likely the valiant and noble Viceroy of Mercia, married to the King’s daughter Ethelfleda, a woman of admirable wisdom, courage and zeal; in sum, a daughter worthy of such a father.

18. The eighteenth, is of Edward Senior, that victorious and glorious son and successor of King Ælfred; equal to his father in valour and military skill, but inferiour to him in learning and knowledge. His actions are sufficient for a volume. On his head is a close (or imperial) crown, which is born by few, if any other, besides the Kings of England. The reverse is Leofwine, or Lincoln.

23. The twenty-third, Beornwald. I rather read it Deorwald, i.e. Deirorum sylva, York-woulds; the chief Town whereof was Beverly. And the rather, 24.because of the twenty-fourth, Diora Moneta, which seems to be the money of the Deiri, or Yorkshire-men.

The rest of the Coins of this Prince are easily understood. The names upon the reverses seem to have been Noblemen or Governours. 25. The twenty-fifth is remarkable for the spelling, Jedword; the reverse is Arnerin on Eoferwic, i.e. York. 26. The twenty-sixth hath the reverse Othlric on Ring; which might be Ringhornan in Lancashire, a large Town, and one of the eight which was built by his sister Ethelflede. 27. Of the twenty-seventh, I do not understand the reverse.

28. The twenty-eighth is of that most famous and worthy King Æthelstan, the true progeny of such a father and grandfather. In his youth, his grandfather King Ælfred saw such a spirit and indoles in him, that he foretold, if it should please God that he came to the Crown, he would perform very great actions for the good of his country; and he made him also (I think the first that we find to have received that honour in this nation) a Knight, and gave him ornaments accordingly; the more likely, because Ælfred also order’d the robes and ceremonies of the Coronation. This Prince extended his Victories Northward, even into Scotland: Which countries, till his time, were never peaceably settled; because the two nations, the Saxons and Danes, were mingled together in their habitations; and yet, having several Kings and Laws, they could never be long in quiet. Upon the borders of Scotland, he fought one of the most terrible battles that ever was in England, against Anlaf King of Ireland, Constantine King of Scotland, and a very mighty and numerous Army. Wherein were said to be slain five Kings, and seven Earls or chief Commanders, besides vast numbers of inferior Officers and Soldiers. Authors say, that King Æthelstan’sAEthelstan valiant Chancellor and General Turketill, did with wonderful courage and strength, break through the enemies ranks, till he met with King Constantine, and slew him with his own hand. Others say, that Constantine was not slain, but his son. Turketill, after all his wars and greatness, resigning his estates and wealth, repaired to the Monastery of Croyland, and lived in it till his death. The reverse is Biorneard moneta Londonensis civitas or Holond ci. The former reading is the true.

29. The twenty-ninth is King Edmund, Brother, and not inferior in valour or counsel, to Æthelstan. He pursued the design of reducing all his subjects to perfect unity and peace, by extirpating those rebellious irreconcileable enemies, the Danes. In the beginning of his Reign, he cleared Mercia of them. For King Edward, seeing the Kingdom so much depopulated by those destructive wars, ever since the entrance of the Danes; did, upon promise and oath of fealty and obedience (as his father also had done amongst the East-Angles) permit these Danes to live amongst his natural Subjects; and chiefly in the great Towns: thinking, that because of their profession of arms and soldiery, they would better defend them than the Saxons, who were more industrious and skilful in labour and husbandry. The Danes also, having been themselves beaten and conquered by him, were very ready to promise obedience, peace, and loyalty. But the Saxons, by their labours growing rich, and the Danes retaining their former tyrannical and lazy dispositions, began to oppress and domineer over the natives. Edmund therefore, began, after Mercia, to reduce Northumberland, where remained the greatest number of them (for Edward himself had suppressed those in East-Anglia,) and to reduce those Northern counties into the form of Provinces: and committed Cumberland (as a Feud) to Malcolme King of Scotland. His zeal for justice cost this heroical Prince his life. For, celebrating the festival of St. Austin, and giving thanks for the Conversion of the nation; he spied amongst the Guests one Leof, a notable thief, whom he had before banished. The King’s spirit was so moved against him, that rising from the Table, he seized upon him, threw him to the ground, and was about to do some violence unto him. The Thief fearing what he had deserved, with a short dagger, which he concealed, wounded the King mortally; who died in a short time, to the great grief and affliction of his people. The reverse is very imperfect; but it may perhaps be Edward Moneta Theodford, or rather Eadmund Martyr, to whose Church he gave the Town called St. Edmund’s-bury.

30. The thirtieth is Eadred, who did not degenerate in the least from his father King Edward, or his brethren the precedent Kings. He compleated the reduction and settlement of the North; making Osulf the first Earl of it. The Scots voluntarily submitted, and swore Allegiance to him. An. 955. in the fifth year of his reign, and flower of his youth, he sicken’d, and died, and was exceedingly lamented of his subjects.

31. The thirty-first is Eadwig, son of King Edmund, who being come to age, received the Kingdom: so lovely a person, that he was named the Fair. His actions are variously reported by Historians; generally, they accuse him of voluptuousness, and neglect of his affairs: insomuch that a great part of the North applied themselves to his Brother Edgar, and set him up against Edwy, who with sorrow (as it is thought) sicken’d, and died, An. 958. Heriger on the reverse, seems to have been Mint-master.

32. The thirty-second, Scus Edwy, is here placed next to his names-sake: but it is a mistake, for it should be Scus Edwynus. There were two St. Edwins, both Northumbers; the first a Monk, the second a King. He laid the foundation of the Cathedral of York; and was slain by Penda and Cadwallin the Britain (to whom Penda, being taken Prisoner, had sworn submission;) Offred his son, and the whole Army, being dispersed. His head was brought to York-minster; and that whole Kingdom came into very great divisions and calamities. But this was not coined by him, nor do we know by whom: neither is it known to what King Badi, the Mint-master, belonged; only, that letter A is upon divers Coins of the West-Saxons, and therefore probably this also belonged to some of those Kings.

33. The thirty-third, Eadgar, son of King Edmund, peaceably enjoyed the fruits of the labours and dangers of his predecessors. A man admired by all, both foreigners and natives, for his great piety, justice, prudence, and industry in governing the Kingdom. Sine prælio omnia gubernavit prout ipse voluit; i.e. he govern’d all at his pleasure, and that without war. The reverse is, Leofsig Moneta Hamptonensis.

34. The thirty-fourth is of Eadward, son of King Edgar, by Ethelfleda the fair (called also Eneda,) Daughter of Duke Ordmear. He is much commended for a virtuous, well-disposed, and hopeful Prince; and such, the small remainders of his History do truly represent him to be. But, by order of his Step-mother Alfritha, to whom he was too obedient, he was murthered, to make way to the Throne for her son ÆthelredAEthelred . Edward was accounted a Saint and Martyr, because of the many miracles said to be done at his Tomb; which occasioned the removal of his body from Wereham to a more honourable place (Shaftesbury:) and the Murderer, repenting of that wicked action, spent the rest of her days in grief and severe penances. Who that Heremod on the reverse was, we know not.

35. The thirty-fifth is of Æthelred, son of Edgar by Alfritha, the only weak and slothful Prince of all the line of King Egbert; as endeavouring to govern his Kingdom, not by true justice and valour, as his predecessors had done, but by tricks, and (as they call it) Policy. First, he gave an opportunity to the Danes to renew their invasions; and then, negligently or unfortunately, opposing them, he brought the Kingdom into great poverty and calamity, and afterwards into subjection unto those ancient enemies and robbers of the country: by his laziness, losing all that his forefathers by their industry had acquired; as Historians say St. Dunstan foretold of him at his Baptism. Egbert began the advancement of the Kingdom, by reducing it into one Monarchy; his successors valiantly defended, and settled and augmented it, by subduing the Danes and all other enemies: Edgar enjoyed it in full peace, prosperity, and glory; and his son, this Æthelred, suffered it to run down again into a worse condition than ever. And indeed it would be strange to imagine so great a change in one man’s time; did it not appear that there was no cause of ruin left unpractised in his long reign, viz. his own negligence, cowardise, want of intelligence, and unskilfulness in war; and the great factions, enmities, and treasons of the nobility: the particulars whereof have filled the tedious relations of our Historians.

Notes upon Tab. II.
By Mr. THORESBY.

1. 1st, ÆTHELVEARDAETHELVEARD REX (Occident. Saxonum.) Reverse, EADMVND Monetarius.

2. 2nd, COENVVLF REX (Merciorum.) Reverse, LVL.

3. 3d, BEORMIRIC REX (Cœnwulf’sCoenwulf Successor.) Reverse, EELHEARD; whether nobleman or Minter, is uncertain.

4. 4th, ECGBEARHT REX (the Great.) Reverse, DEBLS MONETArius; the monogram makes EBORACum.

5. 5th, EOBA; but the head of Cynethrith, the Wife of Offa. Reverse, CYNETHRETH REGIN--M (in the Center) is for Merciorum.

6. 6th, AETHELVVLF REX. Reverse, BRITH MONETArius.

7. 7th, ÆtheLVVLF REx. Reverse, DVNN MONETArius.

8. 8th, PLEGMVND ARCHIEPiscopus; a Pastoral Staff. Reverse, ÆTHELVVLF MOnetarius.

9. 9th, ÆTHELSTANAETHELSTAN REX(the Monarch;) the Reverse is evidently EBORAC. A. (AEcclesia as Ecclesia is frequently writ in the barbarous Age.) Civitas REGNALD MONeta.

10. 10th, ETHELRED REX ANGLOrum. The Reverse seems to have been GodRIC MOneta On LVND or LIN.

11. 11th, ÆTHEREDAETHERED REX ANGLOrum. Reverse, OSGVT MOnetarius On WIN Saxon: Ceaster (Winchester).

12. 12th, ÆLFREDAELFRED alfred REX. Reverse, CVDBERHT.

13. 13th, AELFRED REX. Reverse, VVLFRED.

14. 14th, ÆLFRED. below ORSNA and above FORDA, as it is by Sir Andr. Fountain more correctly described; it seems design’d for Oxford, which was sometimes writ Oxnaford, as appears by the Saxon Chron. Ann. 912. Reverse, BERNFALED or BERNFALD Regis MOnetarius. (D and R being interwoven in the true draught of it.)

15. 15th, ELFRED REX. Reverse, LVDIG MONetarius.

16. 16th, Reverse, ETHELSTAN MOnetarius.

17. 17th, ÆTHERED (Æthelredaethelred , E and L in one) MOnetarius.

18. 18th, Saxon: EADW(W)ARD REX ANglorum. Reverse, LEFWINE ON LINK (Lincoln). This with the rest of the same form, I take to be Edward the Confessor’s (not Edward Sen.) and communicated them as such to Sir Andrew Fountain, who has afforded them his Sanction. The next is EADWEARD of a different Orthography; upon which it may not be amiss to observe, that as there were Three Edwards before the coming of the Normans, so there are as many material distinctions upon the Coins that bear the same name; which, in my slender opinion, may be thus best accommodated to the several Princes. Those with the Half-face and Scepter, to Edward Senior: Those with the full-face and arch’d Crown, to Edward the Confessor: And those without either Crown or Scepter, and indeed, for the most part, without any Effigies at all, to Edward the Martyr; which have also this further distinction in the form of the VV, not Saxon: W; and they differ also in the Orthography, the latter part of the name being always WEARD not Saxon: WARD. By this distribution, each King has his distinct moneys; and without this, Edward the Martyr is wholly excluded: which is hard upon him who reigned five years in an Age wherein the Saxon moneys are most plentiful.

19. 19th, EADVVEARD REX. Reverse, EADMVND MONeta.

20. 20th, Same. Reverse, ÆTHERED MOneta.

21. 21st, Same. Reverse, WLFHEARD MONeta.

22. 22d, Same. Reverse, BEANSTAN (or BEAHSTAN Beeston.) MOneta.

23. 23d, Reverse, BEORNWALD MOneta.

24. 24th, Reverse, DIORA MONEta.

25. 25th, IED Saxon: W(W)ERD REEX. Reverse, ARNERIM ON EOFER Saxon: wic (York) in which Northern parts the name is often by the vulgar pronounc’d Yedward to this day. Dr. Wotton reads the Reverse, ARN. Saxon: Eorl Regis MONetarius EOFR Saxon: wic. And so the next OÐLREgis MONetarius.

26. 26th, EADWEARD REX. Reverse, OÐeLRIc MONeta (or Monetarius), de Saxon: RINGofa, hodie Runckhorne, as Sir Andrew Fountain reads it.

27. 27th, EADWARD REx. Reverse, S Saxon: w(W)EART. MONetarius Saxon: winceaster, Winchester, with PAX in the middle.

28. 28th, ÆTHELSTAN REX. Reverse, BIORNEARD MOneta LONDini CIvitatis.

29. 29th, EADMVND REX. Reverse, EADGAR MOneta de NORTHWIC.

30. 30th, EADRED REX. Reverse, VNBEIN MONETArius.

31. 31st, EADWIG REX. Reverse, HEREGER MO.

32. 32d, SC (Sanctus) EADWI. Reverse, BADI MONetarius.

33. 33d, EADGAR REX ANGLOrum. Reverse, LEOFSIC MOneta HAMTonensis.

34. 34th, EADWEARD REX. Reverse, HEREMOD Monetarius. '

35. 35th, ÆTHELRED REX ANGLOrum. Reverse, ODA MOnetarius de WELINGford: In the four quarters, is CRVX.

Saxon Coins. Tab. III.
Notes upon Tab. III. by Mr. WALKER.

1. ALL the first ten, are of CnutCanute (called the Great) the first Danish King of England. There are very many of his Coins extant. I have only described those wherein is some notable variety. Though Swane his father made divers conquests, and several countries as well as persons (preferring his activeness before Æthelred’s sloth, without regarding the Justice of the cause) submitted to him, and paid largely for his protection; yet was he never King, nor assumed (he nor his son) the title; till Edmund Ironside consented to divide the Kingdom with him. Amongst all these figures of Cnut, only one (the seventh) is with a crown; and that an open one contrary to that of the English Kings before him, and adorn’d with lilies; which would make me suspect that Coin to be counterfeit, were it not that our Historians say, that when he was young he wore his Crown at the great assemblies of the Nobility, so many times in the year; as was the custom, both here, and in France and Germany, and I think with all European Princes in those times. But one time, being mightily flattered by his Courtiers, he chanced to be upon the sea-banks, whither he commanded his chair to be brought; where, sitting down upon the beach in great Majesty, he told the sea, that that was his land, and the water his water; wherefore he commanded the sea to be content with its own chanel, and not to cover any part of the land. Which he had no sooner said, but the water dashed upon him: whereupon he told his flatterers, that they should hence-forward forbear all boasting of his power and greatness. After this, it is reported that he would never wear a Crown. Others say, that he never wore a Crown after his coronation; and that then also, at his coronation, presently after the Crown was set upon his head, he took it off, and fixed it upon the head of our Saviour crucified. The ordinary covering of his head was sometimes a Mitre (as fig. 6.) at other times a cap (as fig. 5.) and at other times a triangular covering, used after him by Andronicus the Eastern Emperor, and by St. Edward the Confessor. The reverse of the first, is Farthein Monet Eoforwic i.e. York; of the second, 2, 3.Sunolf; of the third, Crinam.

4. The fourth is Wulnoth. All coined at York.

5. The fifth is Leodmer, and seems to have been coined at Raculfminster, now Reculver.

6. The sixth hath Luffwine, or Dover.

7. The seventh hath Wulfric on Lunden.

8. The eighth is Selwi, at Theoford.

9. The ninth is Outhgrim, at York.

10. The tenth is CnutCanute, aged, with a Diadem about his head. The reverse is Nodwin Moneta. The name of the place I cannot read. In his younger years, he spared no labour, nor any art, just or unjust, oppression or murder; to acquire and settle the Kingdom to himself and Posterity. Which being performed, as well as he could, he endeavoured to act more justly and plausibly, that he might retain the obedience of the people, which he had so unjustly gotten. Yet not long before his death, he dispossessed Olavus King of Norway of his dominion, about An. 1029.

11. The eleventh is of Harold, Cnut’s second son, called for his swiftness Hares-foot. To his eldest son Suane, suspected to be none of his own, Cnut gave the Kingdom of Norway: to Harold, his second son (by foreign writers also called a Bastard) the Kingdom of England: and to Hardacnut, his son by Emma, he gave Denmark. Harold’s Reign was short, about four years, and employed more in endeavouring to settle his title, than in performing any worthy action. The reverse is, Godric at Theotford.

12. The twelfth is of the same, with a Diadem about his Helmet. The reverse is, Sliwine on Theodford.

13. The thirteenth is of Harthacnut. He reign’d about two years, and died suddenly at a great feast in Lambeth. Little of note is mention’d of him, besides that he was very affectionate to his mother’s children; and that he loved good eating, making four meals a day. The reverse is Elnwine on Wice. — perhaps Worcester.

14. The fourteenth is of St. Edward the Confessor; of whom there are very many Coins still extant. I have presented only those of most variety. This represents him as a young man sitting with a staff or scepter (which amongst the Romans was the Hasta pura and Sceptrum, sometimes made of Ivory, and many times with an Eagle on the top of it; instead of which, our Kings used c