The Anatomy of Melancholy

What it is, with all the kinds, causes, symptoms, prognostics, and several cures of it.

In three Partitions, with their several Sections, numbers, and subsections.

Philosophically, medicinally, Historically, opened and cut up.

By Democritus Junior

With a Satyrical Preface conducing to the following Discourse.


Robert Burton

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The text appears to be derived from the edition of 1832 published by Longman, Rees, and Co.

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Table of Contents

Advertisement to the Last London Edition.

Account of the Author.

Democritus Junior Ad Librum Suum.

Democritus Junior to His Book

Frontispiece to the Original Edition

The Argument of the Frontispiece.

The Author's Abstract of Melancholy.

Democritus Junior to the Reader.

The First Partition.

The Second Partition.

The Cure of Melancholy.

The Third Partition,

Love-Melancholy.

Index.

Note to this Edition.

The text for this web edition of Burton's Anatomy of Melancholy appears to be derived from the edition of 1832 published by Longman, Rees, and Co. It is not inended to be a facsimile of the original print edition, rather a rendition of the text for the World Wide Web. While not adhering strictly to the formatting of the original, it is hoped that the content is essentially identical. (Some obvious typographical errors have been corrected.)

Rendition for the web means:

HONORATISSIMO DOMINO

NON MINVS VIRTUTE SUA, QUAM GENERIS SPLENDORE,

ILLVSTRISSIMO,

GEORGIO BERKLEIO,

MILITI DE BALNEO, BARONI DE BERKLEY, MOUBREY, SEGRAVE,

D. DE BRUSE,

DOMINO SUO MULTIS NOMINIBUS OBSERVANDO,

HANC SUAM

MELANCHOLIAE ANATOMEN,

JAM SEXTO REVISAM, D.D.

DEMOCRITUS JUNIOR.

Advertisement to the Last London Edition.

The work now restored to public notice has had an extraordinary fate. At the time of its original publication it obtained a great celebrity, which continued more than half a century. During that period few books were more read, or more deservedly applauded. It was the delight of the learned, the solace of the indolent, and the refuge of the uninformed. It passed through at least eight editions, by which the bookseller, as WOOD records, got an estate; and, notwithstanding the objection sometimes opposed against it, of a quaint style, and too great an accumulation of authorities, the fascination of its wit, fancy, and sterling sense, have borne down all censures, and extorted praise from the first Writers in the English language. The grave JOHNSON has praised it in the warmest terms, and the ludicrous STERNE has interwoven many parts of it into his own popular performance. MILTON did not disdain to build two of his finest poems on it; and a host of inferior writers have embellished their works with beauties not their own, culled from a performance which they had not the justice even to mention. Change of times, and the frivolity of fashion, suspended, in some degree, that fame which had lasted near a century; and the succeeding generation affected indifference towards an author, who at length was only looked into by the plunderers of literature, the poachers in obscure volumes. The plagiarisms of Tristram Shandy, so successfully brought to light by DR. FERRIAR, at length drew the attention of the public towards a writer, who, though then little known, might, without impeachment of modesty, lay claim to every mark of respect; and inquiry proved, beyond a doubt, that the calls of justice had been little attended to by others, as well as the facetious YORICK. WOOD observed, more than a century ago, that several authors had unmercifully stolen matter from BURTON without any acknowledgment. The time, however, at length arrived, when the merits of the Anatomy of Melancholy were to receive their due praise. The book was again sought for and read, and again it became an applauded performance. Its excellencies once more stood confessed, in the increased price which every copy offered for sale produced; and the increased demand pointed out the necessity of a new edition. This is now presented to the public in a manner not disgraceful to the memory of the author; and the publisher relies with confidence, that so valuable a repository of amusement and information will continue to hold the rank to which it has been restored, firmly supported by its own merit, and safe from the influence and blight of any future caprices of fashion. To open its valuable mysteries to those who have not had the advantage of a classical education, translations of the countless quotations from ancient writers which occur in the work, are now for the first time given, and obsolete orthography is in all instances modernized.

Account of the Author.

Robert Burton was the son of Ralph Burton, of an ancient and genteel family at Lindley, in Leicestershire, and was born there on the 8th of February 1576. 1He received the first rudiments of learning at the free school of Sutton Coldfield, in Warwickshire 2from whence he was, at the age of seventeen, in the long vacation, 1593, sent to Brazen Nose College, in the condition of a commoner, where he made considerable progress in logic and philosophy. In 1599 he was elected student of Christ Church, and, for form's sake, was put under the tuition of Dr. John Bancroft, afterwards Bishop of Oxford. In 1614 he was admitted to the reading of the Sentences, and on the 29th of November, 1616, had the vicarage of St. Thomas, in the west suburb of Oxford, conferred on him by the dean and canons of Christ Church, which, with the rectory of Segrave, in Leicestershire, given to him in the year 1636, by George, Lord Berkeley, he kept, to use the words of the Oxford antiquary, with much ado to his dying day. He seems to have been first beneficed at Walsby, in Lincolnshire, through the munificence of his noble patroness, Frances, Countess Dowager of Exeter, but resigned the same, as he tells us, for some special reasons. At his vicarage he is remarked to have always given the sacrament in wafers. Wood's character of him is, that “he was an exact mathematician, a curious calculator of nativities, a general read scholar, a thorough-paced philologist, and one that understood the surveying of lands well. As he was by many accounted a severe student, a devourer of authors, a melancholy and humorous person; so by others, who knew him well, a person of great honesty, plain dealing and charity. I have heard some of the ancients of Christ Church often say, that his company was very merry, facete, and juvenile; and no man in his time did surpass him for his ready and dexterous interlarding his common discourses among them with verses from the poets, or sentences from classic authors; which being then all the fashion in the University, made his company the more acceptable.” He appears to have been a universal reader of all kinds of books, and availed himself of his multifarious studies in a very extraordinary manner. From the information of Hearne, we learn that John Rouse, the Bodleian librarian, furnished him with choice books for the prosecution of his work. The subject of his labour and amusement, seems to have been adopted from the infirmities of his own habit and constitution. Mr. Granger says, “He composed this book with a view of relieving his own melancholy, but increased it to such a degree, that nothing could make him laugh, but going to the bridge-foot and hearing the ribaldry of the bargemen, which rarely failed to throw him into a violent fit of laughter. Before he was overcome with this horrid disorder, he, in the intervals of his vapours, was esteemed one of the most facetious companions in the University.”

His residence was chiefly at Oxford; where, in his chamber in Christ Church College, he departed this life, at or very near the time which he had some years before foretold, from the calculation of his own nativity, and which, says Wood, “being exact, several of the students did not forbear to whisper among themselves, that rather than there should be a mistake in the calculation, he sent up his soul to heaven through a slip about his neck.” Whether this suggestion is founded in truth, we have no other evidence than an obscure hint in the epitaph hereafter inserted, which was written by the author himself, a short time before his death. His body, with due solemnity, was buried near that of Dr. Robert Weston, in the north aisle which joins next to the choir of the cathedral of Christ Church, on the 27th of January 1639-40. Over his grave was soon after erected a comely monument, on the upper pillar of the said aisle, with his bust, painted to the life. On the right hand is the following calculation of his nativity:

Horoscope: R. natus B. 1576, 8 Feb. hor. 3, scrup. 16. long. 22° 0' polus 51° 30''

and under the bust, this inscription of his own composition:—

Paucis notus, paucioribus ignotus,
Hic jacet Democritus junior
Cui vitam dedit et mortem
Melancholia
Ob. 8 Id. Jan. A. C. MDCXXXIX.

Arms:— Azure on a bend O. between three dogs' heads O. a crescent G.

A few months before his death, he made his will, of which the following is a copy:

Extracted from the Registry of the Prerogative Court of Canterbury.

In nomine Dei Amen. August 15th One thousand six hundred thirty nine because there be so many casualties to which our life is subject besides quarrelling and contention which happen to our Successors after our Death by reason of unsettled Estates I Robert Burton Student of Christ-church Oxon. though my means be but small have thought good by this my last Will and Testament to dispose of that little which I have and being at this present I thank God in perfect health of Bodie and Mind and if this Testament be not so formal according to the nice and strict terms of Law and other Circumstances peradventure required of which I am ignorant I desire howsoever this my Will may be accepted and stand good according to my true Intent and meaning First I bequeath Animam Deo Corpus Terrae whensoever it shall please God to call me I give my Land in Higham which my good Father Ralphe Burton of Lindly in the County of Leicester Esquire gave me by Deed of Gift and that which I have annexed to that Farm by purchase since, now leased for thirty eight pounds per Ann. to mine Elder Brother William Burton of Lindly Esquire during his life and after him to his Heirs I make my said Brother William likewise mine Executor as well as paying such Annuities and Legacies out of my Lands and Goods as are hereafter specified I give to my nephew Cassibilan Burton twenty pounds Annuity per Ann. out of my Land in Higham during his life to be paid at two equal payments at our Lady Day in Lent and Michaelmas or if he be not paid within fourteen Days after the said Feasts to distrain on any part of the Ground or on any of my Lands of Inheritance Item I give to my Sister Katherine Jackson during her life eight pounds per Ann. Annuity to be paid at the two Feasts equally as above said or else to distrain on the Ground if she be not paid after fourteen days at Lindly as the other some is out of the said Land Item I give to my Servant John Upton the Annuity of Forty Shillings out of my said Farme during his life (if till then my Servant) to be paid on Michaelmas day in Lindley each year or else after fourteen days to distrain Now for my goods I thus dispose them First I give an C'th pounds to Christ Church in Oxford where I have so long lived to buy five pounds Lands per Ann. to be Yearly bestowed on Books for the Library Item I give an hundredth pound to the University Library of Oxford to be bestowed to purchase five pound Land per Ann. to be paid out Yearly on Books as Mrs. Brooks formerly gave an hundred pounds to buy Land to the same purpose and the Rent to the same use I give to my Brother George Burton twenty pounds and my watch I give to my Brother Ralph Burton five pounds Item I give to the Parish of Seagrave in Leicestershire where I am now Rector ten pounds to be given to a certain Feoffees to the perpetual good of the said Parish Oxon 3Item I give to my Niece Eugenia Burton One hundredth pounds Item I give to my Nephew Richard Burton now Prisoner in London an hundredth pound to redeem him Item I give to the Poor of Higham Forty Shillings where my Land is to the poor of Nuneaton where I was once a Grammar Scholar three pound to my Cousin Purfey of Wadlake [Wadley] my Cousin Purfey of Calcott my Cousin Hales of Coventry my Nephew Bradshaw of Orton twenty shillings a piece for a small remembrance to Mr. Whitehall Rector of Cherkby myne own Chamber Fellow twenty shillings I desire my Brother George and my Cosen Purfey of Calcott to be the Overseers of this part of my Will I give moreover five pounds to make a small Monument for my Mother where she is buried in London to my Brother Jackson forty shillings to my Servant John Upton forty shillings besides his former Annuity if he be my Servant till I die if he be till then my Servant 4 — ROBERT BURTON— Charles Russell Witness — John Pepper Witness.

An Appendix to this my Will if I die in Oxford or whilst I am of Christ Church and with good Mr. Paynes August the Fifteenth 1639.

I give to Mr. Doctor Fell Dean of Christ Church Forty Shillings to the Eight Canons twenty Shillings a piece as a small remembrance to the poor of St. Thomas Parish Twenty Shillings to Brasenose Library five pounds to Mr. Rowse of Oriell Colledge twenty Shillings to Mr. Heywood xxs. to Dr. Metcalfe xxs. to Mr. Sherley xxs. If I have any Books the University Library hath not, let them take them If I have any Books our own Library hath not, let them take them I give to Mrs. Fell all my English Books of Husbandry one excepted to her Daughter Mrs. Katherine Fell my Six Pieces of Silver Plate and six Silver spoons to Mrs. Iles my Gerards Herball To Mrs. Morris my Country Farme Translated out of French 4. and all my English Physick Books to Mr. Whistler the Recorder of Oxford I give twenty shillings to all my fellow Students Mrs of Arts a Book in fol. or two a piece as Master Morris Treasurer or Mr. Dean shall appoint whom I request to be the Overseer of this Appendix and give him for his pains Atlas Geografer and Ortelius Theatrum Mond' I give to John Fell the Dean's Son Student my Mathematical Instruments except my two Crosse Staves which I give to my Lord of Donnol if he be then of the House To Thomas Iles Doctor Iles his Son Student Saluntch on Paurrhelia and Lucian's Works in 4 Tomes If any books be left let my Executors dispose of them with all such Books as are written with my own hands and half my Melancholy Copy for Crips hath the other half To Mr. Jones Chaplin and Chanter my Surveying Books and Instruments To the Servants of the House Forty Shillings ROB. BURTON— Charles Russell Witness — John Pepper Witness — This Will was shewed to me by the Testator and acknowledged by him some few days before his death to be his last Will Ita Testor John Morris S Th D. Prebendari' Eccl Chri' Oxon Feb. 3, 1639.

Probatum fuit Testamentum suprascriptum, &c. 11° 1640 Juramento Willmi Burton Fris' et Executoris cui &c. de bene et fideliter administrand. &c. coram Mag'ris Nathanaele Stephens Rectore Eccl. de Drayton, et Edwardo Farmer, Clericis, vigore commissionis, &c.

The only work our author executed was that now reprinted, which probably was the principal employment of his life. Dr. Ferriar says, it was originally published in the year 1617; but this is evidently a mistake; 5the first edition was that printed in 4to, 1621, a copy of which is at present in the collection of John Nichols, Esq., the indefatigable illustrator of the History of Leicestershire; to whom, and to Isaac Reed, Esq., of Staple Inn, this account is greatly indebted for its accuracy. The other impressions of it were in 1624, 1628, 1632, 1638, 1651-2, 1660, and 1676, which last, in the titlepage, is called the eighth edition.

The copy from which the present is reprinted, is that of 1651-2; at the conclusion of which is the following address:

"TO THE READER.

“Be pleased to know (Courteous Reader) that since the last Impression of this Book, the ingenuous Author of it is deceased, leaving a Copy of it exactly corrected, with several considerable Additions by his own hand; this Copy he committed to my care and custody, with directions to have those Additions inserted in the next Edition; which in order to his command, and the Publicke Good, is faithfully performed in this last Impression.”

H. C. (i.e. HEN. CRIPPS.)

The following testimonies of various authors will serve to show the estimation in which this work has been held:—

“The ANATOMY OF MELANCHOLY, wherein the author hath piled up variety of much excellent learning. Scarce any book of philology in our land hath, in so short a time, passed so many editions.” — Fuller's Worthies, fol. 16.

“'Tis a book so full of variety of reading, that gentlemen who have lost their time, and are put to a push for invention, may furnish themselves with matter for common or scholastical discourse and writing.” — Wood's Athenae Oxoniensis, vol. i. p. 628. 2d edit.

“If you never saw BURTON UPON MELANCHOLY, printed 1676, I pray look into it, and read the ninth page of his Preface, 'Democritus to the Reader.' There is something there which touches the point we are upon; but I mention the author to you, as the pleasantest, the most learned, and the most full of sterling sense. The wits of Queen Anne's reign, and the beginning of George the First, were not a little beholden to him.” — Archbishop Herring's Letters, 12mo. 1777. p. 149.

“BURTON'S ANATOMY OF MELANCHOLY, he (Dr. Johnson) said, was the only book that ever took him out of bed two hours sooner than he wished to rise.” — Boswell's Life of Johnson, vol. i. p. 580. 8vo. edit.

“BURTON'S ANATOMY OF MELANCHOLY is a valuable book,” said Dr. Johnson. “It is, perhaps, overloaded with quotation. But there is great spirit and great power in what Burton says when he writes from his own mind.” — Ibid, vol. ii. p. 325.

“It will be no detraction from the powers of Milton's original genius and invention, to remark, that he seems to have borrowed the subject of L' Allegro and Il Penseroso, together with some particular thoughts, expressions, and rhymes, more especially the idea of a contrast between these two dispositions, from a forgotten poem prefixed to the first edition of BURTON'S ANATOMY OF MELANCHOLY, entitled, 'The Author's Abstract of Melancholy; or, A Dialogue between Pleasure and Pain.' Here pain is melancholy. It was written, as I conjecture, about the year 1600. I will make no apology for abstracting and citing as much of this poem as will be sufficient to prove, to a discerning reader, how far it had taken possession of Milton's mind. The measure will appear to be the same; and that our author was at least an attentive reader of Burton's book, may be already concluded from the traces of resemblance which I have incidentally noticed in passing through the L' Allegro and Il Penseroso.” — After extracting the lines, Mr. Warton adds, “as to the very elaborate work to which these visionary verses are no unsuitable introduction, the writer's variety of learning, his quotations from scarce and curious books, his pedantry sparkling with rude wit and shapeless elegance, miscellaneous matter, intermixture of agreeable tales and illustrations, and, perhaps, above all, the singularities of his feelings, clothed in an uncommon quaintness of style, have contributed to render it, even to modern readers, a valuable repository of amusement and information.” — Warton's Milton, 2d edit. p. 94.

“THE ANATOMY OF MELANCHOLY is a book which has been universally read and admired. This work is, for the most part, what the author himself styles it, 'a cento;' but it is a very ingenious one. His quotations, which abound in every page, are pertinent; but if he had made more use of his invention and less of his commonplace-book, his work would perhaps have been more valuable than it is. He is generally free from the affected language and ridiculous metaphors which disgrace most of the books of his time.” — Granger's Biographical History.

“BURTON'S ANATOMY OF MELANCHOLY, a book once the favourite of the learned and the witty, and a source of surreptitious learning, though written on a regular plan, consists chiefly of quotations: the author has honestly termed it a cento. He collects, under every division, the opinions of a multitude of writers, without regard to chronological order, and has too often the modesty to decline the interposition of his own sentiments. Indeed the bulk of his materials generally overwhelms him. In the course of his folio he has contrived to treat a great variety of topics, that seem very loosely connected with the general subject; and, like Bayle, when he starts a favourite train of quotations, he does not scruple to let the digression outrun the principal question. Thus, from the doctrines of religion to military discipline, from inland navigation to the morality of dancing-schools, every thing is discussed and determined.” — Ferriar's Illustrations of Sterne, p. 58.

“The archness which BURTON displays occasionally, and his indulgence of playful digressions from the most serious discussions, often give his style an air of familiar conversation, notwithstanding the laborious collections which supply his text. He was capable of writing excellent poetry, but he seems to have cultivated this talent too little. The English verses prefixed to his book, which possess beautiful imagery, and great sweetness of versification, have been frequently published. His Latin elegiac verses addressed to his book, shew a very agreeable turn for raillery.” — Ibid. p. 58.

“When the force of the subject opens his own vein of prose, we discover valuable sense and brilliant expression. Such is his account of the first feelings of melancholy persons, written, probably, from his own experience.” [See p. 154, of the present edition.]— Ibid. p. 60.

“During a pedantic age, like that in which BURTON'S production appeared, it must have been eminently serviceable to writers of many descriptions. Hence the unlearned might furnish themselves with appropriate scraps of Greek and Latin, whilst men of letters would find their enquiries shortened, by knowing where they might look for what both ancients and moderns had advanced on the subject of human passions. I confess my inability to point out any other English author who has so largely dealt in apt and original quotation.” — Manuscript note of the late George Steevens, Esq., in his copy of THE ANATOMY OF MELANCHOLY.

1. His elder brother was William Burton, the Leicestershire antiquary, born 24th August, 1575, educated at Sutton Coldfield, admitted commoner, or gentleman commoner, of Brazen Nose College, 1591; at the Inner Temple, 20th May, 1593; B. A. 22d June, 1594; and afterwards a barrister and reporter in the Court of Common Pleas. “But his natural genius,” says Wood, “leading him to the studies of heraldry, genealogies, and antiquities, he became excellent in those obscure and intricate matters; and look upon him as a gentleman, was accounted, by all that knew him, to be the best of his time for those studies, as may appear by his 'Description of Leicestershire.'” His weak constitution not permitting him to follow business, he retired into the country, and his greatest work, “The Description of Leicestershire,” was published in folio, 1623. He died at Falde, after suffering much in the civil war, 6th April, 1645, and was buried in the parish church belonging thereto, called Hanbury.

2. This is Wood's account. His will says, Nuneaton; but a passage in this work [see fol. 304,] mentions Sutton Coldfield; probably he may have been at both schools.

3. So in the Register.

4. So in the Register.

5. Originating, perhaps, in a note, p. 448, 6th edit. (p. 455 of the present), in which a book is quoted as having been “printed at Paris 1624, seven years after Burton's first edition.” As, however, the editions after that of 1621, are regularly marked in succession to the eighth, printed in 1676, there seems very little reason to doubt that, in the note above alluded to, either 1624 has been a misprint for 1628, or seven years for three years. The numerous typographical errata in other parts of the work strongly aid this latter supposition.

Democritus Junior Ad Librum Suum.

Vade liber, qualis, non ausum dicere, felix,

Te nisi felicem fecerit Alma dies.

Vade tamen quocunque lubet, quascunque per oras,

Et Genium Domini fac imitere tui.

I blandas inter Charites, mystamque saluta

Musarum quemvis, si tibi lector erit.

Rura colas, urbem, subeasve palatia regum,

Submisse, placide, te sine dente geras.

Nobilis, aut si quis te forte inspexerit heros,

Da te morigerum, perlegat usque lubet.

Est quod Nobilitas, est quod desideret heros,

Gratior haec forsan charta placere potest.

Si quis morosus Cato, tetricusque Senator,

Hunc etiam librum forte videre velit,

Sive magistratus, tum te reverenter habeto;

Sed nullus; muscas non capiunt Aquilae.

Non vacat his tempus fugitivum impendere nugis,

Nec tales cupio; par mihi lector erit.

Si matrona gravis casu diverterit istuc,

Illustris domina, aut te Comitissa legat:

Est quod displiceat, placeat quod forsitan illis,

Ingerere his noli te modo, pande tamen.

At si virgo tuas dignabitur inclyta chartas

Tangere, sive schedis haereat illa tuis:

Da modo te facilem, et quaedam folia esse memento

Conveniant oculis quae magis apta suis.

Si generosa ancilla tuos aut alma puella

Visura est ludos, annue, pande lubens.

Dic utinam nunc ipse meus 6(nam diligit istas)

In praesens esset conspiciendus herus.

Ignotus notusve mihi de gente togata

Sive aget in ludis, pulpita sive colet,

Sive in Lycaeo, et nugas evolverit istas,

Si quasdam mendas viderit inspiciens,

Da veniam Authori, dices; nam plurima vellet

Expungi, quae jam displicuisse sciat.

Sive Melancholicus quisquam, seu blandus Amator,

Aulicus aut Civis, seu bene comptus eques

Huc appellat, age et tuto te crede legenti,

Multa istic forsan non male nata leget.

Quod fugiat, caveat, quodque amplexabitur, ista

Pagina fortassis promere multa potest.

At si quis Medicus coram te sistet, amice

Fac circumspecte, et te sine labe geras:

Inveniet namque ipse meis quoque plurima scriptis,

Non leve subsidium quae sibi forsan erunt.

Si quis Causidicus chartas impingat in istas,

Nil mihi vobiscum, pessima turba vale;

Sit nisi vir bonus, et juris sine fraude peritus,

Tum legat, et forsan doctior inde siet.

Si quis cordatus, facilis, lectorque benignus

Huc oculos vertat, quae velit ipse legat;

Candidus ignoscet, metuas nil, pande libenter,

Offensus mendis non erit ille tuis,

Laudabit nonnulla. Venit si Rhetor ineptus,

Limata et tersa, et qui bene cocta petit,

Claude citus librum; nulla hic nisi ferrea verba,

Offendent stomachum quae minus apta suum.

At si quis non eximius de plebe poeta,

Annue; namque istic plurima ficta leget.

Nos sumus e numero, nullus mihi spirat Apollo,

Grandiloquus Vates quilibet esse nequit.

Si Criticus Lector, tumidus Censorque molestus,

Zoilus et Momus, si rabiosa cohors:

Ringe, freme, et noli tum pandere, turba malignis

Si occurrat sannis invidiosa suis:

Fac fugias; si nulla tibi sit copia eundi,

Contemnes, tacite scommata quaeque feres.

Frendeat, allatret, vacuas gannitibus auras

Impleat, haud cures; his placuisse nefas.

Verum age si forsan divertat purior hospes,

Cuique sales, ludi, displiceantque joci,

Objiciatque tibi sordes, lascivaque: dices,

Lasciva est Domino et Musa jocosa tuo,

Nec lasciva tamen, si pensitet omne; sed esto;

Sit lasciva licet pagina, vita proba est.

Barbarus, indoctusque rudis spectator in istam

Si messem intrudat, fuste fugabis eum,

Fungum pelle procul (jubeo) nam quid mihi fungo?

Conveniunt stomacho non minus ista suo.

Sed nec pelle tamen; laeto omnes accipe vultu,

Quos, quas, vel quales, inde vel unde viros.

Gratus erit quicunque venit, gratissimus hospes

Quisquis erit, facilis difficilisque mihi.

Nam si culparit, quaedam culpasse juvabit,

Culpando faciet me meliora sequi.

Sed si laudarit, neque laudibus efferar ullis,

Sit satis hisce malis opposuisse bonum.

Haec sunt quae nostro placuit mandare libello,

Et quae dimittens dicere jussit Herus.

6. Haec comice dicta cave ne male capias.

Democritus Junior to His Book

Paraphrastic Metrical Translation.

Go forth my book into the open day;

Happy, if made so by its garish eye.

O'er earth's wide surface take thy vagrant way,

To imitate thy master's genius try.

The Graces three, the Muses nine salute,

Should those who love them try to con thy lore.

The country, city seek, grand thrones to boot,

With gentle courtesy humbly bow before.

Should nobles gallant, soldiers frank and brave

Seek thy acquaintance, hail their first advance:

From twitch of care thy pleasant vein may save,

May laughter cause or wisdom give perchance.

Some surly Cato, Senator austere,

Haply may wish to peep into thy book:

Seem very nothing — tremble and revere:

No forceful eagles, butterflies e'er look.

They love not thee: of them then little seek,

And wish for readers triflers like thyself.

Of ludeful matron watchful catch the beck,

Or gorgeous countess full of pride and pelf.

They may say “pish!” and frown, and yet read on:

Cry odd, and silly, coarse, and yet amusing.

Should dainty damsels seek thy page to con,

Spread thy best stores: to them be ne'er refusing:

Say, fair one, master loves thee dear as life;

Would he were here to gaze on thy sweet look.

Should known or unknown student, freed from strife

Of logic and the schools, explore my book:

Cry mercy critic, and thy book withhold:

Be some few errors pardon'd though observ'd:

An humble author to implore makes bold.

Thy kind indulgence, even undeserv'd,

Should melancholy wight or pensive lover,

Courtier, snug cit, or carpet knight so trim

Our blossoms cull, he'll find himself in clover,

Gain sense from precept, laughter from our whim.

Should learned leech with solemn air unfold

Thy leaves, beware, be civil, and be wise:

Thy volume many precepts sage may hold,

His well fraught head may find no trifling prize.

Should crafty lawyer trespass on our ground,

Caitiffs avaunt! disturbing tribe away!

Unless (white crow) an honest one be found;

He'll better, wiser go for what we say.

Should some ripe scholar, gentle and benign,

With candour, care, and judgment thee peruse:

Thy faults to kind oblivion he'll consign;

Nor to thy merit will his praise refuse.

Thou may'st be searched for polish'd words and verse

By flippant spouter, emptiest of praters:

Tell him to seek them in some mawkish verse:

My periods all are rough as nutmeg graters.

The doggerel poet, wishing thee to read,

Reject not; let him glean thy jests and stories.

His brother I, of lowly sembling breed:

Apollo grants to few Parnassian glories.

Menac'd by critic with sour furrowed brow,

Momus or Troilus or Scotch reviewer:

Ruffle your heckle, grin and growl and vow:

Ill-natured foes you thus will find the fewer,

When foul-mouth'd senseless railers cry thee down,

Reply not: fly, and show the rogues thy stern;

They are not worthy even of a frown:

Good taste or breeding they can never learn;

Or let them clamour, turn a callous ear,

As though in dread of some harsh donkey's bray.

If chid by censor, friendly though severe,

To such explain and turn thee not away.

Thy vein, says he perchance, is all too free;

Thy smutty language suits not learned pen:

Reply, Good Sir, throughout, the context see;

Thought chastens thought; so prithee judge again.

Besides, although my master's pen may wander

Through devious paths, by which it ought not stray,

His life is pure, beyond the breath of slander:

So pardon grant; 'tis merely but his way.

Some rugged ruffian makes a hideous rout —

Brandish thy cudgel, threaten him to baste;

The filthy fungus far from thee cast out;

Such noxious banquets never suit my taste.

Yet, calm and cautious moderate thy ire,

Be ever courteous should the case allow —

Sweet malt is ever made by gentle fire:

Warm to thy friends, give all a civil bow.

Even censure sometimes teaches to improve,

Slight frosts have often cured too rank a crop,

So, candid blame my spleen shall never move,

For skilful gard'ners wayward branches lop.

Go then, my book, and bear my words in mind;

Guides safe at once, and pleasant them you'll find.

Frontispiece to the Original Edition

Frontispiece to the original edition
1. Democritus Abderites 2. Zelotypia 3. Solitudo 4. Inamorato 5. Hypocondriacus 6. Superstitiosus 7. Maniacus 8. Borage 9. Hellebor 10. Democritus Junior

The Argument of the Frontispiece.

Ten distinct Squares here seen apart,

Are joined in one by Cutter's art.

I.

Old Democritus under a tree,

Sits on a stone with book on knee;

About him hang there many features,

Of Cats, Dogs and such like creatures,

Of which he makes anatomy,

The seat of black choler to see.

Over his head appears the sky,

And Saturn Lord of melancholy.

ii.

To the left a landscape of Jealousy,

Presents itself unto thine eye.

A Kingfisher, a Swan, an Hern,

Two fighting-cocks you may discern,

Two roaring Bulls each other hie,

To assault concerning venery.

Symbols are these; I say no more,

Conceive the rest by that's afore.

iii.

The next of solitariness,

A portraiture doth well express,

By sleeping dog, cat: Buck and Doe,

Hares, Conies in the desert go:

Bats, Owls the shady bowers over,

In melancholy darkness hover.

Mark well: If't be not as't should be,

Blame the bad Cutter, and not me.

iv.

I'th' under column there doth stand

Inamorato with folded hand;

Down hangs his head, terse and polite,

Some ditty sure he doth indite.

His lute and books about him lie,

As symptoms of his vanity.

If this do not enough disclose,

To paint him, take thyself by th' nose.

V.

Hypocondriacus leans on his arm,

Wind in his side doth him much harm,

And troubles him full sore, God knows,

Much pain he hath and many woes.

About him pots and glasses lie,

Newly brought from's Apothecary.

This Saturn's aspects signify,

You see them portray'd in the sky.

vi.

Beneath them kneeling on his knee,

A superstitious man you see:

He fasts, prays, on his Idol fixt,

Tormented hope and fear betwixt:

For Hell perhaps he takes more pain,

Than thou dost Heaven itself to gain.

Alas poor soul, I pity thee,

What stars incline thee so to be?

vii.

But see the madman rage downright

With furious looks, a ghastly sight.

Naked in chains bound doth he lie,

And roars amain he knows not why!

Observe him; for as in a glass,

Thine angry portraiture it was.

His picture keeps still in thy presence;

'Twixt him and thee, there's no difference.

Viii, ix.

Borage and Hellebor fill two scenes,

Sovereign plants to purge the veins

Of melancholy, and cheer the heart,

Of those black fumes which make it smart;

To clear the brain of misty fogs,

Which dull our senses, and Soul clogs.

The best medicine that e'er God made

For this malady, if well assay'd.

X.

Now last of all to fill a place,

Presented is the Author's face;

And in that habit which he wears,

His image to the world appears.

His mind no art can well express,

That by his writings you may guess.

It was not pride, nor yet vainglory,

(Though others do it commonly)

Made him do this: if you must know,

The Printer would needs have it so.

Then do not frown or scoff at it,

Deride not, or detract a whit.

For surely as thou dost by him,

He will do the same again.

Then look upon't, behold and see,

As thou lik'st it, so it likes thee.

And I for it will stand in view,

Thine to command, Reader, adieu.

The Author's Abstract of Melancholy, Διαλογῶς

When I go musing all alone

Thinking of divers things fore-known.

When I build castles in the air,

Void of sorrow and void of fear,

Pleasing myself with phantasms sweet,

Methinks the time runs very fleet.

All my joys to this are folly,
Naught so sweet as melancholy.

When I lie waking all alone,

Recounting what I have ill done,

My thoughts on me then tyrannise,

Fear and sorrow me surprise,

Whether I tarry still or go,

Methinks the time moves very slow.

All my griefs to this are jolly,
Naught so mad as melancholy.

When to myself I act and smile,

With pleasing thoughts the time beguile,

By a brook side or wood so green,

Unheard, unsought for, or unseen,

A thousand pleasures do me bless,

And crown my soul with happiness.

All my joys besides are folly,
None so sweet as melancholy.

When I lie, sit, or walk alone,

I sigh, I grieve, making great moan,

In a dark grove, or irksome den,

With discontents and Furies then,

A thousand miseries at once

Mine heavy heart and soul ensconce,

All my griefs to this are jolly,
None so sour as melancholy.

Methinks I hear, methinks I see,

Sweet music, wondrous melody,

Towns, palaces, and cities fine;

Here now, then there; the world is mine,

Rare beauties, gallant ladies shine,

Whate'er is lovely or divine.

All other joys to this are folly,
None so sweet as melancholy.

Methinks I hear, methinks I see

Ghosts, goblins, fiends; my phantasy

Presents a thousand ugly shapes,

Headless bears, black men, and apes,

Doleful outcries, and fearful sights,

My sad and dismal soul affrights.

All my griefs to this are jolly,
None so damn'd as melancholy.

Methinks I court, methinks I kiss,

Methinks I now embrace my mistress.

O blessed days, O sweet content,

In Paradise my time is spent.

Such thoughts may still my fancy move,

So may I ever be in love.

All my joys to this are folly,
Naught so sweet as melancholy.

When I recount love's many frights,

My sighs and tears, my waking nights,

My jealous fits; O mine hard fate

I now repent, but 'tis too late.

No torment is so bad as love,

So bitter to my soul can prove.

All my griefs to this are jolly,
Naught so harsh as melancholy.

Friends and companions get you gone,

'Tis my desire to be alone;

Ne'er well but when my thoughts and I

Do domineer in privacy.

No Gem, no treasure like to this,

'Tis my delight, my crown, my bliss.

All my joys to this are folly,
Naught so sweet as melancholy.

'Tis my sole plague to be alone,

I am a beast, a monster grown,

I will no light nor company,

I find it now my misery.

The scene is turn'd, my joys are gone,

Fear, discontent, and sorrows come.

All my griefs to this are jolly,
Naught so fierce as melancholy.

I'll not change life with any king,

I ravisht am: can the world bring

More joy, than still to laugh and smile,

In pleasant toys time to beguile?

Do not, O do not trouble me,

So sweet content I feel and see.

All my joys to this are folly,
None so divine as melancholy.

I'll change my state with any wretch,

Thou canst from gaol or dunghill fetch;

My pain's past cure, another hell,

I may not in this torment dwell!

Now desperate I hate my life,

Lend me a halter or a knife;

All my griefs to this are jolly,
Naught so damn'd as melancholy.

Democritus Junior to the Reader.

Gentle reader, I presume thou wilt be very inquisitive to know what antic or personate actor this is, that so insolently intrudes upon this common theatre, to the world's view, arrogating another man's name; whence he is, why he doth it, and what he hath to say; although, as 7he said, Primum si noluero, non respondebo, quis coacturus est? I am a free man born, and may choose whether I will tell; who can compel me? If I be urged, I will as readily reply as that Egyptian in 8Plutarch, when a curious fellow would needs know what he had in his basket, Quum vides velatam, quid inquiris in rem absconditam? It was therefore covered, because he should not know what was in it. Seek not after that which is hid; if the contents please thee, 9“and be for thy use, suppose the Man in the Moon, or whom thou wilt to be the author;” I would not willingly be known. Yet in some sort to give thee satisfaction, which is more than I need, I will show a reason, both of this usurped name, title, and subject. And first of the name of Democritus; lest any man, by reason of it, should be deceived, expecting a pasquil, a satire, some ridiculous treatise (as I myself should have done), some prodigious tenet, or paradox of the earth's motion, of infinite worlds, in infinito vacuo, ex fortuita atomorum collisione, in an infinite waste, so caused by an accidental collision of motes in the sun, all which Democritus held, Epicurus and their master Lucippus of old maintained, and are lately revived by Copernicus, Brunus, and some others. Besides, it hath been always an ordinary custom, as 10Gellius observes, “for later writers and impostors, to broach many absurd and insolent fictions, under the name of so noble a philosopher as Democritus, to get themselves credit, and by that means the more to be respected,” as artificers usually do, Novo qui marmori ascribunt Praxatilem suo. 'Tis not so with me.

11Non hic Centaurus, non Gorgonas, Harpyasque

Invenies, hominem pagina nostra sapit.

No Centaurs here, or Gorgons look to find,

My subject is of man and human kind.

Thou thyself art the subject of my discourse.

12Quicquid agunt homines, votum, timor, ira, voluptas,

Gaudia, discursus, nostri farrago libelli.

Whate'er men do, vows, fears, in ire, in sport,

Joys, wand'rings, are the sum of my report.

My intent is no otherwise to use his name, than Mercurius Gallobelgicus, Mercurius Britannicus, use the name of Mercury, 13Democritus Christianus, &c.; although there be some other circumstances for which I have masked myself under this vizard, and some peculiar respect which I cannot so well express, until I have set down a brief character of this our Democritus, what he was, with an epitome of his life.

Democritus, as he is described by 14Hippocrates and 15Laertius, was a little wearish old man, very melancholy by nature, averse from company in his latter days, 16and much given to solitariness, a famous philosopher in his age, 17coaevus with Socrates, wholly addicted to his studies at the last, and to a private life: wrote many excellent works, a great divine, according to the divinity of those times, an expert physician, a politician, an excellent mathematician, as 18Diacosmus and the rest of his works do witness. He was much delighted with the studies of husbandry, saith 19Columella, and often I find him cited by 20Constantinus and others treating of that subject. He knew the natures, differences of all beasts, plants, fishes, birds; and, as some say, could 21understand the tunes and voices of them. In a word, he was omnifariam doctus, a general scholar, a great student; and to the intent he might better contemplate, 22I find it related by some, that he put out his eyes, and was in his old age voluntarily blind, yet saw more than all Greece besides, and 23 writ of every subject, Nihil in toto opificio naturae, de quo non scripsit. 24A man of an excellent wit, profound conceit; and to attain knowledge the better in his younger years, he travelled to Egypt and 25 Athens, to confer with learned men, 26“admired of some, despised of others.” After a wandering life, he settled at Abdera, a town in Thrace, and was sent for thither to be their lawmaker, recorder, or town-clerk, as some will; or as others, he was there bred and born. Howsoever it was, there he lived at last in a garden in the suburbs, wholly betaking himself to his studies and a private life, 27“saving that sometimes he would walk down to the haven,” 28“and laugh heartily at such variety of ridiculous objects, which there he saw.” Such a one was Democritus.

But in the mean time, how doth this concern me, or upon what reference do I usurp his habit? I confess, indeed, that to compare myself unto him for aught I have yet said, were both impudency and arrogancy. I do not presume to make any parallel, Antistat mihi millibus trecentis, 29parvus sum, nullus sum, altum nec spiro, nec spero. Yet thus much I will say of myself, and that I hope without all suspicion of pride, or self-conceit, I have lived a silent, sedentary, solitary, private life, mihi et musis in the University, as long almost as Xenocrates in Athens, ad senectam fere to learn wisdom as he did, penned up most part in my study. For I have been brought up a student in the most flourishing college of Europe, 30 augustissimo collegio, and can brag with 31Jovius, almost, in ea luce domicilii Vacicani, totius orbis celeberrimi, per 37 annos multa opportunaque didici; for thirty years I have continued (having the use of as good 32libraries as ever he had) a scholar, and would be therefore loath, either by living as a drone, to be an unprofitable or unworthy member of so learned and noble a society, or to write that which should be any way dishonourable to such a royal and ample foundation. Something I have done, though by my profession a divine, yet turbine raptus ingenii, as 33he said, out of a running wit, an unconstant, unsettled mind, I had a great desire (not able to attain to a superficial skill in any) to have some smattering in all, to be aliquis in omnibus, nullus in singulis, 34 which 35Plato commends, out of him 36Lipsius approves and furthers, “as fit to be imprinted in all curious wits, not to be a slave of one science, or dwell altogether in one subject, as most do, but to rove abroad, centum puer artium, to have an oar in every man's boat, to 37 taste of every dish, and sip of every cup,” which, saith 38Montaigne, was well performed by Aristotle, and his learned countryman Adrian Turnebus. This roving humour (though not with like success) I have ever had, and like a ranging spaniel, that barks at every bird he sees, leaving his game, I have followed all, saving that which I should, and may justly complain, and truly, qui ubique est, nusquam est, 39which 40Gesner did in modesty, that I have read many books, but to little purpose, for want of good method; I have confusedly tumbled over divers authors in our libraries, with small profit, for want of art, order, memory, judgment. I never travelled but in map or card, in which mine unconfined thoughts have freely expatiated, as having ever been especially delighted with the study of Cosmography. 41Saturn was lord of my geniture, culminating, &c., and Mars principal significator of manners, in partile conjunction with my ascendant; both fortunate in their houses, &c. I am not poor, I am not rich; nihil est, nihil deest, I have little, I want nothing: all my treasure is in Minerva's tower. Greater preferment as I could never get, so am I not in debt for it, I have a competence (laus Deo) from my noble and munificent patrons, though I live still a collegiate student, as Democritus in his garden, and lead a monastic life, ipse mihi theatrum, sequestered from those tumults and troubles of the world, Et tanquam in specula positus, (42as he said) in some high place above you all, like Stoicus Sapiens, omnia saecula, praeterita presentiaque videns, uno velut intuitu, I hear and see what is done abroad, how others 43run, ride, turmoil, and macerate themselves in court and country, far from those wrangling lawsuits, aulia vanitatem, fori ambitionem, ridere mecum soleo: I laugh at all, 44only secure, lest my suit go amiss, my ships perish, corn and cattle miscarry, trade decay, I have no wife nor children good or bad to provide for. A mere spectator of other men's fortunes and adventures, and how they act their parts, which methinks are diversely presented unto me, as from a common theatre or scene. I hear new news every day, and those ordinary rumours of war, plagues, fires, inundations, thefts, murders, massacres, meteors, comets, spectrums, prodigies, apparitions, of towns taken, cities besieged in France, Germany, Turkey, Persia, Poland, &c., daily musters and preparations, and such like, which these tempestuous times afford, battles fought, so many men slain, monomachies, shipwrecks, piracies and sea-fights; peace, leagues, stratagems, and fresh alarms. A vast confusion of vows, wishes, actions, edicts, petitions, lawsuits, pleas, laws, proclamations, complaints, grievances are daily brought to our ears. New books every day, pamphlets, corantoes, stories, whole catalogues of volumes of all sorts, new paradoxes, opinions, schisms, heresies, controversies in philosophy, religion, &c. Now come tidings of weddings, maskings, mummeries, entertainments, jubilees, embassies, tilts and tournaments, trophies, triumphs, revels, sports, plays: then again, as in a new shifted scene, treasons, cheating tricks, robberies, enormous villainies in all kinds, funerals, burials, deaths of princes, new discoveries, expeditions, now comical, then tragical matters. Today we hear of new lords and officers created, tomorrow of some great men deposed, and then again of fresh honours conferred; one is let loose, another imprisoned; one purchaseth, another breaketh: he thrives, his neighbour turns bankrupt; now plenty, then again dearth and famine; one runs, another rides, wrangles, laughs, weeps, &c. This I daily hear, and such like, both private and public news, amidst the gallantry and misery of the world; jollity, pride, perplexities and cares, simplicity and villainy; subtlety, knavery, candour and integrity, mutually mixed and offering themselves; I rub on privus privatus; as I have still lived, so I now continue, statu quo prius, left to a solitary life, and mine own domestic discontents: saving that sometimes, ne quid mentiar, as Diogenes went into the city, and Democritus to the haven to see fashions, I did for my recreation now and then walk abroad, look into the world, and could not choose but make some little observation, non tam sagax observator ac simplex recitator, 45 not as they did, to scoff or laugh at all, but with a mixed passion.

46Bilem saepe, jocum vestri movere tumultus.

Ye wretched mimics, whose fond heats have been,

How oft! the objects of my mirth and spleen.

I did sometime laugh and scoff with Lucian, and satirically tax with Menippus, lament with Heraclitus, sometimes again I was 47petulanti splene chachinno, and then again, 48urere bilis jecur, I was much moved to see that abuse which I could not mend. In which passion howsoever I may sympathise with him or them, 'tis for no such respect I shroud myself under his name; but either in an unknown habit to assume a little more liberty and freedom of speech, or if you will needs know, for that reason and only respect which Hippocrates relates at large in his Epistle to Damegetus, wherein he doth express, how coming to visit him one day, he found Democritus in his garden at Abdera, in the suburbs, 49under a shady bower, 50with a book on his knees, busy at his study, sometimes writing, sometimes walking. The subject of his book was melancholy and madness; about him lay the carcases of many several beasts, newly by him cut up and anatomised; not that he did contemn God's creatures, as he told Hippocrates, but to find out the seat of this atra bilis, or melancholy, whence it proceeds, and how it was engendered in men's bodies, to the intent he might better cure it in himself, and by his writings and observation 51teach others how to prevent and avoid it. Which good intent of his, Hippocrates highly commended: Democritus Junior is therefore bold to imitate, and because he left it imperfect, and it is now lost, quasi succenturiator Democriti, to revive again, prosecute, and finish in this treatise.

You have had a reason of the name. If the title and inscription offend your gravity, were it a sufficient justification to accuse others, I could produce many sober treatises, even sermons themselves, which in their fronts carry more fantastical names. Howsoever, it is a kind of policy in these days, to prefix a fantastical title to a book which is to be sold; for, as larks come down to a day-net, many vain readers will tarry and stand gazing like silly passengers at an antic picture in a painter's shop, that will not look at a judicious piece. And, indeed, as 52Scaliger observes, “nothing more invites a reader than an argument unlooked for, unthought of, and sells better than a scurrile pamphlet,” tum maxime cum novitas excitat 53palatum. “Many men,” saith Gellius, “are very conceited in their inscriptions,” “and able” (as 54Pliny quotes out of Seneca) “to make him loiter by the way that went in haste to fetch a midwife for his daughter, now ready to lie down.” For my part, I have honourable 55precedents for this which I have done: I will cite one for all, Anthony Zara, Pap. Epis., his Anatomy of Wit, in four sections, members, subsections, &c., to be read in our libraries.

If any man except against the matter or manner of treating of this my subject, and will demand a reason of it, I can allege more than one; I write of melancholy, by being busy to avoid melancholy. There is no greater cause of melancholy than idleness, “no better cure than business,” as 56 Rhasis holds: and howbeit, stultus labor est ineptiarum, to be busy in toys is to small purpose, yet hear that divine Seneca, aliud agere quam nihil, better do to no end, than nothing. I wrote therefore, and busied myself in this playing labour, oliosaque diligentia ut vitarem torporum feriandi with Vectius in Macrobius, atque otium in utile verterem negatium.

57Simul et jucunda et idonea dicere vita,

Lectorem delectando simul atque monendo.

Poets would profit or delight mankind,

And with the pleasing have th' instructive joined.

Profit and pleasure, then, to mix with art,

T' inform the judgment, nor offend the heart,

Shall gain all votes.

To this end I write, like them, saith Lucian, that “recite to trees, and declaim to pillars for want of auditors:” as 58Paulus Aegineta ingenuously confesseth, “not that anything was unknown or omitted, but to exercise myself,” which course if some took, I think it would be good for their bodies, and much better for their souls; or peradventure as others do, for fame, to show myself (Scire tuum nihil est, nisi te scire hoc sciat alter). I might be of Thucydides' opinion, 59“to know a thing and not to express it, is all one as if he knew it not.” When I first took this task in hand, et quod ait 60ille, impellents genio negotium suscepi, this I aimed at; 61vel ut lenirem animum scribendo, to ease my mind by writing; for I had gravidum cor, foetum caput, a kind of imposthume in my head, which I was very desirous to be unladen of, and could imagine no fitter evacuation than this. Besides, I might not well refrain, for ubi dolor, ibi digitus, one must needs scratch where it itches. I was not a little offended with this malady, shall I say my mistress Melancholy, my Aegeria, or my malus genius? and for that cause, as he that is stung with a scorpion, I would expel clavum clavo, 62comfort one sorrow with another, idleness with idleness, ut ex vipera Theriacum, make an antidote out of that which was the prime cause of my disease. Or as he did, of whom 63Felix Plater speaks, that thought he had some of Aristophanes' frogs in his belly, still crying Breec, okex, coax, coax, oop, oop, and for that cause studied physic seven years, and travelled over most part of Europe to ease himself. To do myself good I turned over such physicians as our libraries would afford, or my 64private friends impart, and have taken this pains. And why not? Cardan professeth he wrote his book, De Consolatione after his son's death, to comfort himself; so did Tully write of the same subject with like intent after his daughter's departure, if it be his at least, or some impostor's put out in his name, which Lipsius probably suspects. Concerning myself, I can peradventure affirm with Marius in Sallust, 65“that which others hear or read of, I felt and practised myself; they get their knowledge by books, I mine by melancholising.” Experto crede Roberto. Something I can speak out of experience, aerumnabilis experientia me docuit; and with her in the poet, 66Haud ignara mali miseris succurrere disco; I would help others out of a fellow-feeling; and, as that virtuous lady did of old, 67“being a leper herself, bestow all her portion to build an hospital for lepers,” I will spend my time and knowledge, which are my greatest fortunes, for the common good of all.

Yea, but you will infer that this is 68actum agere, an unnecessary work, cramben bis coctam apponnere, the same again and again in other words. To what purpose? 69“Nothing is omitted that may well be said,” so thought Lucian in the like theme. How many excellent physicians have written just volumes and elaborate tracts of this subject? No news here; that which I have is stolen, from others, 70Dicitque mihi mea pagina fur es. If that severe doom of 71Synesius be true, “it is a greater offence to steal dead men's labours, than their clothes,” what shall become of most writers? I hold up my hand at the bar among others, and am guilty of felony in this kind, habes confitentem reum, I am content to be pressed with the rest. 'Tis most true, tenet insanabile multos scribendi cacoethes, and 72“there is no end of writing of books,” as the wiseman found of old, in this 73scribbling age, especially wherein 74“the number of books is without number,” (as a worthy man saith,) “presses be oppressed,” and out of an itching humour that every man hath to show himself, 75desirous of fame and honour (scribimus indocti doctique ——) he will write no matter what, and scrape together it boots not whence. 76“Bewitched with this desire of fame,” etiam mediis in morbis, to the disparagement of their health, and scarce able to hold a pen, they must say something, 77“and get themselves a name,” saith Scaliger, “though it be to the downfall and ruin of many others.” To be counted writers, scriptores ut salutentur, to be thought and held polymaths and polyhistors, apud imperitum vulgus ob ventosae nomen artis, to get a paper-kingdom: nulla spe quaestus sed ampla famae, in this precipitate, ambitious age, nunc ut est saeculum, inter immaturam eruditionem, ambitiosum et praeceps ('tis 78Scaliger's censure); and they that are scarce auditors, vix auditores, must be masters and teachers, before they be capable and fit hearers. They will rush into all learning, togatam armatam, divine, human authors, rake over all indexes and pamphlets for notes, as our merchants do strange havens for traffic, write great tomes, Cum non sint re vera doctiores, sed loquaciores, whereas they are not thereby better scholars, but greater praters. They commonly pretend public good, but as 79Gesner observes, 'tis pride and vanity that eggs them on; no news or aught worthy of note, but the same in other terms. Ne feriarentur fortasse typographi vel ideo scribendum est aliquid ut se vixisse testentur. As apothecaries we make new mixtures everyday, pour out of one vessel into another; and as those old Romans robbed all the cities of the world, to set out their bad-sited Rome, we skim off the cream of other men's wits, pick the choice flowers of their tilled gardens to set out our own sterile plots. Castrant alios ut libros suos per se graciles alieno adipe suffarciant (so 80Jovius inveighs.) They lard their lean books with the fat of others' works. Ineruditi fures, &c. A fault that every writer finds, as I do now, and yet faulty themselves, 81Trium literarum homines, all thieves; they pilfer out of old writers to stuff up their new comments, scrape Ennius' dunghills, and out of 82Democritus' pit, as I have done. By which means it comes to pass, 83“that not only libraries and shops are full of our putrid papers, but every close-stool and jakes,” Scribunt carmina quae legunt cacantes; they serve to put under pies, to 84lap spice in, and keep roast meat from burning. “With us in France,” saith 85Scaliger, “every man hath liberty to write, but few ability.” 86“Heretofore learning was graced by judicious scholars, but now noble sciences are vilified by base and illiterate scribblers,” that either write for vainglory, need, to get money, or as Parasites to flatter and collogue with some great men, they put cut 87burras, quisquiliasque ineptiasque. 88Amongst so many thousand authors you shall scarce find one, by reading of whom you shall be any whit better, but rather much worse, quibus inficitur potius, quam perficitur, by which he is rather infected than any way perfected.

89 ——— Qui talia legit,

Quid didicit tandem, quid scit nisi somnia, nugas?

So that oftentimes it falls out (which Callimachus taxed of old) a great book is a great mischief. 90Cardan finds fault with Frenchmen and Germans, for their scribbling to no purpose, non inquit ab edendo deterreo, modo novum aliquid inveniant, he doth not bar them to write, so that it be some new invention of their own; but we weave the same web still, twist the same rope again and again; or if it be a new invention, 'tis but some bauble or toy which idle fellows write, for as idle fellows to read, and who so cannot invent? 91“He must have a barren wit, that in this scribbling age can forge nothing. 92Princes show their armies, rich men vaunt their buildings, soldiers their manhood, and scholars vent their toys;” they must read, they must hear whether they will or no.

93Et quodcunque semel chartis illeverit, omnes

Gestiet a furno redeuntes scire lacuque,

Et pueros et anus ———

What once is said and writ, all men must know,

Old wives and children as they come and go.

“What a company of poets hath this year brought out,” as Pliny complains to Sossius Sinesius. 94“This April every day some or other have recited.” What a catalogue of new books all this year, all this age (I say), have our Frankfort Marts, our domestic Marts brought out? Twice a year, 95 Proferunt se nova ingenia et ostentant, we stretch our wits out, and set them to sale, magno conatu nihil agimus. So that which 96Gesner much desires, if a speedy reformation be not had, by some prince's edicts and grave supervisors, to restrain this liberty, it will run on in infinitum. Quis tam avidus librorum helluo, who can read them? As already, we shall have a vast chaos and confusion of books, we are 97oppressed with them, 98our eyes ache with reading, our fingers with turning. For my part I am one of the number, nos numerus sumus, (we are mere ciphers): I do not deny it, I have only this of Macrobius to say for myself, Omne meum, nihil meum, 'tis all mine, and none mine. As a good housewife out of divers fleeces weaves one piece of cloth, a bee gathers wax and honey out of many flowers, and makes a new bundle of all, Floriferis ut apes in saltibus omnia libant, I have laboriously 99collected this cento out of divers writers, and that sine injuria, I have wronged no authors, but given every man his own; which 100Hierom so much commends in Nepotian; he stole not whole verses, pages, tracts, as some do nowadays, concealing their authors' names, but still said this was Cyprian's, that Lactantius, that Hilarius, so said Minutius Felix, so Victorinus, thus far Arnobius: I cite and quote mine authors (which, howsoever some illiterate scribblers account pedantical, as a cloak of ignorance, and opposite to their affected fine style, I must and will use) sumpsi, non suripui; and what Varro, lib. 6. de re rust. speaks of bees, minime maleficae nullius opus vellicantes faciunt delerius, I can say of myself, Whom have I injured? The matter is theirs most part, and yet mine, apparet unde sumptum sit (which Seneca approves), aliud tamen quam unde sumptum sit apparet, which nature doth with the aliment of our bodies incorporate, digest, assimilate, I do concoquere quod hausi, dispose of what I take. I make them pay tribute, to set out this my Maceronicon, the method only is mine own, I must usurp that of 101Wecker e Ter. nihil dictum quod non dictum prius, methodus sola artificem ostendit, we can say nothing but what hath been said, the composition and method is ours only, and shows a scholar. Oribasius, Aesius, Avicenna, have all out of Galen, but to their own method, diverso stilo, non diversa fide. Our poets steal from Homer; he spews, saith Aelian, they lick it up. Divines use Austin's words verbatim still, and our story-dressers do as much; he that comes last is commonly best,

——— donec quid grandius aetas

Postera sorsque ferat melior. ——— 102

Though there were many giants of old in physic and philosophy, yet I say with 103Didacus Stella, “A dwarf standing on the shoulders of a giant may see farther than a giant himself;” I may likely add, alter, and see farther than my predecessors; and it is no greater prejudice for me to indite after others, than for Aelianus Montaltus, that famous physician, to write de morbis capitis after Jason Pratensis, Heurnius, Hildesheim, &c., many horses to run in a race, one logician, one rhetorician, after another. Oppose then what thou wilt,

Allatres licet usque nos et usque

Et gannitibus improbis lacessas.

I solve it thus. And for those other faults of barbarism, 104Doric dialect, extemporanean style, tautologies, apish imitation, a rhapsody of rags gathered together from several dunghills, excrements of authors, toys and fopperies confusedly tumbled out, without art, invention, judgment, wit, learning, harsh, raw, rude, fantastical, absurd, insolent, indiscreet, ill-composed, indigested, vain, scurrile, idle, dull, and dry; I confess all ('tis partly affected), thou canst not think worse of me than I do of myself. 'Tis not worth the reading, I yield it, I desire thee not to lose time in perusing so vain a subject, I should be peradventure loath myself to read him or thee so writing; 'tis not operae, pretium. All I say is this, that I have 105precedents for it, which Isocrates calls perfugium iis qui peccant, others as absurd, vain, idle, illiterate, &c. Nonnulli alii idem fecerunt; others have done as much, it may be more, and perhaps thou thyself, Novimus et qui te, &c. We have all our faults; scimus, et hanc, veniaim, &c.; 106thou censurest me, so have I done others, and may do thee, Cedimus inque vicem, &c., 'tis lex talionis, quid pro quo. Go now, censure, criticise, scoff, and rail.

107Nasutus cis usque licet, sis denique nasus:

Non potes in nugas dicere plura meas,

Ipse ego quam dixi, &c.

Wert thou all scoffs and flouts, a very Momus,

Than we ourselves, thou canst not say worse of us.

Thus, as when women scold, have I cried whore first, and in some men's censures I am afraid I have overshot myself, Laudare se vani, vituperare stulti, as I do not arrogate, I will not derogate. Primus vestrum non sum, nec imus, I am none of the best, I am none of the meanest of you. As I am an inch, or so many feet, so many parasangs, after him or him, I may be peradventure an ace before thee. Be it therefore as it is, well or ill, I have essayed, put myself upon the stage; I must abide the censure, I may not escape it. It is most true, stylus virum arguit, our style bewrays us, and as 108hunters find their game by the trace, so is a man's genius descried by his works, Multo melius ex sermone quam lineamentis, de moribus hominum judicamus; it was old Cato's rule. I have laid myself open (I know it) in this treatise, turned mine inside outward: I shall be censured, I doubt not; for, to say truth with Erasmus, nihil morosius hominum judiciis, there is nought so peevish as men's judgments; yet this is some comfort, ut palata, sic judicia, our censures are as various as our palates.

109Tres mihi convivae prope dissentire videntur,

Poscentes vario multum diversa palato, &c.

Three guests I have, dissenting at my feast,

Requiring each to gratify his taste

With different food.

Our writings are as so many dishes, our readers guests, our books like beauty, that which one admires another rejects; so are we approved as men's fancies are inclined. Pro captu lectoris habent sua fata libelli.. That which is most pleasing to one is amaracum sui, most harsh to another. Quot homines, tot sententiae, so many men, so many minds: that which thou condemnest he commends. 110Quod petis, id sane est invisum acidumque duobus. He respects matter, thou art wholly for words; he loves a loose and free style, thou art all for neat composition, strong lines, hyperboles, allegories; he desires a fine frontispiece, enticing pictures, such as 111Hieron. Natali the Jesuit hath cut to the Dominicals, to draw on the reader's attention, which thou rejectest; that which one admires, another explodes as most absurd and ridiculous. If it be not point blank to his humour, his method, his conceit, 112si quid, forsan omissum, quod is animo conceperit, si quae dictio, &c. If aught be omitted, or added, which he likes, or dislikes, thou art mancipium paucae lectionis, an idiot, an ass, nullus es, or plagiarius, a trifler, a trivant, thou art an idle fellow; or else it is a thing of mere industry, a collection without wit or invention, a very toy. 113Facilia sic putant omnes quae jam facta, nec de salebris cogitant, ubi via strata; so men are valued, their labours vilified by fellows of no worth themselves, as things of nought, who could not have done as much. Unusquisque abundat sensu suo, every man abounds in his own sense; and whilst each particular party is so affected, how should one please all?

114Quid dem? quid non dem? Renuis tu quod jubet ille.

——— What courses must I choose?

What not? What both would order you refuse.

How shall I hope to express myself to each man's humour and 115conceit, or to give satisfaction to all? Some understand too little, some too much, qui similiter in legendos libros, atque in salutandos homines irruunt, non cogitantes quales, sed quibus vestibus induti sint, as 116Austin observes, not regarding what, but who write, 117orexin habet auctores celebritas, not valuing the metal, but stamp that is upon it, Cantharum aspiciunt, non quid in eo. If he be not rich, in great place, polite and brave, a great doctor, or full fraught with grand titles, though never so well qualified, he is a dunce; but, as 118Baronius hath it of Cardinal Caraffa's works, he is a mere hog that rejects any man for his poverty. Some are too partial, as friends to overween, others come with a prejudice to carp, vilify, detract, and scoff; (qui de me forsan, quicquid est, omni contemptu contemptius judicant) some as bees for honey, some as spiders to gather poison. What shall I do in this case? As a Dutch host, if you come to an inn in. Germany, and dislike your fare, diet, lodging, &c., replies in a surly tone, 119aliud tibi quaeras diversorium, if you like not this, get you to another inn: I resolve, if you like not my writing, go read something else. I do not much esteem thy censure, take thy course, it is not as thou wilt, nor as I will, but when we have both done, that of 120Plinius Secundus to Trajan will prove true, “Every man's witty labour takes not, except the matter, subject, occasion, and some commending favourite happen to it.” If I be taxed, exploded by thee and some such, I shall haply be approved and commended by others, and so have been (Expertus loquor), and may truly say with 121Jovius in like case, (absit verbo jactantia) heroum quorundam, pontificum, et virorum nobilium familiaritatem et amicitiam, gratasque gratias, et multorum 122 bene laudatorum laudes sum inde promeritus, as I have been honoured by some worthy men, so have I been vilified by others, and shall be. At the first publishing of this book, (which 123Probus of Persius satires), editum librum continuo mirari homines, atque avide deripere caeperunt, I may in some sort apply to this my work. The first, second, and third edition were suddenly gone, eagerly read, and, as I have said, not so much approved by some, as scornfully rejected by others. But it was Democritus his fortune, Idem admirationi et 124irrisioni habitus. 'Twas Seneca's fate, that superintendent of wit, learning, judgment, 125ad stuporem doctus, the best of Greek and Latin writers, in Plutarch's opinion; that “renowned corrector of vice,” as, 126Fabius terms him, “and painful omniscious philosopher, that writ so excellently and admirably well,” could not please all parties, or escape censure. How is he vilified by 127 Caligula, Agellius, Fabius, and Lipsius himself, his chief propugner? In eo pleraque pernitiosa, saith the same Fabius, many childish tracts and sentences he hath, sermo illaboratus, too negligent often and remiss, as Agellius observes, oratio vulgaris et protrita, dicaces et ineptae, sententiae, eruditio plebeia, an homely shallow writer as he is. In partibus spinas et fastidia habet, saith 128Lipsius; and, as in all his other works, so especially in his epistles, aliae in argutiis et ineptiis occupantur, intricatus alicubi, et parum compositus, sine copia rerum hoc fecit, he jumbles up many things together immethodically, after the Stoics' fashion, parum ordinavit, multa accumulavit, &c. If Seneca be thus lashed, and many famous men that I could name, what shall I expect? How shall I that am vix umbra tanti philosophi hope to please? “No man so absolute” (129Erasmus holds) “to satisfy all, except antiquity, prescription, &c., set a bar.” But as I have proved in Seneca, this will not always take place, how shall I evade? 'Tis the common doom of all writers, I must (I say) abide it; I seek not applause; 130Non ego ventosa venor suffragia plebis; again, non sum adeo informis, I would not be 131vilified:

132 ——— laudatus abunde,

Non fastiditus si tibi, lector, ero.

I fear good men's censures, and to their favourable acceptance I submit my labours,

133 ——— et linguas mancipiorum

Contemno. ———

As the barking of a dog, I securely contemn those malicious and scurrile obloquies, flouts, calumnies of railers and detractors; I scorn the rest. What therefore I have said, pro tenuitate mea, I have said.

One or two things yet I was desirous to have amended if I could, concerning the manner of handling this my subject, for which I must apologise, deprecari, and upon better advice give the friendly reader notice: it was not mine intent to prostitute my muse in English, or to divulge secreta Minervae, but to have exposed this more contract in Latin, if I could have got it printed. Any scurrile pamphlet is welcome to our mercenary stationers in English; they print all

——— cuduntque libellos

In quorum foliis vix simia nuda cacaret;

But in Latin they will not deal; which is one of the reasons 134Nicholas Car, in his oration of the paucity of English writers, gives, that so many flourishing wits are smothered in oblivion, lie dead and buried in this our nation. Another main fault is, that I have not revised the copy, and amended the style, which now flows remissly, as it was first conceived; but my leisure would not permit; Feci nec quod potui, nec quod volui, I confess it is neither as I would, nor as it should be.

135Cum relego scripsisse pudet, quia plurima cerno

Me quoque quae fuerant judice digna lini.

When I peruse this tract which I have writ,

I am abash'd, and much I hold unfit.

Et quod gravissimum, in the matter itself, many things I disallow at this present, which when I writ, 136Non eadem est aetas, non mens; I would willingly retract much, &c., but 'tis too late, I can only crave pardon now for what is amiss.

I might indeed, (had I wisely done) observed that precept of the poet, ——— nonumque prematur in annum, and have taken more care: or, as Alexander the physician would have done by lapis lazuli, fifty times washed before it be used, I should have revised, corrected and amended this tract; but I had not (as I said) that happy leisure, no amanuenses or assistants. Pancrates in 137Lucian, wanting a servant as he went from Memphis to Coptus in Egypt, took a door bar, and after some superstitious words pronounced (Eucrates the relator was then present) made it stand up like a serving-man, fetch him water, turn the spit, serve in supper, and what work he would besides; and when he had done that service he desired, turned his man to a stick again. I have no such skill to make new men at my pleasure, or means to hire them; no whistle to call like the master of a ship, and bid them run, &c. I have no such authority, no such benefactors, as that noble 138Ambrosius was to Origen, allowing him six or seven amanuenses to write out his dictates; I must for that cause do my business myself, and was therefore enforced, as a bear doth her whelps, to bring forth this confused lump; I had not time to lick it into form, as she doth her young ones, but even so to publish it, as it was first written quicquid in buccam venit, in an extemporean style, as 139I do commonly all other exercises, effudi quicquid dictavit genius meus, out of a confused company of notes, and writ with as small deliberation as I do ordinarily speak, without all affectation of big words, fustian phrases, jingling terms, tropes, strong lines, that like 140Acesta's arrows caught fire as they flew, strains of wit, brave heats, elegies, hyperbolical exornations, elegancies, &c., which many so much affect. I am 141aquae potor, drink no wine at all, which so much improves our modern wits, a loose, plain, rude writer, ficum, voco ficum et ligonem ligonem and as free, as loose, idem calamo quod in mente, 142I call a spade a spade, animis haec scribo, non auribus, I respect matter not words; remembering that of Cardan, verba propter res, non res propter verba: and seeking with Seneca, quid scribam, non quemadmodum, rather what than how to write: for as Philo thinks, 143“He that is conversant about matter, neglects words, and those that excel in this art of speaking, have no profound learning,”

144Verba nitent phaleris, at nullus verba medullas

Intus habent ———

Besides, it was the observation of that wise Seneca, 145“when you see a fellow careful about his words, and neat in his speech, know this for a certainty, that man's mind is busied about toys, there's no solidity in him.” Non est ornamentum virile concinnitas: as he said of a nightingale, ——— vox es, praeterea nihil, &c. I am therefore in this point a professed disciple of 146Apollonius a scholar of Socrates, I neglect phrases, and labour wholly to inform my reader's understanding, not to please his ear; 'tis not my study or intent to compose neatly, which an orator requires, but to express myself readily and plainly as it happens. So that as a river runs sometimes precipitate and swift, then dull and slow; now direct, then per ambages, now deep, then shallow; now muddy, then clear; now broad, then narrow; doth my style flow: now serious, then light; now comical, then satirical; now more elaborate, then remiss, as the present subject required, or as at that time I was affected. And if thou vouchsafe to read this treatise, it shall seem no otherwise to thee, than the way to an ordinary traveller, sometimes fair, sometimes foul; here champaign, there enclosed; barren, in one place, better soil in another: by woods, groves, hills, dales, plains, &c. I shall lead thee per ardua montium, et lubrica valllum, et roscida cespitum, et 147glebosa camporum, through variety of objects, that which thou shalt like and surely dislike.

For the matter itself or method, if it be faulty, consider I pray you that of Columella, Nihil perfectum, aut a singulari consummatum industria, no man can observe all, much is defective no doubt, may be justly taxed, altered, and avoided in Galen, Aristotle, those great masters. Boni venatoris (148one holds) plures feras capere, non omnes; he is a good huntsman can catch some, not all: I have done my endeavour. Besides, I dwell not in this study, Non hic sulcos ducimus, non hoc pulvere desudamus, I am but a smatterer, I confess, a stranger, 149here and there I pull a flower; I do easily grant, if a rigid censurer should criticise on this which I have writ, he should not find three sole faults, as Scaliger in Terence, but three hundred. So many as he hath done in Cardan's subtleties, as many notable errors as 150Gul Laurembergius, a late professor of Rostock, discovers in that anatomy of Laurentius, or Barocius the Venetian in Sacro boscus. And although this be a sixth edition, in which I should have been more accurate, corrected all those former escapes, yet it was magni laboris opus, so difficult and tedious, that as carpenters do find out of experience, 'tis much better build a new sometimes, than repair an old house; I could as soon write as much more, as alter that which is written. If aught therefore be amiss (as I grant there is), I require a friendly admonition, no bitter invective, 151Sint musis socii Charites, Furia omnis abesto, otherwise, as in ordinary controversies, funem contentionis nectamus, sed cui bono? We may contend, and likely misuse each other, but to what purpose? We are both scholars, say,

152 ——— Arcades ambo

Et Cantare pares, et respondere parati.

Both young Arcadians, both alike inspir'd

To sing and answer as the song requir'd.

If we do wrangle, what shall we get by it? Trouble and wrong ourselves, make sport to others. If I be convict of an error, I will yield, I will amend. Si quid bonis moribus, si quid veritati dissentaneum, in sacris vel humanis literis a me dictum sit, id nec dictum esto. In the mean time I require a favourable censure of all faults omitted, harsh compositions, pleonasms of words, tautological repetitions (though Seneca bear me out, nunquam nimis dicitur, quod nunquam satis dicitur) perturbations of tenses, numbers, printers' faults, &c. My translations are sometimes rather paraphrases than interpretations, non ad verbum, but as an author, I use more liberty, and that's only taken which was to my purpose. Quotations are often inserted in the text, which makes the style more harsh, or in the margin, as it happened. Greek authors, Plato, Plutarch, Athenaeus, &c., I have cited out of their interpreters, because the original was not so ready. I have mingled sacra prophanis, but I hope not profaned, and in repetition of authors' names, ranked them per accidens, not according to chronology; sometimes neoterics before ancients, as my memory suggested. Some things are here altered, expunged in this sixth edition, others amended, much added, because many good 153authors in all kinds are come to my hands since, and 'tis no prejudice, no such indecorum, or oversight.

154Nunquam ita quicquam bene subducta ratione ad vitam fuit,

Quin res, aetas, usus, semper aliquid apportent novi,

Aliquid moneant, ut illa quae scire te credas, nescias,

Et quae tibi putaris prima, in exercendo ut repudias.

Ne'er was ought yet at first contriv'd so fit,

But use, age, or something would alter it;

Advise thee better, and, upon peruse,

Make thee not say, and what thou tak'st refuse.

But I am now resolved never to put this treatise out again, Ne quid nimis, I will not hereafter add, alter, or retract; I have done. The last and greatest exception is, that I, being a divine, have meddled with physic,

155Tantumne est ab re tua otii tibi,

Aliena ut cures, eaque nihil quae ad te attinent.

Which Menedemus objected to Chremes; have I so much leisure, or little business of mine own, as to look after other men's matters which concern me not? What have I to do with physic? Quod medicorum est promittant medici. The 156Lacedaemonians were once in counsel about state matters, a debauched fellow spake excellent well, and to the purpose, his speech was generally approved: a grave senator steps up, and by all means would have it repealed, though good, because dehonestabatur pessimo auctore, it had no better an author; let some good man relate the same, and then it should pass. This counsel was embraced, factum est, and it was registered forthwith, Et sic bona sententia mansit, malus auctor mutatus est. Thou sayest as much of me, stomachosus as thou art, and grantest, peradventure, this which I have written in physic, not to be amiss, had another done it, a professed physician, or so, but why should I meddle with this tract? Hear me speak. There be many other subjects, I do easily grant, both in humanity and divinity, fit to be treated of, of which had I written ad ostentationem only, to show myself, I should have rather chosen, and in which I have been more conversant, I could have more willingly luxuriated, and better satisfied myself and others; but that at this time I was fatally driven upon this rock of melancholy, and carried away by this by-stream, which, as a rillet, is deducted from the main channel of my studies, in which I have pleased and busied myself at idle hours, as a subject most necessary and commodious. Not that I prefer it before divinity, which I do acknowledge to be the queen of professions, and to which all the rest are as handmaids, but that in divinity I saw no such great need. For had I written positively, there be so many books in that kind, so many commentators, treatises, pamphlets, expositions, sermons, that whole teams of oxen cannot draw them; and had I been as forward and ambitious as some others, I might have haply printed a sermon at Paul's Cross, a sermon in St. Marie's Oxon, a sermon in Christ Church, or a sermon before the right honourable, right reverend, a sermon before the right worshipful, a sermon in Latin, in English, a sermon with a name, a sermon without, a sermon, a sermon, &c. But I have been ever as desirous to suppress my labours in this kind, as others have been to press and publish theirs. To have written in controversy had been to cut off an hydra's head, 157Lis litem generat, one begets another, so many duplications, triplications, and swarms of questions. In sacro bello hoc quod stili mucrone agitur, that having once begun, I should never make an end. One had much better, as 158Alexander, the sixth pope, long since observed, provoke a great prince than a begging friar, a Jesuit, or a seminary priest, I will add, for inexpugnabile genus hoc hominum, they are an irrefragable society, they must and will have the last word; and that with such eagerness, impudence, abominable lying, falsifying, and bitterness in their questions they proceed, that as he 159said, furorne caecus, an rapit vis acrior, an culpa, responsum date? Blind fury, or error, or rashness, or what it is that eggs them, I know not, I am sure many times, which 160Austin perceived long since, tempestate contentionis, serenitas charitatis obnubilatur, with this tempest of contention, the serenity of charity is overclouded, and there be too many spirits conjured up already in this kind in all sciences, and more than we can tell how to lay, which do so furiously rage, and keep such a racket, that as 161Fabius said, “It had been much better for some of them to have been born dumb, and altogether illiterate, than so far to dote to their own destruction.”

At melius fuerat non scribere, namque tacere

Tutum semper erit ——— 162

'Tis a general fault, so Severinus the Dane complains 163in physic, “unhappy men as we are, we spend our days in unprofitable questions and disputations,” intricate subtleties, de lana caprina about moonshine in the water, “leaving in the mean time those chiefest treasures of nature untouched, wherein the best medicines for all manner of diseases are to be found, and do not only neglect them ourselves, but hinder, condemn, forbid, and scoff at others, that are willing to inquire after them.” These motives at this present have induced me to make choice of this medicinal subject.

If any physician in the mean time shall infer, Ne sutor ultra crepidam, and find himself grieved that I have intruded into his profession, I will tell him in brief, I do not otherwise by them, than they do by us. If it be for their advantage, I know many of their sect which have taken orders, in hope of a benefice, 'tis a common transition, and why may not a melancholy divine, that can get nothing but by simony, profess physic? Drusianus an Italian (Crusianus, but corruptly, Trithemius calls him) 164“because he was not fortunate in his practice, forsook his profession, and writ afterwards in divinity.” Marcilius Ficinus was semel et simul; a priest and a physician at once, and 165T. Linacer in his old age took orders. The Jesuits profess both at this time, divers of them permissu superiorum, chirurgeons, panders, bawds, and midwives, &c. Many poor country-vicars, for want of other means, are driven to their shifts; to turn mountebanks, quacksalvers, empirics, and if our greedy patrons hold us to such hard conditions, as commonly they do, they will make most of us work at some trade, as Paul did, at last turn taskers, maltsters, costermongers, graziers, sell ale as some have done, or worse. Howsoever in undertaking this task, I hope I shall commit no great error or indecorum, if all be considered aright, I can vindicate myself with Georgius Braunus, and Hieronymus Hemingius, those two learned divines; who (to borrow a line or two of mine 166elder brother) drawn by a “natural love, the one of pictures and maps, prospectives and chorographical delights, writ that ample theatre of cities; the other to the study of genealogies, penned theatrum genealogicum.” Or else I can excuse my studies with 167Lessius the Jesuit in like case. It is a disease of the soul on which I am to treat, and as much appertaining to a divine as to a physician, and who knows not what an agreement there is betwixt these two professions? A good divine either is or ought to be a good physician, a spiritual physician at least, as our Saviour calls himself, and was indeed, Mat. iv. 23; Luke, v. 18; Luke, vii. 8. They differ but in object, the one of the body, the other of the soul, and use divers medicines to cure; one amends animam per corpus, the other corpus per animam as 168our Regius Professor of physic well informed us in a learned lecture of his not long since. One helps the vices and passions of the soul, anger, lust, desperation, pride, presumption, &c. by applying that spiritual physic; as the other uses proper remedies in bodily diseases. Now this being a common infirmity of body and soul, and such a one that hath as much need of spiritual as a corporal cure, I could not find a fitter task to busy myself about, a more apposite theme, so necessary, so commodious, and generally concerning all sorts of men, that should so equally participate of both, and require a whole physician. A divine in this compound mixed malady can do little alone, a physician in some kinds of melancholy much less, both make an absolute cure.

169Alterius sic altera poscit opem.

——— when in friendship joined

A mutual succour in each other find.

And 'tis proper to them both, and I hope not unbeseeming me, who am by my profession a divine, and by mine inclination a physician. I had Jupiter in my sixth house; I say with 170Beroaldus, non sum medicus, nec medicinae prorsus expers, in the theory of physic I have taken some pains, not with an intent to practice, but to satisfy myself, which was a cause likewise of the first undertaking of this subject.

If these reasons do not satisfy thee, good reader, as Alexander Munificus that bountiful prelate, sometimes bishop of Lincoln, when he had built six castles, ad invidiam operis eluendam, saith 171Mr. Camden, to take away the envy of his work (which very words Nubrigensis hath of Roger the rich bishop of Salisbury, who in king Stephen's time built Shirburn castle, and that of Devises), to divert the scandal or imputation, which might be thence inferred, built so many religious houses. If this my discourse be over-medicinal, or savour too much of humanity, I promise thee that I will hereafter make thee amends in some treatise of divinity. But this I hope shall suffice, when you have more fully considered of the matter of this my subject, rem substratam, melancholy, madness, and of the reasons following, which were my chief motives: the generality of the disease, the necessity of the cure, and the commodity or common good that will arise to all men by the knowledge of it, as shall at large appear in the ensuing preface. And I doubt not but that in the end you will say with me, that to anatomise this humour aright, through all the members of this our Microcosmus, is as great a task, as to reconcile those chronological errors in the Assyrian monarchy, find out the quadrature of a circle, the creeks and sounds of the north-east, or north-west passages, and all out as good a discovery as that hungry 172Spaniard's of Terra Australis Incognita, as great trouble as to perfect the motion of Mars and Mercury, which so crucifies our astronomers, or to rectify the Gregorian Calendar. I am so affected for my part, and hope as 173Theophrastus did by his characters, “That our posterity, O friend Policles, shall be the better for this which we have written, by correcting and rectifying what is amiss in themselves by our examples, and applying our precepts and cautions to their own use.” And as that great captain Zisca would have a drum made of his skin when he was dead, because he thought the very noise of it would put his enemies to flight, I doubt not but that these following lines, when they shall be recited, or hereafter read, will drive away melancholy (though I be gone) as much as Zisca's drum could terrify his foes. Yet one caution let me give by the way to my present, or my future reader, who is actually melancholy, that he read not the 174symptoms or prognostics in this following tract, lest by applying that which he reads to himself, aggravating, appropriating things generally spoken, to his own person (as melancholy men for the most part do) he trouble or hurt himself, and get in conclusion more harm than good. I advise them therefore warily to peruse that tract, Lapides loquitur (so said 175Agrippa de occ. Phil.) et caveant lectores ne cerebrum iis excutiat. The rest I doubt not they may securely read, and to their benefit. But I am over-tedious, I proceed.

Of the necessity and generality of this which I have said, if any man doubt, I shall desire him to make a brief survey of the world, as 176 Cyprian adviseth Donat, “supposing himself to be transported to the top of some high mountain, and thence to behold the tumults and chances of this wavering world, he cannot choose but either laugh at, or pity it.” S. Hierom out of a strong imagination, being in the wilderness, conceived with himself, that he then saw them dancing in Rome; and if thou shalt either conceive, or climb to see, thou shalt soon perceive that all the world is mad, that it is melancholy, dotes; that it is (which Epichthonius Cosmopolites expressed not many years since in a map) made like a fool's head (with that motto, Caput helleboro dignum) a crazed head, cavea stultorum, a fool's paradise, or as Apollonius, a common prison of gulls, cheaters, flatterers, &c. and needs to be reformed. Strabo in the ninth book of his geography, compares Greece to the picture of a man, which comparison of his, Nic. Gerbelius in his exposition of Sophianus' map, approves; the breast lies open from those Acroceraunian hills in Epirus, to the Sunian promontory in Attica; Pagae and Magaera are the two shoulders; that Isthmus of Corinth the neck; and Peloponnesus the head. If this allusion hold, 'tis sure a mad head; Morea may be Moria; and to speak what I think, the inhabitants of modern Greece swerve as much from reason and true religion at this day, as that Morea doth from the picture of a man. Examine the rest in like sort, and you shall find that kingdoms and provinces are melancholy, cities and families, all creatures, vegetal, sensible, and rational, that all sorts, sects, ages, conditions, are out of tune, as in Cebes' table, omnes errorem bibunt, before they come into the world, they are intoxicated by error's cup, from the highest to the lowest have need of physic, and those particular actions in 177Seneca, where father and son prove one another mad, may be general; Porcius Latro shall plead against us all. For indeed who is not a fool, melancholy, mad? — 178 Qui nil molitur inepte, who is not brain-sick? Folly, melancholy, madness, are but one disease, Delirium is a common name to all. Alexander, Gordonius, Jason Pratensis, Savanarola, Guianerius, Montaltus, confound them as differing secundum magis et minus; so doth David, Psal. xxxvii. 5. “I said unto the fools, deal not so madly,” and 'twas an old Stoical paradox, omnes stultos insanire, 179all fools are mad, though some madder than others. And who is not a fool, who is free from melancholy? Who is not touched more or less in habit or disposition? If in disposition, “ill dispositions beget habits, if they persevere,” saith 180Plutarch, habits either are, or turn to diseases. 'Tis the same which Tully maintains in the second of his Tusculans, omnium insipientum animi in morbo sunt, et perturbatorum, fools are sick, and all that are troubled in mind: for what is sickness, but as 181Gregory Tholosanus defines it, “A dissolution or perturbation of the bodily league, which health combines:” and who is not sick, or ill-disposed? in whom doth not passion, anger, envy, discontent, fear and sorrow reign? Who labours not of this disease? Give me but a little leave, and you shall see by what testimonies, confessions, arguments, I will evince it, that most men are mad, that they had as much need to go a pilgrimage to the Anticyrae (as in 182Strabo's time they did) as in our days they run to Compostella, our Lady of Sichem, or Lauretta, to seek for help; that it is like to be as prosperous a voyage as that of Guiana, and that there is much more need of hellebore than of tobacco.

That men are so misaffected, melancholy, mad, giddy-headed, hear the testimony of Solomon, Eccl. ii. 12. “And I turned to behold wisdom, madness and folly,” &c. And ver. 23: “All his days are sorrow, his travel grief, and his heart taketh no rest in the night.” So that take melancholy in what sense you will, properly or improperly, in disposition or habit, for pleasure or for pain, dotage, discontent, fear, sorrow, madness, for part, or all, truly, or metaphorically, 'tis all one. Laughter itself is madness according to Solomon, and as St. Paul hath it, “Worldly sorrow brings death.” “The hearts of the sons of men are evil, and madness is in their hearts while they live,” Eccl. ix. 3. “Wise men themselves are no better.” Eccl. i. 18. “In the multitude of wisdom is much grief, and he that increaseth wisdom, increaseth sorrow,” chap. ii. 17. He hated life itself, nothing pleased him: he hated his labour, all, as 183he concludes, is “sorrow, grief, vanity, vexation of spirit.” And though he were the wisest man in the world, sanctuarium sapientiae, and had wisdom in abundance, he will not vindicate himself, or justify his own actions. “Surely I am more foolish than any man, and have not the understanding of a man in me,” Prov. xxx. 2. Be they Solomon's words, or the words of Agur, the son of Jakeh, they are canonical. David, a man after God's own heart, confesseth as much of himself, Psal. xxxvii. 21, 22. “So foolish was I and ignorant, I was even as a beast before thee.” And condemns all for fools, Psal. xciii.; xxxii. 9; xlix. 20. He compares them to “beasts, horses, and mules, in which there is no understanding.” The apostle Paul accuseth himself in like sort, 2 Cor. ix. 21. “I would you would suffer a little my foolishness, I speak foolishly.” “The whole head is sick,” saith Esay, “and the heart is heavy,” cap. i. 5. And makes lighter of them than of oxen and asses, “the ox knows his owner,” &c.: read Deut. xxxii. 6; Jer. iv.; Amos, iii. 1; Ephes. v. 6. “Be not mad, be not deceived, foolish Galatians, who hath bewitched you?” How often are they branded with this epithet of madness and folly? No word so frequent amongst the fathers of the Church and divines; you may see what an opinion they had of the world, and how they valued men's actions.

I know that we think far otherwise, and hold them most part wise men that are in authority, princes, magistrates, 184rich men, they are wise men born, all politicians and statesmen must needs be so, for who dare speak against them? And on the other, so corrupt is our judgment, we esteem wise and honest men fools. Which Democritus well signified in an epistle of his to Hippocrates: 185the “Abderites account virtue madness,” and so do most men living. Shall I tell you the reason of it? 186Fortune and Virtue, Wisdom and Folly, their seconds, upon a time contended in the Olympics; every man thought that Fortune and Folly would have the worst, and pitied their cases; but it fell out otherwise. Fortune was blind and cared not where she stroke, nor whom, without laws, Audabatarum instar, &c. Folly, rash and inconsiderate, esteemed as little what she said or did. Virtue and Wisdom gave 187place, were hissed out, and exploded by the common people; Folly and Fortune admired, and so are all their followers ever since: knaves and fools commonly fare and deserve best in worldlings' eyes and opinions. Many good men have no better fate in their ages: Achish, 1 Sam. xxi. 14, held David for a madman. 188Elisha and the rest were no otherwise esteemed. David was derided of the common people, Ps. ix. 7, “I am become a monster to many.” And generally we are accounted fools for Christ, 1 Cor. xiv. “We fools thought his life madness, and his end without honour,” Wisd. v. 4. Christ and his Apostles were censured in like sort, John x.; Mark iii.; Acts xxvi. And so were all Christians in 189Pliny's time, fuerunt et alii, similis dementiae, &c. And called not long after, 190Vesaniae sectatores, eversores hominum, polluti novatores, fanatici, canes, malefici, venefici, Galilaei homunciones, &c. 'Tis an ordinary thing with us, to account honest, devout, orthodox, divine, religious, plain-dealing men, idiots, asses, that cannot, or will not lie and dissemble, shift, flatter, accommodare se ad eum locum ubi nati sunt, make good bargains, supplant, thrive, patronis inservire; solennes ascendendi modos apprehendere, leges, mores, consuetudines recte observare, candide laudare, fortiter defendere, sententias amplecti, dubitare de nullus, credere omnia, accipere omnia, nihil reprehendere, caeteraque quae promotionem ferunt et securitatem, quae sine ambage felicem, reddunt hominem, et vere sapientem apud nos; that cannot temporise as other men do, 191hand and take bribes, &c. but fear God, and make a conscience of their doings. But the Holy Ghost that knows better how to judge, he calls them fools. “The fool hath said in his heart,” Psal. liii. 1. “And their ways utter their folly,” Psal. xlix. 14. 192“For what can be more mad, than for a little worldly pleasure to procure unto themselves eternal punishment?” As Gregory and others inculcate unto us.

Yea even all those great philosophers the world hath ever had in admiration, whose works we do so much esteem, that gave precepts of wisdom to others, inventors of Arts and Sciences, Socrates the wisest man of his time by the Oracle of Apollo, whom his two scholars, 193Plato and 194 Xenophon, so much extol and magnify with those honourable titles, “best and wisest of all mortal men, the happiest, and most just;” and as 195 Alcibiades incomparably commends him; Achilles was a worthy man, but Bracides and others were as worthy as himself; Antenor and Nestor were as good as Pericles, and so of the rest; but none present, before, or after Socrates, nemo veterum neque eorum qui nunc sunt, were ever such, will match, or come near him. Those seven wise men of Greece, those Britain Druids, Indian Brachmanni, Ethiopian Gymnosophist, Magi of the Persians, Apollonius, of whom Philostratus, Non doctus, sed natus sapiens, wise from his cradle, Eoicuras so much admired by his scholar Lucretius:

Qui genus humanum ingenio superavit, et omnes

Perstrinxit stellas exortus ut aetherius sol.

Whose wit excell'd the wits of men as far,

As the sun rising doth obscure a star,

Or that so much renowned Empedocles,

196Ut vix humana videatur stirpe creatus.

All those of whom we read such 197hyperbolical eulogiums, as of Aristotle, that he was wisdom itself in the abstract, 198a miracle of nature, breathing libraries, as Eunapius of Longinus, lights of nature, giants for wit, quintessence of wit, divine spirits, eagles in the clouds, fallen from heaven, gods, spirits, lamps of the world, dictators, Nulla ferant talem saecla futura virum: monarchs, miracles, superintendents of wit and learning, oceanus, phoenix, atlas, monstrum, portentum hominis, orbis universi musaeum, ultimus humana naturae donatus, naturae maritus,

——— merito cui doctior orbis

Submissis defert fascibus imperium.

As Aelian writ of Protagoras and Gorgias, we may say of them all, tantum a sapientibus abfuerunt, quantum a viris pueri, they were children in respect, infants, not eagles, but kites; novices, illiterate, Eunuchi sapientiae. And although they were the wisest, and most admired in their age, as he censured Alexander, I do them, there were 10,000 in his army as worthy captains (had they been in place of command) as valiant as himself; there were myriads of men wiser in those days, and yet all short of what they ought to be. 199Lactantius, in his book of wisdom, proves them to be dizzards, fools, asses, madmen, so full of absurd and ridiculous tenets, and brain-sick positions, that to his thinking never any old woman or sick person doted worse. 200Democritus took all from Leucippus, and left, saith he, “the inheritance of his folly to Epicurus,” 201insanienti dum sapientiae, &c. The like he holds of Plato, Aristippus, and the rest, making no difference 202“betwixt them and beasts, saving that they could speak.” 203Theodoret in his tract, De cur. grec. affect. manifestly evinces as much of Socrates, whom though that Oracle of Apollo confirmed to be the wisest man then living, and saved him from plague, whom 2000 years have admired, of whom some will as soon speak evil as of Christ, yet re vera, he was an illiterate idiot, as 204Aristophanes calls him, irriscor et ambitiosus, as his master Aristotle terms him, scurra Atticus, as Zeno, an 205enemy to all arts and sciences, as Athaeneus, to philosophers and travellers, an opiniative ass, a caviller, a kind of pedant; for his manners, as Theod. Cyrensis describes him, a 206 sodomite, an atheist, (so convict by Anytus) iracundus et ebrius, dicax, &c. a pot-companion, by 207Plato's own confession, a sturdy drinker; and that of all others he was most sottish, a very madman in his actions and opinions. Pythagoras was part philosopher, part magician, or part witch. If you desire to hear more of Apollonius, a great wise man, sometime paralleled by Julian the apostate to Christ, I refer you to that learned tract of Eusebius against Hierocles, and for them all to Lucian's Piscator, Icaromenippus, Necyomantia: their actions, opinions in general were so prodigious, absurd, ridiculous, which they broached and maintained, their books and elaborate treatises were full of dotage, which Tully ad Atticum long since observed, delirant plerumque scriptores in libris suis, their lives being opposite to their words, they commended poverty to others, and were most covetous themselves, extolled love and peace, and yet persecuted one another with virulent hate and malice. They could give precepts for verse and prose, but not a man of them (as 208Seneca tells them home) could moderate his affections. Their music did show us flebiles modos, &c. how to rise and fall, but they could not so contain themselves as in adversity not to make a lamentable tone. They will measure ground by geometry, set down limits, divide and subdivide, but cannot yet prescribe quantum homini satis, or keep within compass of reason and discretion. They can square circles, but understand not the state of their own souls, describe right lines and crooked, &c. but know not what is right in this life, quid in vita rectum sit, ignorant; so that as he said, Nescio an Anticyram ratio illis destinet omnem. I think all the Anticyrae will not restore them to their wits, 209if these men now, that held 210 Xenodotus' heart, Crates' liver, Epictetus' lantern, were so sottish, and had no more brains than so many beetles, what shall we think of the commonalty? what of the rest?

Yea, but you will infer, that is true of heathens, if they be conferred with Christians, 1 Cor. iii. 19. “The wisdom of this world is foolishness with God, earthly and devilish,” as James calls it, iii. 15. “They were vain in their imaginations, and their foolish heart was full of darkness,” Rom. i. 21, 22. “When they professed themselves wise, became fools.” Their witty works are admired here on earth, whilst their souls are tormented in hell fire. In some sense, Christiani Crassiani, Christians are Crassians, and if compared to that wisdom, no better than fools. Quis est sapiens? Solus Deus, 211Pythagoras replies, “God is only wise,” Rom. xvi. Paul determines “only good,” as Austin well contends, “and no man living can be justified in his sight.” “God looked down from heaven upon the children of men, to see if any did understand,” Psalm liii. 2, 3, but all are corrupt, err. Rom. iii. 12, “None doeth good, no, not one.” Job aggravates this, iv. 18, “Behold he found no steadfastness in his servants, and laid folly upon his angels;” 19. “How much more on them that dwell in houses of clay?” In this sense we are all fools, and the 212Scripture alone is arx Minervae, we and our writings are shallow and imperfect. But I do not so mean; even in our ordinary dealings we are no better than fools. “All our actions,” as 213Pliny told Trajan, “upbraid us of folly,” our whole course of life is but matter of laughter: we are not soberly wise; and the world itself, which ought at least to be wise by reason of his antiquity, as 214Hugo de Prato Florido will have it, “semper stultizat, is every day more foolish than other; the more it is whipped, the worse it is, and as a child will still be crowned with roses and flowers.” We are apish in it, asini bipedes, and every place is full inversorum Apuleiorum of metamorphosed and two-legged asses, inversorum Silenorum, childish, pueri instar bimuli, tremula patris dormientis in ulna. Jovianus Pontanus, Antonio Dial, brings in some laughing at an old man, that by reason of his age was a little fond, but as he admonisheth there, Ne mireris mi hospes de hoc sene, marvel not at him only, for tota haec civitas delirium, all our town dotes in like sort, 215we are a company of fools. Ask not with him in the poet, 216Larvae hunc intemperiae insaniaeque agitant senem? What madness ghosts this old man, but what madness ghosts us all? For we are ad unum omnes, all mad, semel insanivimus omnes not once, but alway so, et semel, et simul, et semper, ever and altogether as bad as he; and not senex bis puer, delira anus, but say it of us all, semper pueri, young and old, all dote, as Lactantius proves out of Seneca; and no difference betwixt us and children, saving that, majora ludimus, et grandioribus pupis, they play with babies of clouts and such toys, we sport with greater baubles. We cannot accuse or condemn one another, being faulty ourselves, deliramenta loqueris, you talk idly, or as 217Mitio upbraided Demea, insanis, auferte, for we are as mad our own selves, and it is hard to say which is the worst. Nay, 'tis universally so, 218Vitam regit fortuna, non sapientia.

When 219Socrates had taken great pains to find out a wise man, and to that purpose had consulted with philosophers, poets, artificers, he concludes all men were fools; and though it procured him both anger and much envy, yet in all companies he would openly profess it. When 220 Supputius in Pontanus had travelled all over Europe to confer with a wise man, he returned at last without his errand, and could find none. 221 Cardan concurs with him, “Few there are (for aught I can perceive) well in their wits.” So doth 222Tully, “I see everything to be done foolishly and unadvisedly.”

Ille sinistrorsum, hic dextrorsum, unus utrique

Error, sed variis illudit partibus omnes.

One reels to this, another to that wall,

'Tis the same error that deludes them all.

223They dote all, but not alike, Μανία γαρ πᾶσιν ὁμοια, not in the same kind, “One is covetous, a second lascivious, a third ambitious, a fourth envious, &c.” as Damasippus the Stoic hath well illustrated in the poet,

224Desipiunt omnes aeque ac tu.

And they who call you fool, with equal claim

May plead an ample title to the name.

'Tis an inbred malady in every one of us, there is seminarium stultitiae, a seminary of folly, “which if it be stirred up, or get ahead, will run in infinitum, and infinitely varies, as we ourselves are severally addicted,” saith 225Balthazar Castilio: and cannot so easily be rooted out, it takes such fast hold, as Tully holds, altae radices stultitiae, 226so we are bred, and so we continue. Some say there be two main defects of wit, error and ignorance, to which all others are reduced; by ignorance we know not things necessary, by error we know them falsely. Ignorance is a privation, error a positive act. From ignorance comes vice, from error heresy, &c. But make how many kinds you will, divide and subdivide, few men are free, or that do not impinge on some one kind or other. 227Sic plerumque agitat stultos inscitia, as he that examines his own and other men's actions shall find.

228Charon in Lucian, as he wittily feigns, was conducted by Mercury to such a place, where he might see all the world at once; after he had sufficiently viewed, and looked about, Mercury would needs know of him what he had observed: He told him that he saw a vast multitude and a promiscuous, their habitations like molehills, the men as emmets, “he could discern cities like so many hives of bees, wherein every bee had a sting, and they did nought else but sting one another, some domineering like hornets bigger than the rest, some like filching wasps, others as drones.” Over their heads were hovering a confused company of perturbations, hope, fear, anger, avarice, ignorance, &c., and a multitude of diseases hanging, which they still pulled on their pates. Some were brawling, some fighting, riding, running, sollicite ambientes, callide litigantes for toys and trifles, and such momentary things, Their towns and provinces mere factions, rich against poor, poor against rich, nobles against artificers, they against nobles, and so the rest. In conclusion, he condemned them all for madmen, fools, idiots, asses, O stulti, quaenam haec est amentia? O fools, O madmen, he exclaims, insana studia, insani labores, &c. Mad endeavours, mad actions, mad, mad, mad, 229O saeclum insipiens et infacetum, a giddy-headed age. Heraclitus the philosopher, out of a serious meditation of men's lives, fell a weeping, and with continual tears bewailed their misery, madness, and folly. Democritus on the other side, burst out a laughing, their whole life seemed to him so ridiculous, and he was so far carried with this ironical passion, that the citizens of Abdera took him to be mad, and sent therefore ambassadors to Hippocrates, the physician, that he would exercise his skill upon him. But the story is set down at large by Hippocrates, in his epistle to Damogetus, which because it is not impertinent to this discourse, I will insert verbatim almost as it is delivered by Hippocrates himself, with all the circumstances belonging unto it.

When Hippocrates was now come to Abdera, the people of the city came flocking about him, some weeping, some intreating of him, that he would do his best. After some little repast, he went to see Democritus, the people following him, whom he found (as before) in his garden in the suburbs all alone, 230“sitting upon a stone under a plane tree, without hose or shoes, with a book on his knees, cutting up several beasts, and busy at his study.” The multitude stood gazing round about to see the congress. Hippocrates, after a little pause, saluted him by his name, whom he resaluted, ashamed almost that he could not call him likewise by his, or that he had forgot it. Hippocrates demanded of him what he was doing: he told him that he was 231“busy in cutting up several beasts, to find out the cause of madness and melancholy.” Hippocrates commended his work, admiring his happiness and leisure. And why, quoth Democritus, have not you that leisure? Because, replied Hippocrates, domestic affairs hinder, necessary to be done for ourselves, neighbours, friends; expenses, diseases, frailties and mortalities which happen; wife, children, servants, and such business which deprive us of our time. At this speech Democritus profusely laughed (his friends and the people standing by, weeping in the mean time, and lamenting his madness). Hippocrates asked the reason why he laughed. He told him, at the vanities and the fopperies of the time, to see men so empty of all virtuous actions, to hunt so far after gold, having no end of ambition; to take such infinite pains for a little glory, and to be favoured of men; to make such deep mines into the earth for gold, and many times to find nothing, with loss of their lives and fortunes. Some to love dogs, others horses, some to desire to be obeyed in many provinces,232 and yet themselves will know no obedience. 233Some to love their wives dearly at first, and after a while to forsake and hate them; begetting children, with much care and cost for their education, yet when they grow to man's estate, 234to despise, neglect, and leave them naked to the world's mercy. 235Do not these behaviours express their intolerable folly? When men live in peace, they covet war, detesting quietness, 236 deposing kings, and advancing others in their stead, murdering some men to beget children of their wives. How many strange humours are in men! When they are poor and needy, they seek riches, and when they have them, they do not enjoy them, but hide them under ground, or else wastefully spend them. O wise Hippocrates, I laugh at such things being done, but much more when no good comes of them, and when they are done to so ill purpose. There is no truth or justice found amongst them, for they daily plead one against another, 237the son against the father and the mother, brother against brother, kindred and friends of the same quality; and all this for riches, whereof after death they cannot be possessors. And yet notwithstanding they will defame and kill one another, commit all unlawful actions, contemning God and men, friends and country. They make great account of many senseless things, esteeming them as a great part of their treasure, statues, pictures, and such like movables, dear bought, and so cunningly wrought, as nothing but speech wanteth in them, 238and yet they hate living persons speaking to them. 239Others affect difficult things; if they dwell on firm land they will remove to an island, and thence to land again, being no way constant to their desires. They commend courage and strength in wars, and let themselves be conquered by lust and avarice; they are, in brief, as disordered in their minds, as Thersites was in his body. And now, methinks, O most worthy Hippocrates, you should not reprehend my laughing, perceiving so many fooleries in men; 240for no man will mock his own folly, but that which he seeth in a second, and so they justly mock one another. The drunkard calls him a glutton whom he knows to be sober. Many men love the sea, others husbandry; briefly, they cannot agree in their own trades and professions, much less in their lives and actions.

When Hippocrates heard these words so readily uttered, without premeditation, to declare the world's vanity, full of ridiculous contrariety, he made answer, that necessity compelled men to many such actions, and divers wills ensuing from divine permission, that we might not be idle, being nothing is so odious to them as sloth and negligence. Besides, men cannot foresee future events, in this uncertainty of human affairs; they would not so marry, if they could foretell the causes of their dislike and separation; or parents, if they knew the hour of their children's death, so tenderly provide for them; or an husbandman sow, if he thought there would be no increase; or a merchant adventure to sea, if he foresaw shipwreck; or be a magistrate, if presently to be deposed. Alas, worthy Democritus, every man hopes the best, and to that end he doth it, and therefore no such cause, or ridiculous occasion of laughter.

Democritus hearing this poor excuse, laughed again aloud, perceiving he wholly mistook him, and did not well understand what he had said concerning perturbations and tranquillity of the mind. Insomuch, that if men would govern their actions by discretion and providence, they would not declare themselves fools as now they do, and he should have no cause of laughter; but (quoth he) they swell in this life as if they were immortal, and demigods, for want of understanding. It were enough to make them wise, if they would but consider the mutability of this world, and how it wheels about, nothing being firm and sure. He that is now above, tomorrow is beneath; he that sate on this side today, tomorrow is hurled on the other: and not considering these matters, they fall into many inconveniences and troubles, coveting things of no profit, and thirsting after them, tumbling headlong into many calamities. So that if men would attempt no more than what they can bear, they should lead contented lives, and learning to know themselves, would limit their ambition, 241they would perceive then that nature hath enough without seeking such superfluities, and unprofitable things, which bring nothing with them but grief and molestation. As a fat body is more subject to diseases, so are rich men to absurdities and fooleries, to many casualties and cross inconveniences. There are many that take no heed what happeneth to others by bad conversation, and therefore overthrow themselves in the same manner through their own fault, not foreseeing dangers manifest. These are things (O more than mad, quoth he) that give me matter of laughter, by suffering the pains of your impieties, as your avarice, envy, malice, enormous villainies, mutinies, unsatiable desires, conspiracies, and other incurable vices; besides your 242dissimulation and hypocrisy, bearing deadly hatred one to the other, and yet shadowing it with a good face, flying out into all filthy lusts, and transgressions of all laws, both of nature and civility. Many things which they have left off, after a while they fall to again, husbandry, navigation; and leave again, fickle and inconstant as they are. When they are young, they would be old, and old, young. 243 Princes commend a private life; private men itch after honour: a magistrate commends a quiet life; a quiet man would be in his office, and obeyed as he is: and what is the cause of all this, but that they know not themselves? Some delight to destroy, 244one to build, another to spoil one country to enrich another and himself. 245In all these things they are like children, in whom is no judgment or counsel and resemble beasts, saving that beasts are better than they, as being contented with nature. 246 When shall you see a lion hide gold in the ground, or a bull contend for better pasture? When a boar is thirsty, he drinks what will serve him, and no more; and when his belly is full, ceaseth to eat: but men are immoderate in both, as in lust — they covet carnal copulation at set times; men always, ruinating thereby the health of their bodies. And doth it not deserve laughter to see an amorous fool torment himself for a wench; weep, howl for a misshapen slut, a dowdy sometimes, that might have his choice of the finest beauties? Is there any remedy for this in physic? I do anatomise and cut up these poor beasts, 247to see these distempers, vanities, and follies, yet such proof were better made on man's body, if my kind nature would endure it: 248who from the hour of his birth is most miserable; weak, and sickly; when he sucks he is guided by others, when he is grown great practiseth unhappiness 249and is sturdy, and when old, a child again, and repenteth him of his life past. And here being interrupted by one that brought books, he fell to it again, that all were mad, careless, stupid. To prove my former speeches, look into courts, or private houses. 250Judges give judgment according to their own advantage, doing manifest wrong to poor innocents to please others. Notaries alter sentences, and for money lose their deeds. Some make false monies; others counterfeit false weights. Some abuse their parents, yea corrupt their own sisters; others make long libels and pasquils, defaming men of good life, and extol such as are lewd and vicious. Some rob one, some another: 251magistrates make laws against thieves, and are the veriest thieves themselves. Some kill themselves, others despair, not obtaining their desires. Some dance, sing, laugh, feast and banquet, whilst others sigh, languish, mourn and lament, having neither meat, drink, nor clothes. 252Some prank up their bodies, and have their minds full of execrable vices. Some trot about 253to bear false witness, and say anything for money; and though judges know of it, yet for a bribe they wink at it, and suffer false contracts to prevail against equity. Women are all day a dressing, to pleasure other men abroad, and go like sluts at home, not caring to please their own husbands whom they should. Seeing men are so fickle, so sottish, so intemperate, why should not I laugh at those to whom 254folly seems wisdom, will not be cured, and perceive it not?

It grew late: Hippocrates left him; and no sooner was he come away, but all the citizens came about flocking, to know how he liked him. He told them in brief, that notwithstanding those small neglects of his attire, body, diet, 255the world had not a wiser, a more learned, a more honest man, and they were much deceived to say that he was mad.

Thus Democritus esteemed of the world in his time, and this was the cause of his laughter: and good cause he had.

256Olim jure quidem, nunc plus Democrite ride;

Quin rides? vita haec nunc mage ridicula est.

Democritus did well to laugh of old,

Good cause he had, but now much more;

This life of ours is more ridiculous

Than that of his, or long before.

Never so much cause of laughter as now, never so many fools and madmen. 'Tis not one 257Democritus will serve turn to laugh in these days; we have now need of a “Democritus to laugh at Democritus;” one jester to flout at another, one fool to fleer at another: a great stentorian Democritus, as big as that Rhodian Colossus, For now, as 258Salisburiensis said in his time, totus mundus histrionem agit, the whole world plays the fool; we have a new theatre, a new scene, a new comedy of errors, a new company of personate actors, volupiae sacra (as Calcagninus willingly feigns in his Apologues) are celebrated all the world over, 259where all the actors were madmen and fools, and every hour changed habits, or took that which came next. He that was a mariner today, is an apothecary tomorrow; a smith one while, a philosopher another, in his volupiae ludis; a king now with his crown, robes, sceptre, attendants, by and by drove a loaded ass before him like a carter, &c. If Democritus were alive now, he should see strange alterations, a new company of counterfeit vizards, whifflers, Cumane asses, maskers, mummers, painted puppets, outsides, fantastic shadows, gulls, monsters, giddy-heads, butterflies. And so many of them are indeed (260if all be true that I have read). For when Jupiter and Juno's wedding was solemnised of old, the gods were all invited to the feast, and many noble men besides: Amongst the rest came Crysalus, a Persian prince, bravely attended, rich in golden attires, in gay robes, with a majestical presence, but otherwise an ass. The gods seeing him come in such pomp and state, rose up to give him place, ex habitu hominem metientes; 261but Jupiter perceiving what he was, a light, fantastic, idle fellow, turned him and his proud followers into butterflies: and so they continue still (for aught I know to the contrary) roving about in pied coats, and are called chrysalides by the wiser sort of men: that is, golden outsides, drones, and flies, and things of no worth. Multitudes of such, &c.

262 ——— ubique invenies

Stultos avaros, sycopliantas prodigos.

Many additions, much increase of madness, folly, vanity, should Democritus observe, were he now to travel, or could get leave of Pluto to come see fashions, as Charon did in Lucian to visit our cities of Moronia Pia, and Moronia Felix: sure I think he would break the rim of his belly with laughing. 263Si foret in terris rideret Democritus, seu, &c.

A satirical Roman in his time, thought all vice, folly, and madness were all at full sea, 264Omne in praecipiti vitium stetit.

265Josephus the historian taxeth his countrymen Jews for bragging of their vices, publishing their follies, and that they did contend amongst themselves who should be most notorious in villainies; but we flow higher in madness, far beyond them,

266Mox daturi progeniem vitiosorem,

And yet with crimes to us unknown,

Our sons shall mark the coming age their own,

and the latter end (you know whose oracle it is) is like to be worse. 'Tis not to be denied, the world alters every day, Ruunt urbes, regna transferuntur, &c. variantur habitus, leges innovantur, as 267Petrarch observes, we change language, habits, laws, customs, manners, but not vices, not diseases, not the symptoms of folly and madness, they are still the same. And as a river, we see, keeps the like name and place, but not water, and yet ever runs, 268Labitur et labetur in omne volubilis aevum; our times and persons alter, vices are the same, and ever will be; look how nightingales sang of old, cocks crowed, kine lowed, sheep bleated, sparrows chirped, dogs barked, so they do still: we keep our madness still, play the fools still, nec dum finitus Orestes; we are of the same humours and inclinations as our predecessors were; you shall find us all alike, much at one, we and our sons, Et nati natorum, et qui nascuntur ab illis. And so shall our posterity continue to the last. But to speak of times present.

If Democritus were alive now, and should but see the superstition of our age, our 269religious madness, as 270Meteran calls it, Religiosam insaniam, so many professed Christians, yet so few imitators of Christ; so much talk of religion, so much science, so little conscience; so much knowledge, so many preachers, so little practice; such variety of sects, such have and hold of all sides, 271obvia signis Signa, &c., such absurd and ridiculous traditions and ceremonies: If he should meet a 272 Capuchin, a Franciscan, a Pharisaical Jesuit, a man-serpent, a shave-crowned Monk in his robes, a begging Friar, or, see their three-crowned Sovereign Lord the Pope, poor Peter's successor, servus servorum Dei, to depose kings with his foot, to tread on emperors' necks, make them stand barefoot and barelegged at his gates, hold his bridle and stirrup, &c. (O that Peter and Paul were alive to see this!) If he should observe a 273prince creep so devoutly to kiss his toe, and those red-cap cardinals, poor parish priests of old, now princes' companions; what would he say? Coelum ipsum petitur stultitia. Had he met some of our devout pilgrims going barefoot to Jerusalem, our lady of Lauretto, Rome, S. Iago, S. Thomas' Shrine, to creep to those counterfeit and maggot-eaten relics; had he been present at a mass, and seen such kissing of paxes, crucifixes, cringes, duckings, their several attires and ceremonies, pictures of saints, 274indulgences, pardons, vigils, fasting, feasts, crossing, knocking, kneeling at Ave-Marias, bells, with many such; — jucunda rudi spectacula plebi,275 praying in gibberish, and mumbling of beads. Had he heard an old woman say her prayers in Latin, their sprinkling of holy water, and going a procession,

276 ——— incedunt monachorum agmina mille;

Quid momerem vexilla, cruces, idolaque culta, &c.

Their breviaries, bulls, hallowed beans, exorcisms, pictures, curious crosses, fables, and baubles. Had he read the Golden Legend, the Turks' Alcoran, or Jews' Talmud, the Rabbins' Comments, what would he have thought? How dost thou think he might have been affected? Had he more particularly examined a Jesuit's life amongst the rest, he should have seen an hypocrite profess poverty, 277and yet possess more goods and lands than many princes, to have infinite treasures and revenues; teach others to fast, and play the gluttons themselves; like watermen that row one way and look another. 278Vow virginity, talk of holiness, and yet indeed a notorious bawd, and famous fornicator, lascivum pecus, a very goat. Monks by profession, 279such as give over the world, and the vanities of it, and yet a Machiavellian rout 280interested in all manner of state: holy men, peace-makers, and yet composed of envy, lust, ambition, hatred, and malice; firebrands, adulta patriae pestis, traitors, assassinats, hac itur ad astra, and this is to supererogate, and merit heaven for themselves and others. Had he seen on the adverse side, some of our nice and curious schismatics in another extreme, abhor all ceremonies, and rather lose their lives and livings, than do or admit anything Papists have formerly used, though in things indifferent (they alone are the true Church, sal terrae, cum sint omnium insulsissimi). Formalists, out of fear and base flattery, like so many weather-cocks turn round, a rout of temporisers, ready to embrace and maintain all that is or shall be proposed in hope of preferment: another Epicurean company, lying at lurch as so many vultures, watching for a prey of Church goods, and ready to rise by the downfall of any: as 281Lucian said in like case, what dost thou think Democritus would have done, had he been spectator of these things?

Or had he but observed the common people follow like so many sheep one of their fellows drawn by the horns over a gap, some for zeal, some for fear, quo se cunque rapit tempestas, to credit all, examine nothing, and yet ready to die before they will adjure any of those ceremonies to which they have been accustomed; others out of hypocrisy frequent sermons, knock their breasts, turn up their eyes, pretend zeal, desire reformation, and yet professed usurers, gripers, monsters of men, harpies, devils in their lives, to express nothing less.

What would he have said to see, hear, and read so many bloody battles, so many thousands slain at once, such streams of blood able to turn mills: unius ob noxam furiasque, or to make sport for princes, without any just cause, 282“for vain titles” (saith Austin), “precedency, some wench, or such like toy, or out of desire of domineering, vainglory, malice, revenge, folly, madness,” (goodly causes all, ob quas universus orbis bellis et caedibus misceatur,) whilst statesmen themselves in the mean time are secure at home, pampered with all delights and pleasures, take their ease, and follow their lusts, not considering what intolerable misery poor soldiers endure, their often wounds, hunger, thirst, &c., the lamentable cares, torments, calamities, and oppressions that accompany such proceedings, they feel not, take no notice of it. “So wars are begun, by the persuasion of a few debauched, hair-brain, poor, dissolute, hungry captains, parasitical fawners, unquiet hotspurs, restless innovators, green heads, to satisfy one man's private spleen, lust, ambition, avarice,” &c.; tales rapiunt scelerata in praelia causae. Flos hominum, proper men, well proportioned, carefully brought up, able both in body and mind, sound, led like so many 283beasts to the slaughter in the flower of their years, pride, and full strength, without all remorse and pity, sacrificed to Pluto, killed up as so many sheep, for devils' food, 40,000 at once. At once, said I, that were tolerable, but these wars last always, and for many ages; nothing so familiar as this hacking and hewing, massacres, murders, desolations — ignoto coelum clangore remugit, they care not what mischief they procure, so that they may enrich themselves for the present; they will so long blow the coals of contention, till all the world be consumed with fire. The 284siege of Troy lasted ten years, eight months, there died 870,000 Grecians, 670,000 Trojans, at the taking of the city, and after were slain 276,000 men, women, and children of all sorts. Caesar killed a million, 285Mahomet the second Turk, 300,000 persons; Sicinius Dentatus fought in a hundred battles, eight times in single combat he overcame, had forty wounds before, was rewarded with 140 crowns, triumphed nine times for his good service. M. Sergius had 32 wounds; Scaeva, the Centurion, I know not how many; every nation had their Hectors, Scipios, Caesars, and Alexanders! Our 286Edward the Fourth was in 26 battles afoot: and as they do all, he glories in it, 'tis related to his honour. At the siege of Hierusalem, 1,100,000 died with sword and famine. At the battle of Cannas, 70,000 men were slain, as 287Polybius records, and as many at Battle Abbey with us; and 'tis no news to fight from sun to sun, as they did, as Constantine and Licinius, &c. At the siege of Ostend (the devil's academy) a poor town in respect, a small fort, but a great grave, 120,000 men lost their lives, besides whole towns, dorps, and hospitals, full of maimed soldiers; there were engines, fireworks, and whatsoever the devil could invent to do mischief with 2,500,000 iron bullets shot of 40 pounds weight, three or four millions of gold consumed. 288“Who” (saith mine author) “can be sufficiently amazed at their flinty hearts, obstinacy, fury, blindness, who without any likelihood of good success, hazard poor soldiers, and lead them without pity to the slaughter, which may justly be called the rage of furious beasts, that run without reason upon their own deaths:” 289quis malus genius, quae furia quae pestis, &c.; what plague, what fury brought so devilish, so brutish a thing as war first into men's minds? Who made so soft and peaceable a creature, born to love, mercy, meekness, so to rave, rage like beasts, and run on to their own destruction? how may Nature expostulate with mankind, Ego te divinum animal finxi, &c.? I made thee an harmless, quiet, a divine creature: how may God expostulate, and all good men? yet, horum facta (as 290one condoles) tantum admirantur, et heroum numero habent: these are the brave spirits, the gallants of the world, these admired alone, triumph alone, have statues, crowns, pyramids, obelisks to their eternal fame, that immortal genius attends on them, hac itur ad astra. When Rhodes was besieged, 291fossae urbis cadaveribus repletae sunt, the ditches were full of dead carcases: and as when the said Suleiman, great Turk, beleaguered Vienna, they lay level with the top of the walls. This they make a sport of, and will do it to their friends and confederates, against oaths, vows, promises, by treachery or otherwise; 292dolus an virtus? quis in hoste requirat? leagues and laws of arms, (293silent leges inter arma,) for their advantage, omnia jura, divina, humana, proculcata plerumque sunt; God's and men's laws are trampled under foot, the sword alone determines all; to satisfy their lust and spleen, they care not what they attempt, say, or do, 294Rara fides, probitasque viris qui castra sequuntur. Nothing so common as to have 295 “father fight against the son, brother against brother, kinsman against kinsman, kingdom against kingdom, province against province, Christians against Christians:” a quibus nec unquam cogitatione fuerunt laesi, of whom they never had offence in thought, word, or deed. Infinite treasures consumed, towns burned, flourishing cities sacked and ruinated, quodque animus meminisse horret, goodly countries depopulated and left desolate, old inhabitants expelled, trade and traffic decayed, maids deflowered, Virgines nondum thalamis jugatae, et comis nondum positis ephaebi; chaste matrons cry out with Andromache, 296Concubitum mox cogar pati ejus, qui interemit Hectorem, they shall be compelled peradventure to lie with them that erst killed their husbands: to see rich, poor, sick, sound, lords, servants, eodem omnes incommodo macti, consumed all or maimed, &c. Et quicquid gaudens scelere animus audet, et perversa mens, saith Cyprian, and whatsoever torment, misery, mischief, hell itself, the devil, 297 fury and rage can invent to their own ruin and destruction; so abominable a thing is 298war, as Gerbelius concludes, adeo foeda et abominanda res est bellum, ex quo hominum caedes, vastationes, &c., the scourge of God, cause, effect, fruit and punishment of sin, and not tonsura humani generis as Tertullian calls it, but ruina. Had Democritus been present at the late civil wars in France, those abominable wars — bellaque matribus detestata, 299“where in less than ten years, ten thousand men were consumed,” saith Collignius, twenty thousand churches overthrown; nay, the whole kingdom subverted (as 300Richard Dinoth adds). So many myriads of the commons were butchered up, with sword, famine, war, tanto odio utrinque ut barbari ad abhorrendam lanienam obstupescerent, with such feral hatred, the world was amazed at it: or at our late Pharsalian fields in the time of Henry the Sixth, betwixt the houses of Lancaster and York, a hundred thousand men slain, 301one writes; 302another, ten thousand families were rooted out, “that no man can but marvel,” saith Comineus, “at that barbarous immanity, feral madness, committed betwixt men of the same nation, language, and religion.” 303Quis furor, O cives? “Why do the Gentiles so furiously rage,” saith the Prophet David, Psal. ii. 1. But we may ask, why do the Christians so furiously rage? 304Arma volunt, quare poscunt, rapiuntque juventus? Unfit for Gentiles, much less for us so to tyrannise, as the Spaniard in the West Indies, that killed up in 42 years (if we may believe 305Bartholomeus a Casa, their own bishop) 12 millions of men, with stupend and exquisite torments; neither should I lie (said he) if I said 50 millions. I omit those French massacres, Sicilian evensongs, 306the Duke of Alva's tyrannies, our gunpowder machinations, and that fourth fury, as 307one calls it, the Spanish inquisition, which quite obscures those ten persecutions, 308 ——— saevit toto Mars impius orbe. Is not this 309mundus furiosus, a mad world, as he terms it, insanum bellum? are not these mad men, as 310Scaliger concludes, qui in praelio acerba morte, insaniae, suae memoriam pro perpetuo teste relinquunt posteritati; which leave so frequent battles, as perpetual memorials of their madness to all succeeding ages? Would this, think you, have enforced our Democritus to laughter, or rather made him turn his tune, alter his tone, and weep with 311Heraclitus, or rather howl, 312roar, and tear his hair in commiseration, stand amazed; or as the poets feign, that Niobe was for grief quite stupefied, and turned to a stone? I have not yet said the worst, that which is more absurd and 313mad, in their tumults, seditions, civil and unjust wars, 314quod stulte sucipitur, impie geritur, misere finitur. Such wars I mean; for all are not to be condemned, as those fantastical Anabaptists vainly conceive. Our Christian tactics are all out as necessary as the Roman acies, or Grecian phalanx, to be a soldier is a most noble and honourable profession (as the world is), not to be spared, they are our best walls and bulwarks, and I do therefore acknowledge that of 315Tully to be most true, “All our civil affairs, all our studies, all our pleading, industry, and commendation lies under the protection of warlike virtues, and whensoever there is any suspicion of tumult, all our arts cease;” wars are most behoveful, et bellatores agricolis civitati sunt utiliores, as 316Tyrius defends: and valour is much to be commended in a wise man; but they mistake most part, auferre, trucidare, rapere, falsis nominibus virtutem vocant, &c. ('Twas Galgacus' observation in Tacitus) they term theft, murder, and rapine, virtue, by a wrong name, rapes, slaughters, massacres, &c. jocus et ludus, are pretty pastimes, as Ludovicus Vives notes. 317“They commonly call the most hair-brain bloodsuckers, strongest thieves, the most desperate villains, treacherous rogues, inhuman murderers, rash, cruel and dissolute caitiffs, courageous and generous spirits, heroical and worthy captains, 318brave men at arms, valiant and renowned soldiers, possessed with a brute persuasion of false honour,” as Pontus Huter in his Burgundian history complains. By means of which it comes to pass that daily so many voluntaries offer themselves, leaving their sweet wives, children, friends, for sixpence (if they can get it) a day, prostitute their lives and limbs, desire to enter upon breaches, lie sentinel, perdu, give the first onset, stand in the fore front of the battle, marching bravely on, with a cheerful noise of drums and trumpets, such vigour and alacrity, so many banners streaming in the air, glittering armours, motions of plumes, woods of pikes, and swords, variety of colours, cost and magnificence, as if they went in triumph, now victors to the Capitol, and with such pomp, as when Darius' army marched to meet Alexander at Issus. Void of all fear they run into imminent dangers, cannon's mouth, &c., ut vulneribus suis ferrum hostium hebetent, saith 319Barletius, to get a name of valour, humour and applause, which lasts not either, for it is but a mere flash this fame, and like a rose, intra diem unum extinguitur, 'tis gone in an instant. Of 15,000 proletaries slain in a battle, scarce fifteen are recorded in history, or one alone, the General perhaps, and after a while his and their names are likewise blotted out, the whole battle itself is forgotten. Those Grecian orators, summa vi ingenii et eloquentiae, set out the renowned overthrows at Thermopylae, Salamis, Marathon, Micale, Mantinea, Cheronaea, Plataea. The Romans record their battle at Cannas, and Pharsalian fields, but they do but record, and we scarce hear of them. And yet this supposed honour, popular applause, desire of immortality by this means, pride and vainglory spur them on many times rashly and unadvisedly, to make away themselves and multitudes of others. Alexander was sorry, because there were no more worlds for him to conquer, he is admired by some for it, animosa vox videtur, et regia, 'twas spoken like a Prince; but as wise 320Seneca censures him, 'twas vox inquissima et stultissima, 'twas spoken like a Bedlam fool; and that sentence which the same 321Seneca appropriates to his father Philip and him, I apply to them all, Non minores fuere pestes mortalium quam inundatio, quam conflagratio, quibus, &c. they did as much mischief to mortal men as fire and water, those merciless elements when they rage. 322Which is yet more to be lamented, they persuade them this hellish course of life is holy, they promise heaven to such as venture their lives bello sacro, and that by these bloody wars, as Persians, Greeks, and Romans of old, as modern Turks do now their commons, to encourage them to fight, ut cadant infeliciter. “If they die in the field, they go directly to heaven, and shall be canonised for saints.” (O diabolical invention!) put in the Chronicles, in perpetuam rei memoriam, to their eternal memory: when as in truth, as 323some hold, it were much better (since wars are the scourge of God for sin, by which he punisheth mortal men's peevishness and folly) such brutish stories were suppressed, because ad morum institutionem nihil habent, they conduce not at all to manners, or good life. But they will have it thus nevertheless, and so they put note of 324“divinity upon the most cruel and pernicious plague of human kind,” adore such men with grand titles, degrees, statues, images, 325honour, applaud, and highly reward them for their good service, no greater glory than to die in the field. So Africanus is extolled by Ennius: Mars, and 326Hercules, and I know not how many besides of old, were deified; went this way to heaven, that were indeed bloody butchers, wicked destroyers, and troublers of the world, prodigious monsters, hell-hounds, feral plagues, devourers, common executioners of human kind, as Lactantius truly proves, and Cyprian to Donat, such as were desperate in wars, and precipitately made away themselves, (like those Celts in Damascen, with ridiculous valour, ut dedecorosum putarent muro ruenti se subducere, a disgrace to run away for a rotten wall, now ready to fall on their heads,) such as will not rush on a sword's point, or seek to shun a cannon's shot, are base cowards, and no valiant men. By which means, Madet orbis mutuo sanguine, the earth wallows in her own blood,

327Savit amor ferri et scelerati insania belli; and for that, which if it be done in private, a man shall be rigorously executed, 328“and which is no less than murder itself; if the same fact be done in public in wars, it is called manhood, and the party is honoured for it.”

329 ——— Prosperum et felix scelus,

Virtus vocatur. ———

We measure all as Turks do, by the event, and most part, as Cyprian notes, in all ages, countries, places, saevitiae magnitudo impunitatem sceleris acquirit; the foulness of the fact vindicates the offender. 330One is crowned for that which another is tormented: Ille crucem sceleris precium tulit, hic diadema; made a knight, a lord, an earl, a great duke, (as 331Agrippa notes) for that which another should have hung in gibbets, as a terror to the rest,

332 ——— et tamen alter,

Si fecisset idem, caderet sub judice morum.

A poor sheep-stealer is hanged for stealing of victuals, compelled peradventure by necessity of that intolerable cold, hunger, and thirst, to save himself from starving: but a 333great man in office may securely rob whole provinces, undo thousands, pill and poll, oppress ad libitum, flea, grind, tyrannise, enrich himself by spoils of the commons, be uncontrollable in his actions, and after all, be recompensed with turgent titles, honoured for his good service, and no man dare find fault, or 334 mutter at it.

How would our Democritus have been affected to see a wicked caitiff or 335“fool, a very idiot, a funge, a golden ass, a monster of men, to have many good men, wise, men, learned men to attend upon him with all submission, as an appendix to his riches, for that respect alone, because he hath more wealth and money,” 336“to honour him with divine titles, and bombast epithets,” to smother him with fumes and eulogies, whom they know to be a dizzard, a fool, a covetous wretch, a beast, &c. “because he is rich?” To see sub exuviis leonis onagrum, a filthy loathsome carcass, a Gorgon's head puffed up by parasites, assume this unto himself, glorious titles, in worth an infant, a Cuman ass, a painted sepulchre, an Egyptian temple? To see a withered face, a diseased, deformed, cankered complexion, a rotten carcass, a viperous mind, and Epicurean soul set out with orient pearls, jewels, diadems, perfumes, curious elaborate works, as proud of his clothes as a child of his new coats; and a goodly person, of an angel-like divine countenance, a saint, an humble mind, a meet spirit clothed in rags, beg, and now ready to be starved? To see a silly contemptible sloven in apparel, ragged in his coat, polite in speech, of a divine spirit, wise? another neat in clothes, spruce, full of courtesy, empty of grace, wit, talk nonsense?

To see so many lawyers, advocates, so many tribunals, so little justice; so many magistrates, so little care of common good; so many laws, yet never more disorders; Tribunal litium segetem, the Tribunal a labyrinth, so many thousand suits in one court sometimes, so violently followed? To see injustissimum saepe juri praesidentem, impium religioni, imperitissimum eruditioni, otiosissimum labori, monstrosum humanitati? to see a lamb 337executed, a wolf pronounce sentence, latro arraigned, and fur sit on the bench, the judge severely punish others, and do worse himself, 338 cundem furtum facere et punire, 339rapinam plectere, quum sit ipse raptor? Laws altered, misconstrued, interpreted pro and con, as the 340judge is made by friends, bribed, or otherwise affected as a nose of wax, good today, none tomorrow; or firm in his opinion, cast in his? Sentence prolonged, changed, ad arbitrium judicis, still the same case, 341“one thrust out of his inheritance, another falsely put in by favour, false forged deeds or wills.” Incisae leges negliguntur, laws are made and not kept; or if put in execution, 342they be some silly ones that are punished. As, put case it be fornication, the father will disinherit or abdicate his child, quite cashier him (out, villain, be gone, come no more in my sight); a poor man is miserably tormented with loss of his estate perhaps, goods, fortunes, good name, for ever disgraced, forsaken, and must do penance to the utmost; a mortal sin, and yet make the worst of it, nunquid aliud fecit, saith Tranio in the 343poet, nisi quod faciunt summis nati generibus? he hath done no more than what gentlemen usually do. 344Neque novum, neque mirum, neque secus quam alii solent. For in a great person, right worshipful Sir, a right honourable grandee, 'tis not a venial sin, no, not a peccadillo, 'tis no offence at all, a common and ordinary thing, no man takes notice of it; he justifies it in public, and peradventure brags of it,

345Nam quod turpe bonis, Titio, Seioque, decebat

Crispinum ———

For what would be base in good men, Titius, and Seius, became Crispinus. 346

Many poor men, younger brothers, &c. by reason of bad policy and idle education (for they are likely brought up in no calling), are compelled to beg or steal, and then hanged for theft; than which, what can be more ignominious, non minus enim turpe principi multa supplicia, quam medico multa funera, 'tis the governor's fault. Libentius verberant quam docent, as schoolmasters do rather correct their pupils, than teach them when they do amiss. 347“They had more need provide there should be no more thieves and beggars, as they ought with good policy, and take away the occasions, than let them run on, as they do to their own destruction: root out likewise those causes of wrangling, a multitude of lawyers, and compose controversies, lites lustrales et seculares, by some more compendious means.” Whereas now for every toy and trifle they go to law, 348Mugit litibus insanum forum, et saevit invicem discordantium rabies, they are ready to pull out one another's throats; and for commodity 349“to squeeze blood,” saith Hierom, “out of their brother's heart,” defame, lie, disgrace, backbite, rail, bear false witness, swear, forswear, fight and wrangle, spend their goods, lives, fortunes, friends, undo one another, to enrich an harpy advocate, that preys upon them both, and cries Eia Socrates, Eia Xantippe; or some corrupt judge, that like the 350kite in Aesop, while the mouse and frog fought, carried both away. Generally they prey one upon another as so many ravenous birds, brute beasts, devouring fishes, no medium, 351omnes hic aut captantur aut captant; aut cadavera quae lacerantur, aut corvi qui lacerant, either deceive or be deceived; tear others or be torn in pieces themselves; like so many buckets in a well, as one riseth another falleth, one's empty, another's full; his ruin is a ladder to the third; such are our ordinary proceedings. What's the market? A place, according to 352Anacharsis, wherein they cozen one another, a trap; nay, what's the world itself? 353A vast chaos, a confusion of manners, as fickle as the air, domicilium insanorum, a turbulent troop full of impurities, a mart of walking spirits, goblins, the theatre of hypocrisy, a shop of knavery, flattery, a nursery of villainy, the scene of babbling, the school of giddiness, the academy of vice; a warfare, ubi velis nolis pugnandum, aut vincas aut succumbas, in which kill or be killed; wherein every man is for himself, his private ends, and stands upon his own guard. No charity, 354love, friendship, fear of God, alliance, affinity, consanguinity, Christianity, can contain them, but if they be any ways offended, or that string of commodity be touched, they fall foul. Old friends become bitter enemies on a sudden for toys and small offences, and they that erst were willing to do all mutual offices of love and kindness, now revile and persecute one another to death, with more than Vatinian hatred, and will not be reconciled. So long as they are behoveful, they love, or may bestead each other, but when there is no more good to be expected, as they do by an old dog, hang him up or cashier him: which 355 Cato counts a great indecorum, to use men like old shoes or broken glasses, which are flung to the dunghill; he could not find in his heart to sell an old ox, much less to turn away an old servant: but they instead of recompense, revile him, and when they have made him an instrument of their villainy, as 356Bajazet the second Emperor of the Turks did by Acomethes Bassa, make him away, or instead of 357reward, hate him to death, as Silius was served by Tiberius. In a word, every man for his own ends. Our summum bonum is commodity, and the goddess we adore Dea moneta, Queen money, to whom we daily offer sacrifice, which steers our hearts, hands, 358affections, all: that most powerful goddess, by whom we are reared, depressed, elevated, 359esteemed the sole commandress of our actions, for which we pray, run, ride, go, come, labour, and contend as fishes do for a crumb that falleth into the water. It's not worth, virtue, (that's bonum theatrale,) wisdom, valour, learning, honesty, religion, or any sufficiency for which we are respected, but 360money, greatness, office, honour, authority; honesty is accounted folly; knavery, policy; 361men admired out of opinion, not as they are, but as they seem to be: such shifting, lying, cogging, plotting, counterplotting, temporizing, nattering, cozening, dissembling, 362“that of necessity one must highly offend God if he be conformable to the world, Cretizare cum Crete, or else live in contempt, disgrace and misery.” One takes upon him temperance, holiness, another austerity, a third an affected kind of simplicity, when as indeed, he, and he, and he, and the rest are 363“hypocrites, ambidexters,” outsides, so many turning pictures, a lion on the one side, a lamb on the other. 364How would Democritus have been affected to see these things!

To see a man turn himself into all shapes like a chameleon, or as Proteus, omnia transformans sese in miracula rerum, to act twenty parts and persons at once, for his advantage, to temporise and vary like Mercury the planet, good with good; bad with bad; having a several face, garb, and character for every one he meets; of all religions, humours, inclinations; to fawn like a spaniel, mentitis et mimicis obsequis; rage like a lion, bark like a cur, fight like a dragon, sting like a serpent, as meek as a lamb, and yet again grin like a tiger, weep like a crocodile, insult over some, and yet others domineer over him, here command, there crouch, tyrannise in one place, be baffled in another, a wise man at home, a fool abroad to make others merry.

To see so much difference betwixt words and deeds, so many parasangs betwixt tongue and heart, men like stage-players act variety of parts, 365give good precepts to others, soar aloft, whilst they themselves grovel on the ground.

To see a man protest friendship, kiss his hand, 366quem mallet truncatum videre, 367smile with an intent to do mischief, or cozen him whom he salutes, 368magnify his friend unworthy with hyperbolical eulogiums; his enemy albeit a good man, to vilify and disgrace him, yea all his actions, with the utmost that livor and malice can invent.

To see a 369servant able to buy out his master, him that carries the mace more worth than the magistrate, which Plato, lib. 11, de leg., absolutely forbids, Epictetus abhors. A horse that tills the 370land fed with chaff, an idle jade have provender in abundance; him that makes shoes go barefoot himself, him that sells meat almost pined; a toiling drudge starve, a drone flourish.

To see men buy smoke for wares, castles built with fools' heads, men like apes follow the fashions in tires, gestures, actions: if the king laugh, all laugh;

371Rides? majore chachiano

Concutitur, flet si lachrymas conspexit amici. 372

Alexander stooped, so did his courtiers; Alphonsus turned his head, and so did his parasites. 373Sabina Poppea, Nero's wife, wore amber-coloured hair, so did all the Roman ladies in an instant, her fashion was theirs.

To see men wholly led by affection, admired and censured out of opinion without judgment: an inconsiderate multitude, like so many dogs in a village, if one bark all bark without a cause: as fortune's fan turns, if a man be in favour, or commanded by some great one, all the world applauds him; 374if in disgrace, in an instant all hate him, and as at the sun when he is eclipsed, that erst took no notice, now gaze and stare upon him.

To see a man 375wear his brains in his belly, his guts in his head, an hundred oaks on his back, to devour a hundred oxen at a meal, nay more, to devour houses and towns, or as those Anthropophagi, 376to eat one another.

To see a man roll himself up like a snowball, from base beggary to right worshipful and right honourable titles, unjustly to screw himself into honours and offices; another to starve his genius, damn his soul to gather wealth, which he shall not enjoy, which his prodigal son melts and consumes in an instant. 377

To see the κακοζηλίαν of our times, a man bend all his forces, means, time, fortunes, to be a favorite's favorite's favorite, &c., a parasite's parasite's parasite, that may scorn the servile world as having enough already.

To see an hirsute beggar's brat, that lately fed on scraps, crept and whined, crying to all, and for an old jerkin ran of errands, now ruffle in silk and satin, bravely mounted, jovial and polite, now scorn his old friends and familiars, neglect his kindred, insult over his betters, domineer over all.

To see a scholar crouch and creep to an illiterate peasant for a meal's meat; a scrivener better paid for an obligation; a falconer receive greater wages than a student; a lawyer get more in a day than a philosopher in a year, better reward for an hour, than a scholar for a twelvemonth's study; him that can 378paint Thais, play on a fiddle, curl hair, &c., sooner get preferment than a philologer or a poet.

To see a fond mother, like Aesop's ape, hug her child to death, a 379 wittol wink at his wife's honesty, and too perspicuous in all other affairs; one stumble at a straw, and leap over a block; rob Peter, and pay Paul; scrape unjust sums with one hand, purchase great manors by corruption, fraud and cozenage, and liberally to distribute to the poor with the other, give a remnant to pious uses, &c. Penny wise, pound foolish; blind men judge of colours; wise men silent, fools talk; 380 find fault with others, and do worse themselves; 381denounce that in public which he doth in secret; and which Aurelius Victor gives out of Augustus, severely censure that in a third, of which he is most guilty himself.

To see a poor fellow, or an hired servant venture his life for his new master that will scarce give him his wages at year's end; A country colon toil and moil, till and drudge for a prodigal idle drone, that devours all the gain, or lasciviously consumes with fantastical expenses; A noble man in a bravado to encounter death, and for a small flash of honour to cast away himself; A worldling tremble at an executor, and yet not fear hell-fire; To wish and hope for immortality, desire to be happy, and yet by all means avoid death, a necessary passage to bring him to it.

To see a foolhardy fellow like those old Danes, qui decollari malunt quam verberari, die rather than be punished, in a sottish humour embrace death with alacrity, yet 382scorn to lament his own sins and miseries, or his clearest friends' departures.

To see wise men degraded, fools preferred, one govern towns and cities, and yet a silly woman overrules him at home; 383Command a province, and yet his own servants or children prescribe laws to him, as Themistocles' son did in Greece; 384“What I will” (said he) “my mother will, and what my mother will, my father doth.” To see horses ride in a coach, men draw it; dogs devour their masters; towers build masons; children rule; old men go to school; women wear the breeches; 385sheep demolish towns, devour men, &c. And in a word, the world turned upside downward. O viveret Democritus.

386To insist in every particular were one of Hercules' labours, there's so many ridiculous instances, as motes in the sun. Quantum est in rebus inane? (How much vanity there is in things!) And who can speak of all? Crimine ab uno disce omnes, take this for a taste.

But these are obvious to sense, trivial and well known, easy to be discerned. How would Democritus have been moved, had he seen 387the secrets of their hearts? If every man had a window in his breast, which Momus would have had in Vulcan's man, or that which Tully so much wished it were written in every man's forehead, Quid quisque de republica sentiret, what he thought; or that it could be effected in an instant, which Mercury did by Charon in Lucian, by touching of his eyes, to make him discern semel et simul rumores et susurros.

Spes hominum caecas, morbos, votumque labores,

Et passim toto volitantes aethere curas.

Blind hopes and wishes, their thoughts and affairs,

Whispers and rumours, and those flying cares.

That he could cubiculorum obductas foras recludere et secreta cordium penetrare, which 388Cyprian desired, open doors and locks, shoot bolts, as Lucian's Gallus did with a feather of his tail: or Gyges' invisible ring, or some rare perspective glass, or Otacousticon, which would so multiply species, that a man might hear and see all at once (as 389 Martianus Capella's Jupiter did in a spear which he held in his hand, which did present unto him all that was daily done upon the face of the earth), observe cuckolds' horns, forgeries of alchemists, the philosopher's stone, new projectors, &c., and all those works of darkness, foolish vows, hopes, fears and wishes, what a deal of laughter would it have afforded? He should have seen windmills in one man's head, an hornet's nest in another. Or had he been present with Icaromenippus in Lucian at Jupiter's whispering place, 390and heard one pray for rain, another for fair weather; one for his wife's, another for his father's death, &c.; “to ask that at God's hand which they are abashed any man should hear:” How would he have been confounded? Would he, think you, or any man else, say that these men were well in their wits? Haec sani esse hominis quis sanus juret Orestes? Can all the hellebore in the Anticyrae cure these men? No, sure, 391“an acre of hellebore will not do it.”

That which is more to be lamented, they are mad like Seneca's blind woman, and will not acknowledge, or 392seek for any cure of it, for pauci vident morbum suum, omnes amant. If our leg or arm offend us, we covet by all means possible to redress it; 393and if we labour of a bodily disease, we send for a physician; but for the diseases of the mind we take no notice of them: 394Lust harrows us on the one side; envy, anger, ambition on the other. We are torn in pieces by our passions, as so many wild horses, one in disposition, another in habit; one is melancholy, another mad; 395and which of us all seeks for help, doth acknowledge his error, or knows he is sick? As that stupid fellow put out the candle because the biting fleas should not find him; he shrouds himself in an unknown habit, borrowed titles, because nobody should discern him. Every man thinks with himself, Egomet videor mihi sanus, I am well, I am wise, and laughs at others. And 'tis a general fault amongst them all, that 396 which our forefathers have approved, diet, apparel, opinions, humours, customs, manners, we deride and reject in our time as absurd. Old men account juniors all fools, when they are mere dizzards; and as to sailors, ——— terraeque urbesque recedunt ——— they move, the land stands still, the world hath much more wit, they dote themselves. Turks deride us, we them; Italians Frenchmen, accounting them light headed fellows, the French scoff again at Italians, and at their several customs; Greeks have condemned all the world but themselves of barbarism, the world as much vilifies them now; we account Germans heavy, dull fellows, explode many of their fashions; they as contemptibly think of us; Spaniards laugh at all, and all again at them. So are we fools and ridiculous, absurd in our actions, carriages, diet, apparel, customs, and consultations; we 397 scoff and point one at another, when as in conclusion all are fools, 398 “and they the veriest asses that hide their ears most.” A private man if he be resolved with himself, or set on an opinion, accounts all idiots and asses that are not affected as he is, 399 ——— nil rectum, nisi quod placuit sibi, ducit, that are not so minded, 400(quodque volunt homines se bene velle putant,) all fools that think not as he doth: he will not say with Atticus, Suam quisque sponsam, mihi meam, let every man enjoy his own spouse; but his alone is fair, suus amor, &c. and scorns all in respect of himself 401will imitate none, hear none 402but himself, as Pliny said, a law and example to himself. And that which Hippocrates, in his epistle to Dionysius, reprehended of old, is verified in our times, Quisque in alio superfluum esse censet, ipse quod non habet nec curat, that which he hath not himself or doth not esteem, he accounts superfluity, an idle quality, a mere foppery in another: like Aesop's fox, when he had lost his tail, would have all his fellow foxes cut off theirs. The Chinese say, that we Europeans have one eye, they themselves two, all the world else is blind: (though 403Scaliger accounts them brutes too, merum pecus,) so thou and thy sectaries are only wise, others indifferent, the rest beside themselves, mere idiots and asses. Thus not acknowledging our own errors and imperfections, we securely deride others, as if we alone were free, and spectators of the rest, accounting it an excellent thing, as indeed it is, Aliena optimum frui insania, to make ourselves merry with other men's obliquities, when as he himself is more faulty than the rest, mutato nomine, de te fabula narratur, he may take himself by the nose for a fool; and which one calls maximum stultitiae specimen, to be ridiculous to others, and not to perceive or take notice of it, as Marsyas was when he contended with Apollo, non intelligens se deridiculo haberi, saith 404 Apuleius; 'tis his own cause, he is a convicted madman, as 405Austin well infers “in the eyes of wise men and angels he seems like one, that to our thinking walks with his heels upwards.” So thou laughest at me, and I at thee, both at a third; and he returns that of the poet upon us again, 406Hei mihi, insanire me aiunt, quum ipsi ultro insaniant. We accuse others of madness, of folly, and are the veriest dizzards ourselves. For it is a great sign and property of a fool (which Eccl. x. 3, points at) out of pride and self-conceit to insult, vilify, condemn, censure, and call other men fools (Non videmus manticae quod a tergo est) to tax that in others of which we are most faulty; teach that which we follow not ourselves: For an inconstant man to write of constancy, a profane liver prescribe rules of sanctity and piety, a dizzard himself make a treatise of wisdom, or with Sallust to rail downright at spoilers of countries, and yet in 407office to be a most grievous poller himself. This argues weakness, and is an evident sign of such parties' indiscretion. 408Peccat uter nostrum cruce dignius? “Who is the fool now?” Or else peradventure in some places we are all mad for company, and so 'tis not seen, Satietas erroris et dementiae, pariter absurditatem et admirationem tollit. 'Tis with us, as it was of old (in 409Tully's censure at least) with C. Pimbria in Rome, a bold, hair-brain, mad fellow, and so esteemed of all, such only excepted, that were as mad as himself: now in such a case there is 410no notice taken of it.

Nimirum insanus paucis videatur; eo quod

Maxima pars hominum morbo jactatur eodem.

When all are mad, where all are like opprest

Who can discern one mad man from the rest?

But put case they do perceive it, and some one be manifestly convicted of madness, 411he now takes notice of his folly, be it in action, gesture, speech, a vain humour he hath in building, bragging, jangling, spending, gaming, courting, scribbling, prating, for which he is ridiculous to others, 412on which he dotes, he doth acknowledge as much: yet with all the rhetoric thou hast, thou canst not so recall him, but to the contrary notwithstanding, he will persevere in his dotage. 'Tis amabilis insania, et mentis gratissimus error, so pleasing, so delicious, that he 413 cannot leave it. He knows his error, but will not seek to decline it, tell him what the event will be, beggary, sorrow, sickness, disgrace, shame, loss, madness, yet 414“an angry man will prefer vengeance, a lascivious his whore, a thief his booty, a glutton his belly, before his welfare.” Tell an epicure, a covetous man, an ambitious man of his irregular course, wean him from it a little, pol me occidistis amici, he cries anon, you have undone him, and as 415a “dog to his vomit,” he returns to it again; no persuasion will take place, no counsel, say what thou canst,

Clames licet et mare coelo

——— Confundas, surdo narras,416

demonstrate as Ulysses did to 417Elpenor and Gryllus, and the rest of his companions “those swinish men,” he is irrefragable in his humour, he will be a hog still; bray him in a mortar, he will be the same. If he be in an heresy, or some perverse opinion, settled as some of our ignorant Papists are, convince his understanding, show him the several follies and absurd fopperies of that sect, force him to say, veris vincor, make it as clear as the sun, 418he will err still, peevish and obstinate as he is; and as he said 419si in hoc erro, libenter erro, nec hunc errorem auferri mihi volo; I will do as I have done, as my predecessors have done, 420and as my friends now do: I will dote for company. Say now, are these men 421mad or no, 422Heus age responde? are they ridiculous? cedo quemvis arbitrum, are they sanae mentis, sober, wise, and discreet? have they common sense? ——— 423uter est insanior horum? I am of Democritus' opinion for my part, I hold them worthy to be laughed at; a company of brain-sick dizzards, as mad as 424Orestes and Athamas, that they may go “ride the ass,” and all sail along to the Anticyrae, in the “ship of fools” for company together. I need not much labour to prove this which I say otherwise than thus, make any solemn protestation, or swear, I think you will believe me without an oath; say at a word, are they fools? I refer it to you, though you be likewise fools and madmen yourselves, and I as mad to ask the question; for what said our comical Mercury?

425Justum ab injustis petere insipientia est.

I'll stand to your censure yet, what think you?

But forasmuch as I undertook at first, that kingdoms, provinces, families, were melancholy as well as private men, I will examine them in particular, and that which I have hitherto dilated at random, in more general terms, I will particularly insist in, prove with more special and evident arguments, testimonies, illustrations, and that in brief. 426Nunc accipe quare desipiant omnes aeque ac tu. My first argument is borrowed from Solomon, an arrow drawn out of his sententious quiver, Pro. iii. 7, “Be not wise in thine own eyes.” And xxvi. 12, “Seest thou a man wise in his own conceit? more hope is of a fool than of him.” Isaiah pronounceth a woe against such men, cap. v. 21, “that are wise in their own eyes, and prudent in their own sight.” For hence we may gather, that it is a great offence, and men are much deceived that think too well of themselves, an especial argument to convince them of folly. Many men (saith 427Seneca) “had been without question wise, had they not had an opinion that they had attained to perfection of knowledge already, even before they had gone half way,” too forward, too ripe, praeproperi, too quick and ready, 428cito prudentes, cito pii, cito mariti, cito patres, cito sacerdotes, cito omnis officii capaces et curiosi, they had too good a conceit of themselves, and that marred all; of their worth, valour, skill, art, learning, judgment, eloquence, their good parts; all their geese are swans, and that manifestly proves them to be no better than fools. In former times they had but seven wise men, now you can scarce find so many fools. Thales sent the golden tripos, which the fishermen found, and the oracle commanded to be 429 “given to the wisest, to Bias, Bias to Solon,” &c. If such a thing were now found, we should all fight for it, as the three goddesses did for the golden apple, we are so wise: we have women politicians, children metaphysicians; every silly fellow can square a circle, make perpetual motions, find the philosopher's stone, interpret Apocalypses, make new Theories, a new system of the world, new Logic, new Philosophy, &c. Nostra utique regio, saith 430Petronius, “our country is so full of deified spirits, divine souls, that you may sooner find a God than a man amongst us,” we think so well of ourselves, and that is an ample testimony of much folly.

My second argument is grounded upon the like place of Scripture, which though before mentioned in effect, yet for some reasons is to be repeated (and by Plato's good leave, I may do it, 431δίς τὸ καλὸν ρηθέν ὀυδέν βλάπτει) “Fools” (saith David) “by reason of their transgressions.” &c. Psal. cvii. 17. Hence Musculus infers all transgressors must needs be fools. So we read Rom. ii., “Tribulation and anguish on the soul of every man that doeth evil;” but all do evil. And Isaiah, lxv. 14, “My servant shall sing for joy, and 432ye shall cry for sorrow of heart, and vexation of mind.” 'Tis ratified by the common consent of all philosophers. “Dishonesty” (saith Cardan) “is nothing else but folly and madness.” 433 Probus quis nobiscum vivit? Show me an honest man, Nemo malus qui non stultus, 'tis Fabius' aphorism to the same end. If none honest, none wise, then all fools. And well may they be so accounted: for who will account him otherwise, Qui iter adornat in occidentem, quum properaret in orientem? that goes backward all his life, westward, when he is bound to the east? or hold him a wise man (saith 434Musculus) “that prefers momentary pleasures to eternity, that spends his master's goods in his absence, forthwith to be condemned for it?” Nequicquam sapit qui sibi non sapit, who will say that a sick man is wise, that eats and drinks to overthrow the temperature of his body? Can you account him wise or discreet that would willingly have his health, and yet will do nothing that should procure or continue it? 435Theodoret, out of Plotinus the Platonist, “holds it a ridiculous thing for a man to live after his own laws, to do that which is offensive to God, and yet to hope that he should save him: and when he voluntarily neglects his own safety, and contemns the means, to think to be delivered by another:” who will say these men are wise?

A third argument may be derived from the precedent, 436all men are carried away with passion, discontent, lust, pleasures, &c., they generally hate those virtues they should love, and love such vices they should hate. Therefore more than melancholy, quite mad, brute beasts, and void of reason, so Chrysostom contends; “or rather dead and buried alive,” as 437 Philo Judeus concludes it for a certainty, “of all such that are carried away with passions, or labour of any disease of the mind. Where is fear and sorrow,” there 438Lactantius stiffly maintains, “wisdom cannot dwell,”

——— qui cupiet, metuet quoque porro,

Qui metuens vivit, liber mihi non erit unquam.439

Seneca and the rest of the stoics are of opinion, that where is any the least perturbation, wisdom may not be found. “What more ridiculous,” as 440Lactantius urges, than to hear how Xerxes whipped the Hellespont, threatened the Mountain Athos, and the like. To speak ad rem, who is free from passion? 441Mortalis nemo est quem non attingat dolor, morbusve, as 442Tully determines out of an old poem, no mortal men can avoid sorrow and sickness, and sorrow is an inseparable companion from melancholy. 443Chrysostom pleads farther yet, that they are more than mad, very beasts, stupefied and void of common sense: “For how” (saith he) “shall I know thee to be a man, when thou kickest like an ass, neighest like a horse after women, ravest in lust like a bull, ravenest like a bear, stingest like a scorpion, rakest like a wolf, as subtle as a fox, as impudent as a dog? Shall I say thou art a man, that hast all the symptoms of a beast? How shall I know thee to be a man? by thy shape? That affrights me more, when I see a beast in likeness of a man.”

444Seneca calls that of Epicurus, magnificam vocem, an heroical speech, “A fool still begins to live,” and accounts it a filthy lightness in men, every day to lay new foundations of their life, but who doth otherwise? One travels, another builds; one for this, another for that business, and old folks are as far out as the rest; O dementem senectutem, Tully exclaims. Therefore young, old, middle age, are all stupid, and dote.

445Aeneas Sylvius, amongst many other, sets down three special ways to find a fool by. He is a fool that seeks that he cannot find: he is a fool that seeks that, which being found will do him more harm than good: he is a fool, that having variety of ways to bring him to his journey's end, takes that which is worst. If so, methinks most men are fools; examine their courses, and you shall soon perceive what dizzards and mad men the major part are.

Beroaldus will have drunkards, afternoon men, and such as more than ordinarily delight in drink, to be mad. The first pot quencheth thirst, so Panyasis the poet determines in Athenaeus, secunda gratiis, horis et Dyonisio: the second makes merry, the third for pleasure, quarta, ad insaniam, the fourth makes them mad. If this position be true, what a catalogue of mad men shall we have? what shall they be that drink four times four? Nonne supra omnem furorem, supra omnem insanian reddunt insanissimos? I am of his opinion, they are more than mad, much worse than mad.

The 446Abderites condemned Democritus for a mad man, because he was sometimes sad, and sometimes again profusely merry. Hac Patria (saith Hippocrates) ob risum furere et insanire dicunt, his countrymen hold him mad because he laughs; 447and therefore “he desires him to advise all his friends at Rhodes, that they do not laugh too much, or be over sad.” Had those Abderites been conversant with us, and but seen what 448 fleering and grinning there is in this age, they would certainly have concluded, we had been all out of our wits.

Aristotle in his Ethics holds felix idemque sapiens, to be wise and happy, are reciprocal terms, bonus idemque sapiens honestus. 'Tis 449 Tully's paradox, “wise men are free, but fools are slaves,” liberty is a power to live according to his own laws, as we will ourselves: who hath this liberty? who is free?

450 ——— sapiens sibique imperiosus,

Quem neque pauperis, neque mors, neque vincula terrent,

Responsare cupidinibus, contemnere honores

Fortis, et in seipso totus teres atque rotundus.

He is wise that can command his own will,

Valiant and constant to himself still,

Whom poverty nor death, nor bands can fright,

Checks his desires, scorns honours, just and right.

But where shall such a man be found? If no where, then e diametro, we are all slaves, senseless, or worse. Nemo malus felix. But no man is happy in this life, none good, therefore no man wise. 451Rari quippe boni ——— For one virtue you shall find ten vices in the same party; pauci Promethei, multi Epimethei. We may peradventure usurp the name, or attribute it to others for favour, as Carolus Sapiens, Philippus Bonus, Lodovicus Pius, &c., and describe the properties of a wise man, as Tully doth an orator, Xenophon Cyrus, Castilio a courtier, Galen temperament, an aristocracy is described by politicians. But where shall such a man be found?

Vir bonus et sapiens, qualem vix repperit unum

Millibus e multis hominum consultus Apollo.

A wise, a good man in a million,

Apollo consulted could scarce find one.

A man is a miracle of himself, but Trismegistus adds, Maximum miraculum homo sapiens, a wise man is a wonder: multi Thirsigeri, pauci Bacchi.

Alexander when he was presented with that rich and costly casket of king Darius, and every man advised him what to put in it, he reserved it to keep Homer's works, as the most precious jewel of human wit, and yet 452 Scaliger upbraids Homer's muse, Nutricem insanae sapientiae, a nursery of madness, 453impudent as a court lady, that blushes at nothing. Jacobus Mycillus, Gilbertus Cognatus, Erasmus, and almost all posterity admire Lucian's luxuriant wit, yet Scaliger rejects him in his censure, and calls him the Cerberus of the muses. Socrates, whom all the world so much magnified, is by Lactantius and Theodoret condemned for a fool. Plutarch extols Seneca's wit beyond all the Greeks, nulli secundus, yet 454 Seneca saith of himself, “when I would solace myself with a fool, I reflect upon myself, and there I have him.” Cardan, in his Sixteenth Book of Subtleties, reckons up twelve supereminent, acute philosophers, for worth, subtlety, and wisdom: Archimedes, Galen, Vitruvius, Architas Tarentinus, Euclid, Geber, that first inventor of Algebra, Alkindus the Mathematician, both Arabians, with others. But his triumviri terrarum far beyond the rest, are Ptolomaeus, Plotinus, Hippocrates. Scaliger exercitat. 224, scoffs at this censure of his, calls some of them carpenters and mechanicians, he makes Galen fimbriam Hippocratis, a skirt of Hippocrates: and the said 455Cardan himself elsewhere condemns both Galen and Hippocrates for tediousness, obscurity, confusion. Paracelsus will have them both mere idiots, infants in physic and philosophy. Scaliger and Cardan admire Suisset the Calculator, qui pene modum excessit humani ingenii, and yet 456Lod. Vives calls them nugas Suisseticas: and Cardan, opposite to himself in another place, contemns those ancients in respect of times present, 457Majoresque nostros ad presentes collatos juste pueros appellari. In conclusion, the said 458Cardan and Saint Bernard will admit none into this catalogue of wise men, 459but only prophets and apostles; how they esteem themselves, you have heard before. We are worldly-wise, admire ourselves, and seek for applause: but hear Saint 460Bernard, quanto magis foras es sapiens, tanto magis intus stultus efficeris, &c. in omnibus es prudens, circa teipsum insipiens: the more wise thou art to others, the more fool to thyself. I may not deny but that there is some folly approved, a divine fury, a holy madness, even a spiritual drunkenness in the saints of God themselves; sanctum insanium Bernard calls it (though not as blaspheming 461Vorstius, would infer it as a passion incident to God himself, but) familiar to good men, as that of Paul, 2 Cor. “he was a fool,” &c. and Rom. ix. he wisheth himself to be anathematised for them. Such is that drunkenness which Ficinus speaks of, when the soul is elevated and ravished with a divine taste of that heavenly nectar, which poets deciphered by the sacrifice of Dionysius, and in this sense with the poet, 462insanire lubet, as Austin exhorts us, ad ebrietatem se quisque paret, let's all be mad and 463drunk. But we commonly mistake, and go beyond our commission, we reel to the opposite part, 464we are not capable of it, 465and as he said of the Greeks, Vos Graeci semper pueri, vos Britanni, Galli, Germani, Itali, &c. you are a company of fools.

Proceed now a partibus ad totum, or from the whole to parts, and you shall find no other issue, the parts shall be sufficiently dilated in this following Preface. The whole must needs follow by a sorites or induction. Every multitude is mad, 466bellua multorum capitum, (a many-headed beast), precipitate and rash without judgment, stultum animal, a roaring rout. 467Roger Bacon proves it out of Aristotle, Vulgus dividi in oppositum contra sapientes, quod vulgo videtur verum, falsum est; that which the commonalty accounts true, is most part false, they are still opposite to wise men, but all the world is of this humour (vulgus), and thou thyself art de vulgo, one of the commonalty; and he, and he, and so are all the rest; and therefore, as Phocion concludes, to be approved in nought you say or do, mere idiots and asses. Begin then where you will, go backward or forward, choose out of the whole pack, wink and choose, you shall find them all alike, “never a barrel better herring.”

Copernicus, Atlas his successor, is of opinion, the earth is a planet, moves and shines to others, as the moon doth to us. Digges, Gilbert, Keplerus, Origanus, and others, defend this hypothesis of his in sober sadness, and that the moon is inhabited: if it be so that the earth is a moon, then are we also giddy, vertiginous and lunatic within this sublunary maze.

I could produce such arguments till dark night: if you should hear the rest,

Ante diem clauso component vesper Olimpo:

Through such a train of words if I should run,

The day would sooner than the tale be done:

but according to my promise, I will descend to particulars. This melancholy extends itself not to men only, but even to vegetals and sensibles. I speak not of those creatures which are saturnine, melancholy by nature, as lead, and such like minerals, or those plants, rue, cypress, &c. and hellebore itself, of which 468Agrippa treats, fishes, birds, and beasts, hares, conies, dormice, &c., owls, bats, nightbirds, but that artificial, which is perceived in them all. Remove a plant, it will pine away, which is especially perceived in date trees, as you may read at large in Constantine's husbandry, that antipathy betwixt the vine and the cabbage, vine and oil. Put a bird in a cage, he will die for sullenness, or a beast in a pen, or take his young ones or companions from him, and see what effect it will cause. But who perceives not these common passions of sensible creatures, fear, sorrow, &c. Of all other, dogs are most subject to this malady, insomuch some hold they dream as men do, and through violence of melancholy run mad; I could relate many stories of dogs that have died for grief, and pined away for loss of their masters, but they are common in every 469author.

Kingdoms, provinces, and politic bodies are likewise sensible and subject to this disease, as 470Boterus in his politics hath proved at large. “As in human bodies” (saith he) “there be divers alterations proceeding from humours, so be there many diseases in a commonwealth, which do as diversely happen from several distempers,” as you may easily perceive by their particular symptoms. For where you shall see the people civil, obedient to God and princes, judicious, peaceable and quiet, rich, fortunate, 471and flourish, to live in peace, in unity and concord, a country well tilled, many fair built and populous cities, ubi incolae nitent as old 472Cato said, the people are neat, polite and terse, ubi bene, beateque vivunt, which our politicians make the chief end of a commonwealth; and which 473 Aristotle, Polit. lib. 3, cap. 4, calls Commune bonum, Polybius lib. 6, optabilem et selectum statum, that country is free from melancholy; as it was in Italy in the time of Augustus, now in China, now in many other flourishing kingdoms of Europe. But whereas you shall see many discontents, common grievances, complaints, poverty, barbarism, beggary, plagues, wars, rebellions, seditions, mutinies, contentions, idleness, riot, epicurism, the land lie untilled, waste, full of bogs, fens, deserts, &c., cities decayed, base and poor towns, villages depopulated, the people squalid, ugly, uncivil; that kingdom, that country, must needs be discontent, melancholy, hath a sick body, and had need to be reformed.

Now that cannot well be effected, till the causes of these maladies be first removed, which commonly proceed from their own default, or some accidental inconvenience: as to be situated in a bad clime, too far north, sterile, in a barren place, as the desert of Libya, deserts of Arabia, places void of waters, as those of Lop and Belgian in Asia, or in a bad air, as at Alexandretta, Bantam, Pisa, Durrazzo, S. John de Ulloa, &c., or in danger of the sea's continual inundations, as in many places of the Low Countries and elsewhere, or near some bad neighbours, as Hungarians to Turks, Podolians to Tartars, or almost any bordering countries, they live in fear still, and by reason of hostile incursions are oftentimes left desolate. So are cities by reason 474of wars, fires, plagues, inundations, 475wild beasts, decay of trades, barred havens, the sea's violence, as Antwerp may witness of late, Syracuse of old, Brundusium in Italy, Rye and Dover with us, and many that at this day suspect the sea's fury and rage, and labour against it as the Venetians to their inestimable charge. But the most frequent maladies are such as proceed from themselves, as first when religion and God's service is neglected, innovated or altered, where they do not fear God, obey their prince, where atheism, epicurism, sacrilege, simony, &c., and all such impieties are freely committed, that country cannot prosper. When Abraham came to Gerar, and saw a bad land, he said, sure the fear of God was not in that place. 476 Cyprian Echovius, a Spanish chorographer, above all other cities of Spain, commends Borcino, “in which there was no beggar, no man poor, &c., but all rich, and in good estate, and he gives the reason, because they were more religious than, their neighbours:” why was Israel so often spoiled by their enemies, led into captivity, &c., but for their idolatry, neglect of God's word, for sacrilege, even for one Achan's fault? And what shall we except that have such multitudes of Achans, church robbers, simoniacal patrons, &c., how can they hope to flourish, that neglect divine duties, that live most part like Epicures?

Other common grievances are generally noxious to a body politic; alteration of laws and customs, breaking privileges, general oppressions, seditions, &c., observed by 477Aristotle, Bodin, Boterus, Junius, Arniscus, &c. I will only point at some of chiefest. 478Impotentia gubernandi, ataxia, confusion, ill government, which proceeds from unskilful, slothful, griping, covetous, unjust, rash, or tyrannizing magistrates, when they are fools, idiots, children, proud, wilful, partial, indiscreet, oppressors, giddy heads, tyrants, not able or unfit to manage such offices: 479many noble cities and flourishing kingdoms by that means are desolate, the whole body groans under such heads, and all the members must needs be disaffected, as at this day those goodly provinces in Asia Minor, &c. groan under the burthen of a Turkish government; and those vast kingdoms of Muscovia, Russia, 480under a tyrannizing duke. Who ever heard of more civil and rich populous countries than those of “Greece, Asia Minor, abounding with all 481wealth, multitudes of inhabitants, force, power, splendour and magnificence?” and that miracle of countries, 482the Holy Land, that in so small a compass of ground could maintain so many towns, cities, produce so many fighting men? Egypt another paradise, now barbarous and desert, and almost waste, by the despotical government of an imperious Turk, intolerabili servitutis jugo premitur (483one saith) not only fire and water, goods or lands, sed ipse spiritus ab insolentissimi victoris pendet nutu, such is their slavery, their lives and souls depend upon his insolent will and command. A tyrant that spoils all wheresoever he comes, insomuch that an 484historian complains, “if an old inhabitant should now see them, he would not know them, if a traveller, or stranger, it would grieve his heart to behold them.” Whereas 485Aristotle notes, Novae exactiones, nova onera imposita, new burdens and exactions daily come upon them, like those of which Zosimus, lib. 2, so grievous, ut viri uxores, patres filios prostituerent ut exactoribus e questu, &c., they must needs be discontent, hinc civitatum gemitus et ploratus, as 486 Tully holds, hence come those complaints and tears of cities, “poor, miserable, rebellious, and desperate subjects,” as 487Hippolitus adds; and 488as a judicious countryman of ours observed not long since, in a survey of that great Duchy of Tuscany, the people lived much grieved and discontent, as appeared by their manifold and manifest complainings in that kind. “That the state was like a sick body which had lately taken physic, whose humours are not yet well settled, and weakened so much by purging, that nothing was left but melancholy.”

Whereas the princes and potentates are immoderate in lust, hypocrites, epicures, of no religion, but in show: Quid hypocrisi fragilius? what so brittle and unsure? what sooner subverts their estates than wandering and raging lusts, on their subjects' wives, daughters? to say no worse. That they should facem praeferre, lead the way to all virtuous actions, are the ringleaders oftentimes of all mischief and dissolute courses, and by that means their countries are plagued, 489“and they themselves often ruined, banished, or murdered by conspiracy of their subjects, as Sardanapalus was, Dionysius Junior, Heliogabalus, Periander, Pisistratus, Tarquinius, Timocrates, Childericus, Appius Claudius, Andronicus, Galeacius Sforza, Alexander Medices,” &c.

Whereas the princes or great men are malicious, envious, factious, ambitious, emulators, they tear a commonwealth asunder, as so many Guelfs and Gibelines disturb the quietness of it, 490and with mutual murders let it bleed to death; our histories are too full of such barbarous inhumanities, and the miseries that issue from them.

Whereas they be like so many horseleeches, hungry, griping, corrupt, 491 covetous, avaritice mancipia, ravenous as wolves, for as Tully writes: qui praeest prodest, et qui pecudibus praeest, debet eorum utilitati inservire: or such as prefer their private before the public good. For as 492he said long since, res privatae publicis semper officere. Or whereas they be illiterate, ignorant, empirics in policy, ubi deest facultas, 493virtus (Aristot. pol. 5, cap. 8.) et scientia, wise only by inheritance, and in authority by birthright, favour, or for their wealth and titles; there must needs be a fault, 494a great defect: because as an 495old philosopher affirms, such men are not always fit. “Of an infinite number, few alone are senators, and of those few, fewer good, and of that small number of honest, good, and noble men, few that are learned, wise, discreet and sufficient, able to discharge such places, it must needs turn to the confusion of a state.”

For as the 496Princes are, so are the people; Qualis Rex, talis grex: and which 497Antigonus right well said of old, qui Macedonia regem erudit, omnes etiam subditos erudit, he that teacheth the king of Macedon, teacheth all his subjects, is a true saying still.

For Princes are the glass, the school, the book,

Where subjects' eyes do learn, do read, do look.

——— Velocius et citius nos

Corrumpunt vitiorum exempla domestica, magnis

Cum subeant animos auctoribus. ——— 498

Their examples are soonest followed, vices entertained, if they be profane, irreligious, lascivious, riotous, epicures, factious, covetous, ambitious, illiterate, so will the commons most part be, idle, unthrifts, prone to lust, drunkards, and therefore poor and needy (ἡ πενια στάσιν ἐμποιει καὶ κακουργίαν, for poverty begets sedition and villainy) upon all occasions ready to mutiny and rebel, discontent still, complaining, murmuring, grudging, apt to all outrages, thefts, treasons, murders, innovations, in debt, shifters, cozeners, outlaws, Profligatae famae ac vitae. It was an old 499politician's aphorism, “They that are poor and bad envy rich, hate good men, abhor the present government, wish for a new, and would have all turned topsy-turvy.” When Catiline rebelled in Rome, he got a company of such debauched rogues together, they were his familiars and coadjutors, and such have been your rebels most part in all ages, Jack Cade, Tom Straw, Kette, and his companions.

Where they be generally riotous and contentious, where there be many discords, many laws, many lawsuits, many lawyers and many physicians, it is a manifest sign of a distempered, melancholy state, as 500Plato long since maintained: for where such kind of men swarm, they will make more work for themselves, and that body politic diseased, which was otherwise sound. A general mischief in these our times, an insensible plague, and never so many of them: “which are now multiplied” (saith Mat. Geraldus, 501a lawyer himself,) “as so many locusts, not the parents, but the plagues of the country, and for the most part a supercilious, bad, covetous, litigious generation of men.” 502Crumenimulga natio &c. A purse-milking nation, a clamorous company, gowned vultures, 503qui ex injuria vivent et sanguine civium, thieves and seminaries of discord; worse than any pollers by the highway side, auri accipitres, auri exterebronides, pecuniarum hamiolae, quadruplatores, curiae harpagones, fori tintinabula, monstra hominum, mangones, &c. that take upon them to make peace, but are indeed the very disturbers of our peace, a company of irreligious harpies, scraping, griping catchpoles, (I mean our common hungry pettifoggers, 504rabulas forenses, love and honour in the meantime all good laws, and worthy lawyers, that are so many 505oracles and pilots of a well-governed commonwealth). Without art, without judgment, that do more harm, as 506Livy said, quam bella externa, fames, morbive, than sickness, wars, hunger, diseases; “and cause a most incredible destruction of a commonwealth,” saith 507Sesellius, a famous civilian sometimes in Paris, as ivy doth by an oak, embrace it so long, until it hath got the heart out of it, so do they by such places they inhabit; no counsel at all, no justice, no speech to be had, nisi eum premulseris, he must be fed still, or else he is as mute as a fish, better open an oyster without a knife. Experto crede (saith 508 Salisburiensis) in manus eorum millies incidi, et Charon immitis qui nulli pepercit unquam, his longe clementior est; “I speak out of experience, I have been a thousand times amongst them, and Charon himself is more gentle than they; 509he is contented with his single pay, but they multiply still, they are never satisfied,” besides they have damnificas linguas, as he terms it, nisi funibus argenteis vincias, they must be fed to say nothing, and 510get more to hold their peace than we can to say our best. They will speak their clients fair, and invite them to their tables, but as he follows it, 511“of all injustice there is none so pernicious as that of theirs, which when they deceive most, will seem to be honest men.” They take upon them to be peacemakers, et fovere causas humilium, to help them to their right, patrocinantur afflictis, 512but all is for their own good, ut loculos pleniorom exhauriant, they plead for poor men gratis, but they are but as a stale to catch others. If there be no jar, 513they can make a jar, out of the law itself find still some quirk or other, to set them at odds, and continue causes so long, lustra aliquot, I know not how many years before the cause is heard, and when 'tis judged and determined by reason of some tricks and errors, it is as fresh to begin, after twice seven years sometimes, as it was at first; and so they prolong time, delay suits till they have enriched themselves, and beggared their clients. And, as 514Cato inveighed against Isocrates' scholars, we may justly tax our wrangling lawyers, they do consenescere in litibus, are so litigious and busy here on earth, that I think they will plead their client's causes hereafter, some of them in hell. 515 Simlerus complains amongst the Swissers of the advocates in his time, that when they should make an end, they began controversies, and “protract their causes many years, persuading them their title is good, till their patrimonies be consumed, and that they have spent more in seeking than the thing is worth, or they shall get by the recovery.” So that he that goes to law, as the proverb is, 516holds a wolf by the ears, or as a sheep in a storm runs for shelter to a brier, if he prosecute his cause he is consumed, if he surcease his suit he loseth all; 517what difference? They had wont heretofore, saith Austin, to end matters, per communes arbitros; and so in Switzerland (we are informed by 518Simlerus), “they had some common arbitrators or daysmen in every town, that made a friendly composition betwixt man and man, and he much wonders at their honest simplicity, that could keep peace so well, and end such great causes by that means.” At 519Fez in Africa, they have neither lawyers nor advocates; but if there be any controversies amongst them, both parties plaintiff and defendant come to their Alfakins or chief judge, “and at once without any farther appeals or pitiful delays, the cause is heard and ended.” Our forefathers, as 520a worthy chorographer of ours observes, had wont pauculis cruculis aureis, with a few golden crosses, and lines in verse, make all conveyances, assurances. And such was the candour and integrity of succeeding ages, that a deed (as I have oft seen) to convey a whole manor, was implicite contained in some twenty lines or thereabouts; like that scede or Sytala Laconica, so much renowned of old in all contracts, which 521Tully so earnestly commends to Atticus, Plutarch in his Lysander, Aristotle polit.: Thucydides, lib. 1, 522Diodorus and Suidus approve and magnify, for that laconic brevity in this kind; and well they might, for, according to 523Tertullian, certa sunt paucis, there is much more certainty in fewer words. And so was it of old throughout: but now many skins of parchment will scarce serve turn; he that buys and sells a house, must have a house full of writings, there be so many circumstances, so many words, such tautological repetitions of all particulars (to avoid cavillation they say); but we find by our woeful experience, that to subtle wits it is a cause of much more contention and variance, and scarce any conveyance so accurately penned by one, which another will not find a crack in, or cavil at; if any one word be misplaced, any little error, all is disannulled. That which is a law today, is none tomorrow; that which is sound in one man's opinion, is most faulty to another; that in conclusion, here is nothing amongst us but contention and confusion, we bandy one against another. And that which long since 524Plutarch complained of them in Asia, may be verified in our times. “These men here assembled, come not to sacrifice to their gods, to offer Jupiter their first-fruits, or merriments to Bacchus; but an yearly disease exasperating Asia hath brought them hither, to make an end of their controversies and lawsuits.” 'Tis multitudo perdentium et pereuntium, a destructive rout that seek one another's ruin. Such most part are our ordinary suitors, termers, clients, new stirs every day, mistakes, errors, cavils, and at this present, as I have heard in some one court, I know not how many thousand causes: no person free, no title almost good, with such bitterness in following, so many slights, procrastinations, delays, forgery, such cost (for infinite sums are inconsiderately spent), violence and malice, I know not by whose fault, lawyers, clients, laws, both or all: but as Paul reprehended the 525Corinthians long since, I may more positively infer now: “There is a fault amongst you, and I speak it to your shame, Is there not a 526wise man amongst you, to judge between his brethren? but that a brother goes to law with a brother.” And 527Christ's counsel concerning lawsuits, was never so fit to be inculcated as in this age: 528“Agree with thine adversary quickly,” &c. Matth. v. 25.

I could repeat many such particular grievances, which must disturb a body politic. To shut up all in brief, where good government is, prudent and wise princes, there all things thrive and prosper, peace and happiness is in that land: where it is otherwise, all things are ugly to behold, incult, barbarous, uncivil, a paradise is turned to a wilderness. This island amongst the rest, our next neighbours the French and Germans, may be a sufficient witness, that in a short time by that prudent policy of the Romans, was brought from barbarism; see but what Caesar reports of us, and Tacitus of those old Germans, they were once as uncivil as they in Virginia, yet by planting of colonies and good laws, they became from barbarous outlaws, 529to be full of rich and populous cities, as now they are, and most flourishing kingdoms. Even so might Virginia, and those wild Irish have been civilised long since, if that order had been heretofore taken, which now begins, of planting colonies, &c. I have read a 530discourse, printed anno 1612. “Discovering the true causes why Ireland was never entirely subdued, or brought under obedience to the crown of England, until the beginning of his Majesty's happy reign.” Yet if his reasons were thoroughly scanned by a judicious politician, I am afraid he would not altogether be approved, but that it would turn to the dishonour of our nation, to suffer it to lie so long waste. Yea, and if some travellers should see (to come nearer home) those rich, united provinces of Holland, Zealand, &c., over against us; those neat cities and populous towns, full of most industrious artificers, 531so much land recovered from the sea, and so painfully preserved by those artificial inventions, so wonderfully approved, as that of Bemster in Holland, ut nihil huic par aut simile invenias in toto orbe, saith Bertius the geographer, all the world cannot match it, 532so many navigable channels from place to place, made by men's hands, &c. and on the other side so many thousand acres of our fens lie drowned, our cities thin, and those vile, poor, and ugly to behold in respect of theirs, our trades decayed, our still running rivers stopped, and that beneficial use of transportation, wholly neglected, so many havens void of ships and towns, so many parks and forests for pleasure, barren heaths, so many villages depopulated, &c. I think sure he would find some fault.

I may not deny but that this nation of ours, doth bene audire apud exteros, is a most noble, a most flourishing kingdom, by common consent of all 533geographers, historians, politicians, 'tis unica velut arx, 534and which Quintius in Livy said of the inhabitants of Peloponnesus, may be well applied to us, we are testudines testa sua inclusi, like so many tortoises in our shells, safely defended by an angry sea, as a wall on all sides. Our island hath many such honourable eulogiums; and as a learned countryman of ours right well hath it, 535“Ever since the Normans first coming into England, this country both for military matters, and all other of civility, hath been paralleled with the most flourishing kingdoms of Europe and our Christian world,” a blessed, a rich country, and one of the fortunate isles: and for some things 536preferred before other countries, for expert seamen, our laborious discoveries, art of navigation, true merchants, they carry the bell away from all other nations, even the Portugals and Hollanders themselves; 537“without all fear,” saith Boterus, “furrowing the ocean winter and summer, and two of their captains, with no less valour than fortune, have sailed round about the world.” 538 We have besides many particular blessings, which our neighbours want, the Gospel truly preached, church discipline established, long peace and quietness free from exactions, foreign fears, invasions, domestical seditions, well manured, 539fortified by art, and nature, and now most happy in that fortunate union of England and Scotland, which our forefathers have laboured to effect, and desired to see. But in which we excel all others, a wise, learned, religious king, another Numa, a second Augustus, a true Josiah; most worthy senators, a learned clergy, an obedient commonalty, &c. Yet amongst many roses, some thistles grow, some bad weeds and enormities, which much disturb the peace of this body politic, eclipse the honour and glory of it, fit to be rooted out, and with all speed to be reformed.

The first is idleness, by reason of which we have many swarms of rogues, and beggars, thieves, drunkards, and discontented persons (whom Lycurgus in Plutarch calls morbos reipublicae, the boils of the commonwealth), many poor people in all our towns. Civitates ignobiles, as 540Polydore calls them, base-built cities, inglorious, poor, small, rare in sight, ruinous, and thin of inhabitants. Our land is fertile we may not deny, full of all good things, and why doth it not then abound with cities, as well as Italy, France, Germany, the Low Countries? because their policy hath been otherwise, and we are not so thrifty, circumspect, industrious. Idleness is the malus genius of our nation. For as 541Boterus justly argues, fertility of a country is not enough, except art and industry be joined unto it, according to Aristotle, riches are either natural or artificial; natural are good land, fair mines, &c. artificial, are manufactures, coins, &c. Many kingdoms are fertile, but thin of inhabitants, as that Duchy of Piedmont in Italy, which Leander Albertus so much magnifies for corn, wine, fruits, &c., yet nothing near so populous as those which are more barren. 542“England,” saith he, “London only excepted, hath never a populous city, and yet a fruitful country.” I find 46 cities and walled towns in Alsatia, a small province in Germany, 50 castles, an infinite number of villages, no ground idle, no not rocky places, or tops of hills are untilled, as 543Munster informeth us. In 544Greichgea, a small territory on the Necker, 24 Italian miles over, I read of 20 walled towns, innumerable villages, each one containing 150 houses most part, besides castles and noblemen's palaces. I observe in 545Turinge in Dutchland (twelve miles over by their scale) 12 counties, and in them 144 cities, 2000 villages, 144 towns, 250 castles. In 546Bavaria 34 cities, 46 towns, &c. 547Portugallia interamnis, a small plot of ground, hath 1460 parishes, 130 monasteries, 200 bridges. Malta, a barren island, yields 20,000 inhabitants. But of all the rest, I admire Lues Guicciardine's relations of the Low Countries. Holland hath 26 cities, 400 great villages. Zealand 10 cities, 102 parishes. Brabant 26 cities, 102 parishes. Flanders 28 cities, 90 towns, 1154 villages, besides abbeys, castles, &c. The Low Countries generally have three cities at least for one of ours, and those far more populous and rich: and what is the cause, but their industry and excellency in all manner of trades? Their commerce, which is maintained by a multitude of tradesmen, so many excellent channels made by art and opportune havens, to which they build their cities; all which we have in like measure, or at least may have. But their chiefest loadstone which draws all manner of commerce and merchandise, which maintains their present estate, is not fertility of soil, but industry that enricheth them, the gold mines of Peru, or Nova Hispania may not compare with them. They have neither gold nor silver of their own, wine nor oil, or scarce any corn growing in those united provinces, little or no wood, tin, lead, iron, silk, wool, any stuff almost, or metal; and yet Hungary, Transylvania, that brag of their mines, fertile England cannot compare with them. I dare boldly say, that neither France, Tarentum, Apulia, Lombardy, or any part of Italy, Valentia in Spain, or that pleasant Andalusia, with their excellent fruits, wine and oil, two harvests, no not any part of Europe is so flourishing, so rich, so populous, so full of good ships, of well-built cities, so abounding with all things necessary for the use of man. 'Tis our Indies, an epitome of China, and all by reason of their industry, good policy, and commerce. Industry is a loadstone to draw all good things; that alone makes countries flourish, cities populous, 548and will enforce by reason of much manure, which necessarily follows, a barren soil to be fertile and good, as sheep, saith 549Dion, mend a bad pasture.

Tell me politicians, why is that fruitful Palestina, noble Greece, Egypt, Asia Minor, so much decayed, and (mere carcases now) fallen from that they were? The ground is the same, but the government is altered, the people are grown slothful, idle, their good husbandry, policy, and industry is decayed. Non fatigata aut effaeta, humus, as 550Columella well informs Sylvinus, sed nostra fit inertia, &c. May a man believe that which Aristotle in his politics, Pausanias, Stephanus, Sophianus, Gerbelius relate of old Greece? I find heretofore 70 cities in Epirus overthrown by Paulus Aemilius, a goodly province in times past, 551now left desolate of good towns and almost inhabitants. Sixty-two cities in Macedonia in Strabo's time. I find 30 in Laconia, but now scarce so many villages, saith Gerbelius. If any man from Mount Taygetus should view the country round about, and see tot delicias, tot urbes per Peloponesum dispersas, so many delicate and brave built cities with such cost and exquisite cunning, so neatly set out in Peloponnesus, 552he should perceive them now ruinous and overthrown, burnt, waste, desolate, and laid level with the ground. Incredibile dictu, &c. And as he laments, Quis talia fando Temperet a lachrymis? Quis tam durus aut ferreus, (so he prosecutes it). 553Who is he that can sufficiently condole and commiserate these ruins? Where are those 4000 cities of Egypt, those 100 cities in Crete? Are they now come to two? What saith Pliny and Aelian of old Italy? There were in former ages 1166 cities: Blondus and Machiavel, both grant them now nothing near so populous, and full of good towns as in the time of Augustus (for now Leander Albertus can find but 300 at most), and if we may give credit to 554Livy, not then so strong and puissant as of old: “They mustered 70 Legions in former times, which now the known world will scarce yield.” Alexander built 70 cities in a short space for his part, our sultans and Turks demolish twice as many, and leave all desolate. Many will not believe but that our island of Great Britain is now more populous than ever it was; yet let them read Bede, Leland and others, they shall find it most flourished in the Saxon Heptarchy, and in the Conqueror's time was far better inhabited, than at this present. See that Doomsday Book, and show me those thousands of parishes, which are now decayed, cities ruined, villages depopulated, &c. The lesser the territory is, commonly, the richer it is. Parvus sed bene cultus ager. As those Athenian, Lacedaemonian, Arcadian, Aelian, Sycionian, Messenian, &c. commonwealths of Greece make ample proof, as those imperial cities and free states of Germany may witness, those Cantons of Switzers, Rheti, Grisons, Walloons, Territories of Tuscany, Luke and Senes of old, Piedmont, Mantua, Venice in Italy, Ragusa, &c.

That prince therefore as, 555Boterus adviseth, that will have a rich country, and fair cities, let him get good trades, privileges, painful inhabitants, artificers, and suffer no rude matter unwrought, as tin, iron, wool, lead, &c., to be transported out of his country — 556a thing in part seriously attempted amongst us, but not effected. And because industry of men, and multitude of trade so much avails to the ornament and enriching of a kingdom; those ancient 557Massilians would admit no man into their city that had not some trade. Selym the first Turkish emperor procured a thousand good artificers to be brought from Tauris to Constantinople. The Polanders indented with Henry Duke of Anjou, their new chosen king, to bring with him an hundred families of artificers into Poland. James the first in Scotland (as 558Buchanan writes) sent for the best artificers he could get in Europe, and gave them great rewards to teach his subjects their several trades. Edward the Third, our most renowned king, to his eternal memory, brought clothing first into this island, transporting some families of artificers from Gaunt hither. How many goodly cities could I reckon up, that thrive wholly by trade, where thousands of inhabitants live singular well by their fingers' ends: As Florence in Italy by making cloth of gold; great Milan by silk, and all curious works; Arras in Artois by those fair hangings; many cities in Spain, many in France, Germany, have none other maintenance, especially those within the land. 559Mecca, in Arabia Petraea, stands in a most unfruitful country, that wants water, amongst the rocks (as Vertomannus describes it), and yet it is a most elegant and pleasant city, by reason of the traffic of the east and west. Ormus in Persia is a most famous mart-town, hath nought else but the opportunity of the haven to make it flourish. Corinth, a noble city (Lumen Greciae, Tully calls it) the Eye of Greece, by reason of Cenchreas and Lecheus, those excellent ports, drew all that traffic of the Ionian and Aegean seas to it; and yet the country about it was curva et superciliosa, as 560Strabo terms it, rugged and harsh. We may say the same of Athens, Actium, Thebes, Sparta, and most of those towns in Greece. Nuremberg in Germany is sited in a most barren soil, yet a noble imperial city, by the sole industry of artificers, and cunning trades, they draw the riches of most countries to them, so expert in manufactures, that as Sallust long since gave out of the like, Sedem animae in extremis digitis habent, their soul, or intellectus agens, was placed in their fingers' end; and so we may say of Basil, Spire, Cambray, Frankfurt, &c. It is almost incredible to speak what some write of Mexico and the cities adjoining to it, no place in the world at their first discovery more populous, 561Mat. Riccius, the Jesuit, and some others, relate of the industry of the Chinese most populous countries, not a beggar or an idle person to be seen, and how by that means they prosper and flourish. We have the same means, able bodies, pliant wits, matter of all sorts, wool, flax, iron, tin, lead, wood, &c., many excellent subjects to work upon, only industry is wanting. We send our best commodities beyond the seas, which they make good use of to their necessities, set themselves a work about, and severally improve, sending the same to us back at dear rates, or else make toys and baubles of the tails of them, which they sell to us again, at as great a reckoning as the whole. In most of our cities, some few excepted, like 562Spanish loiterers, we live wholly by tippling-inns and alehouses. Malting are their best ploughs, their greatest traffic to sell ale. 563Meteran and some others object to us, that we are no whit so industrious as the Hollanders: “Manual trades” (saith he) “which are more curious or troublesome, are wholly exercised by strangers: they dwell in a sea full of fish, but they are so idle, they will not catch so much as shall serve their own turns, but buy it of their neighbours.” Tush 564Mare liberum, they fish under our noses, and sell it to us when they have done, at their own prices.

——— Pudet haec opprobria nobis

Et dici potuisse, et non potuisse refelli.

I am ashamed to hear this objected by strangers, and know not how to answer it.

Amongst our towns, there is only 565London that bears the face of a city, 566Epitome Britanniae, a famous emporium, second to none beyond seas, a noble mart: but sola crescit, decrescentibus aliis; and yet, in my slender judgment, defective in many things. The rest (567some few excepted) are in mean estate, ruinous most part, poor, and full of beggars, by reason of their decayed trades, neglected or bad policy, idleness of their inhabitants, riot, which had rather beg or loiter, and be ready to starve, than work.

I cannot deny but that something may be said in defence of our cities, 568that they are not so fair built, (for the sole magnificence of this kingdom (concerning buildings) hath been of old in those Norman castles and religious houses,) so rich, thick sited, populous, as in some other countries; besides the reasons Cardan gives, Subtil. Lib. 11. we want wine and oil, their two harvests, we dwell in a colder air, and for that cause must a little more liberally 569feed of flesh, as all northern countries do: our provisions will not therefore extend to the maintenance of so many; yet notwithstanding we have matter of all sorts, an open sea for traffic, as well as the rest, goodly havens. And how can we excuse our negligence, our riot, drunkenness, &c., and such enormities that follow it? We have excellent laws enacted, you will say, severe statutes, houses of correction, &c., to small purpose it seems; it is not houses will serve, but cities of correction; 570our trades generally ought to be reformed, wants supplied. In other countries they have the same grievances, I confess, but that doth not excuse us, 571wants, defects, enormities, idle drones, tumults, discords, contention, lawsuits, many laws made against them to repress those innumerable brawls and lawsuits, excess in apparel, diet, decay of tillage, depopulations, 572especially against rogues, beggars, Egyptian vagabonds (so termed at least) which have 573 swarmed all over Germany, France, Italy, Poland, as you may read in 574 Munster, Cranzius, and Aventinus; as those Tartars and Arabians at this day do in the eastern countries: yet such has been the iniquity of all ages, as it seems to small purpose. Nemo in nostra civitate mendicus esto, 575 saith Plato: he will have them purged from a 576commonwealth, 577“as a bad humour from the body,” that are like so many ulcers and boils, and must be cured before the melancholy body can be eased.

What Carolus Magnus, the Chinese, the Spaniards, the duke of Saxony and many other states have decreed in this case, read Arniseus, cap. 19; Boterus, libro 8, cap. 2; Osorius de Rubus gest. Eman. lib. 11. When a country is overstocked with people, as a pasture is oft overlaid with cattle, they had wont in former times to disburden themselves, by sending out colonies, or by wars, as those old Romans; or by employing them at home about some public buildings, as bridges, roadways, for which those Romans were famous in this island; as Augustus Caesar did in Rome, the Spaniards in their Indian mines, as at Potosi in Peru, where some 30,000 men are still at work, 6000 furnaces ever boiling, &c. 578aqueducts, bridges, havens, those stupend works of Trajan, Claudius, at 579Ostium, Dioclesiani Therma, Fucinus Lacus, that Piraeum in Athens, made by Themistocles, ampitheatrums of curious marble, as at Verona, Civitas Philippi, and Heraclea in Thrace, those Appian and Flaminian ways, prodigious works all may witness; and rather than they should be 580idle, as those 581 Egyptian Pharaohs, Maris, and Sesostris did, to task their subjects to build unnecessary pyramids, obelisks, labyrinths, channels, lakes, gigantic works all, to divert them from rebellion, riot, drunkenness, 582Quo scilicet alantur et ne vagando laborare desuescant.

Another eyesore is that want of conduct and navigable rivers, a great blemish as 583Boterus, 584Hippolitus a Collibus, and other politicians hold, if it be neglected in a commonwealth. Admirable cost and charge is bestowed in the Low Countries on this behalf, in the duchy of Milan, territory of Padua, in 585France, Italy, China, and so likewise about corrivations of water to moisten and refresh barren grounds, to drain fens, bogs, and moors. Massinissa made many inward parts of Barbary and Numidia in Africa, before his time incult and horrid, fruitful and bartable by this means. Great industry is generally used all over the eastern countries in this kind, especially in Egypt, about Babylon and Damascus, as Vertomannus and 586Gotardus Arthus relate; about Barcelona, Segovia, Murcia, and many other places of Spain, Milan in Italy; by reason of which, their soil is much impoverished, and infinite commodities arise to the inhabitants.

The Turks of late attempted to cut that Isthmus betwixt Africa and Asia, which 587Sesostris and Darius, and some Pharaohs of Egypt had formerly undertaken, but with ill success, as 588Diodorus Siculus records, and Pliny, for that Red Sea being three 589cubits higher than Egypt, would have drowned all the country, caepto destiterant, they left off; yet as the same 590Diodorus writes, Ptolemy renewed the work many years after, and absolved in it a more opportune place.

That Isthmus of Corinth was likewise undertaken to be made navigable by Demetrius, by Julius Caesar, Nero, Domitian, Herodes Atticus, to make a speedy 591passage, and less dangerous, from the Ionian and Aegean seas; but because it could not be so well effected, the Peloponnesians built a wall like our Picts' wall about Schaenute, where Neptune's temple stood, and in the shortest cut over the Isthmus, of which Diodorus, lib. 11. Herodotus, lib. 8. Uran. Our latter writers call it Hexamilium, which Amurath the Turk demolished, the Venetians, anno 1453, repaired in 15 days with 30,000 men. Some, saith Acosta, would have a passage cut from Panama to Nombre de Dios in America; but Thuanus and Serres the French historians speak of a famous aqueduct in France, intended in Henry the Fourth's time, from the Loire to the Seine, and from Rhodanus to the Loire. The like to which was formerly assayed by Domitian the emperor, 592from Arar to Moselle, which Cornelius Tacitus speaks of in the 13 of his annals, after by Charles the Great and others. Much cost hath in former times been bestowed in either new making or mending channels of rivers, and their passages, (as Aurelianus did by Tiber to make it navigable to Rome, to convey corn from Egypt to the city, vadum alvei tumentis effodit saith Vopiscus, et Tiberis ripas extruxit he cut fords, made banks, &c.) decayed havens, which Claudius the emperor with infinite pains and charges attempted at Ostia, as I have said, the Venetians at this day to preserve their city; many excellent means to enrich their territories, have been fostered, invented in most provinces of Europe, as planting some Indian plants amongst us, silkworms, 593the very mulberry leaves in the plains of Granada yield 30,000 crowns per annum to the king of Spain's coffers, besides those many trades and artificers that are busied about them in the kingdom of Granada, Murcia, and all over Spain. In France a great benefit is raised by salt, &c., whether these things might not be as happily attempted with us, and with like success, it may be controverted, silkworms (I mean) vines, fir trees, &c. Cardan exhorts Edward the Sixth to plant olives, and is fully persuaded they would prosper in this island. With us, navigable rivers are most part neglected; our streams are not great, I confess, by reason of the narrowness of the island, yet they run smoothly and even, not headlong, swift, or amongst rocks and shelves, as foaming Rhodanus and Loire in France, Tigris in Mesopotamia, violent Durius in Spain, with cataracts and whirlpools, as the Rhine, and Danubius, about Shaffausen, Lausenburgh, Linz, and Cremmes, to endanger navigators; or broad shallow, as Neckar in the Palatinate, Tibris in Italy; but calm and fair as Arar in France, Hebrus in Macedonia, Eurotas in Laconia, they gently glide along, and might as well be repaired many of them (I mean Wye, Trent, Ouse, Thamisis at Oxford, the defect of which we feel in the mean time) as the river of Lee from Ware to London. B. Atwater of old, or as some will Henry I. 594made a channel from Trent to Lincoln, navigable; which now, saith Mr. Camden, is decayed, and much mention is made of anchors, and such like monuments found about old 595Verulamium, good ships have formerly come to Exeter, and many such places, whose channels, havens, ports are now barred and rejected. We contemn this benefit of carriage by waters, and are therefore compelled in the inner parts of this island, because portage is so dear, to eat up our commodities ourselves, and live like so many boars in a sty, for want of vent and utterance.

We have many excellent havens, royal havens, Falmouth, Portsmouth, Milford, &c. equivalent if not to be preferred to that Indian Havana, old Brundusium in Italy, Aulis in Greece, Ambracia in Acarnia, Suda in Crete, which have few ships in them, little or no traffic or trade, which have scarce a village on them, able to bear great cities, sed viderint politici. I could here justly tax many other neglects, abuses, errors, defects among us, and in other countries, depopulations, riot, drunkenness, &c. and many such, quae nunc in aurem susurrare, non libet. But I must take heed, ne quid gravius dicam, that I do not overshoot myself, Sus Minervam, I am forth of my element, as you peradventure suppose; and sometimes veritas odium parit, as he said, “verjuice and oatmeal is good for a parrot.” For as Lucian said of an historian, I say of a politician. He that will freely speak and write, must be for ever no subject, under no prince or law, but lay out the matter truly as it is, not caring what any can, will, like or dislike.

We have good laws, I deny not, to rectify such enormities, and so in all other countries, but it seems not always to good purpose. We had need of some general visitor in our age, that should reform what is amiss; a just army of Rosy-cross men, for they will amend all matters (they say) religion, policy, manners, with arts, sciences, &c. Another Attila, Tamerlane, Hercules, to strive with Achelous, Augeae stabulum purgare, to subdue tyrants, as 596he did Diomedes and Busiris: to expel thieves, as he did Cacus and Lacinius: to vindicate poor captives, as he did Hesione: to pass the torrid zone, the deserts of Libya, and purge the world of monsters and Centaurs: or another Theban Crates to reform our manners, to compose quarrels and controversies, as in his time he did, and was therefore adored for a god in Athens. “As Hercules 597purged the world of monsters, and subdued them, so did he fight against envy, lust, anger, avarice, &c. and all those feral vices and monsters of the mind.” It were to be wished we had some such visitor, or if wishing would serve, one had such a ring or rings, as Timolaus desired in 598Lucian, by virtue of which he should be as strong as 10,000 men, or an army of giants, go invisible, open gates and castle doors, have what treasure he would, transport himself in an instant to what place he desired, alter affections, cure all manner of diseases, that he might range over the world, and reform all distressed states and persons, as he would himself. He might reduce those wandering Tartars in order, that infest China on the one side, Muscovy, Poland, on the other; and tame the vagabond Arabians that rob and spoil those eastern countries, that they should never use more caravans, or janissaries to conduct them. He might root out barbarism out of America, and fully discover Terra Australis Incognita, find out the north-east and north-west passages, drain those mighty Maeotian fens, cut down those vast Hircinian woods, irrigate those barren Arabian deserts, &c. cure us of our epidemical diseases, scorbutum, plica, morbus Neapolitanus, &c. end all our idle controversies, cut off our tumultuous desires, inordinate lusts, root out atheism, impiety, heresy, schism and superstition, which now so crucify the world, catechise gross ignorance, purge Italy of luxury and riot, Spain of superstition and jealousy, Germany of drunkenness, all our northern country of gluttony and intemperance, castigate our hard-hearted parents, masters, tutors; lash disobedient children, negligent servants, correct these spendthrifts and prodigal sons, enforce idle persons to work, drive drunkards off the alehouse, repress thieves, visit corrupt and tyrannizing magistrates, &c. But as L. Licinius taxed Timolaus, you may us. These are vain, absurd and ridiculous wishes not to be hoped: all must be as it is, 599Bocchalinus may cite commonwealths to come before Apollo, and seek to reform the world itself by commissioners, but there is no remedy, it may not be redressed, desinent homines tum demum stultescere quando esse desinent, so long as they can wag their beards, they will play the knaves and fools.

Because, therefore, it is a thing so difficult, impossible, and far beyond Hercules labours to be performed; let them be rude, stupid, ignorant, incult, lapis super lapidem sedeat, and as the 600apologist will, resp. tussi, et graveolentia laboret, mundus vitio, let them be barbarous as they are, let them 601tyrannise, epicurise, oppress, luxuriate, consume themselves with factions, superstitions, lawsuits, wars and contentions, live in riot, poverty, want, misery; rebel, wallow as so many swine in their own dung, with Ulysses' companions, stultos jubeo esse libenter. I will yet, to satisfy and please myself, make an Utopia of mine own, a new Atlantis, a poetical commonwealth of mine own, in which I will freely domineer, build cities, make laws, statutes, as I list myself. And why may I not? — 602Pictoribus atque poetis, &c. You know what liberty poets ever had, and besides, my predecessor Democritus was a politician, a recorder of Abdera, a law maker as some say; and why may not I presume so much as he did? Howsoever I will adventure. For the site, if you will needs urge me to it, I am not fully resolved, it may be in Terra Australi Incognita, there is room enough (for of my knowledge neither that hungry Spaniard, 603nor Mercurius Britannicus, have yet discovered half of it) or else one of these floating islands in Mare del Zur, which like the Cyanian isles in the Euxine sea, alter their place, and are accessible only at set times, and to some few persons; or one of the fortunate isles, for who knows yet where, or which they are? there is room enough in the inner parts of America, and northern coasts of Asia. But I will choose a site, whose latitude shall be 45 degrees (I respect not minutes) in the midst of the temperate zone, or perhaps under the equator, that 604paradise of the world, ubi semper virens laurus, &c. where is a perpetual spring: the longitude for some reasons I will conceal. Yet “be it known to all men by these presents,” that if any honest gentleman will send in so much money, as Cardan allows an astrologer for casting a nativity, he shall be a sharer, I will acquaint him with my project, or if any worthy man will stand for any temporal or spiritual office or dignity, (for as he said of his archbishopric of Utopia, 'tis sanctus ambitus, and not amiss to be sought after,) it shall be freely given without all intercessions, bribes, letters, &c. his own worth shall be the best spokesman; and because we shall admit of no deputies or advowsons, if he be sufficiently qualified, and as able as willing to execute the place himself, be shall have present possession. It shall be divided into 12 or 13 provinces, and those by hills, rivers, roadways, or some more eminent limits exactly bounded. Each province shall have a metropolis, which shall be so placed as a centre almost in a circumference, and the rest at equal distances, some 12 Italian miles asunder, or thereabout, and in them shall be sold all things necessary for the use of man; statis horis et diebus, no market towns, markets or fairs, for they do but beggar cities (no village shall stand above 6, 7, or 8 miles from a city) except those emporiums which are by the sea side, general staples, marts, as Antwerp, Venice, Bergen of old, London, &c. cities most part shall be situated upon navigable rivers or lakes, creeks, havens; and for their form, regular, round, square, or long square, 605with fair, broad, and straight 606streets, houses uniform, built of brick and stone, like Bruges, Brussels, Rhegium Lepidi, Berne in Switzerland, Milan, Mantua, Crema, Cambalu in Tartary, described by M. Polus, or that Venetian Palma. I will admit very few or no suburbs, and those of baser building, walls only to keep out man and horse, except it be in some frontier towns, or by the sea side, and those to be fortified 607 after the latest manner of fortification, and situated upon convenient havens, or opportune places. In every so built city, I will have convenient churches, and separate places to bury the dead in, not in churchyards; a citadella (in some, not all) to command it, prisons for offenders, opportune market places of all sorts, for corn, meat, cattle, fuel, fish, commodious courts of justice, public halls for all societies, bourses, meeting places, armouries, 608in which shall be kept engines for quenching of fire, artillery gardens, public walks, theatres, and spacious fields allotted for all gymnastic sports, and honest recreations, hospitals of all kinds, for children, orphans, old folks, sick men, mad men, soldiers, pest-houses, &c. not built precario, or by gouty benefactors, who, when by fraud and rapine they have extorted all their lives, oppressed whole provinces, societies, &c. give something to pious uses, build a satisfactory alms-house, school or bridge, &c. at their last end, or before perhaps, which is no otherwise than to steal a goose, and stick down a feather, rob a thousand to relieve ten; and those hospitals so built and maintained, not by collections, benevolences, donaries, for a set number, (as in ours,) just so many and no more at such a rate, but for all those who stand in need, be they more or less, and that ex publico aerario, and so still maintained, non nobis solum nati sumus, &c. I will have conduits of sweet and good water, aptly disposed in each town, common 609 granaries, as at Dresden in Misnia, Stetein in Pomerland, Noremberg, &c. Colleges of mathematicians, musicians, and actors, as of old at Labedum in Ionia, 610alchemists, physicians, artists, and philosophers: that all arts and sciences may sooner be perfected and better learned; and public historiographers, as amongst those ancient 611Persians, qui in commentarios referebant quae memoratu digna gerebantur, informed and appointed by the state to register all famous acts, and not by each insufficient scribbler, partial or parasitical pedant, as in our times. I will provide public schools of all kinds, singing, dancing, fencing, &c. especially of grammar and languages, not to be taught by those tedious precepts ordinarily used, but by use, example, conversation, 612as travellers learn abroad, and nurses teach their children: as I will have all such places, so will I ordain 613public governors, fit officers to each place, treasurers, aediles, quaestors, overseers of pupils, widows' goods, and all public houses, &c. and those once a year to make strict accounts of all receipts, expenses, to avoid confusion, et sic fiet ut non absumant (as Pliny to Trajan,) quad pudeat dicere. They shall be subordinate to those higher officers and governors of each city, which shall not be poor tradesmen, and mean artificers, but noblemen and gentlemen, which shall be tied to residence in those towns they dwell next, at such set times and seasons: for I see no reason (which 614Hippolitus complains of) “that it should be more dishonourable for noblemen to govern the city than the country, or unseemly to dwell there now, than of old.” 615I will have no bogs, fens, marshes, vast woods, deserts, heaths, commons, but all enclosed; (yet not depopulated, and therefore take heed you mistake me not) for that which is common, and every man's, is no man's; the richest countries are still enclosed, as Essex, Kent, with us, &c. Spain, Italy; and where enclosures are least in quantity, they are best 616husbanded, as about Florence in Italy, Damascus in Syria, &c. which are liker gardens than fields. I will not have a barren acre in all my territories, not so much as the tops of mountains: where nature fails, it shall be supplied by art: 617lakes and rivers shall not be left desolate. All common highways, bridges, banks, corrivations of waters, aqueducts, channels, public works, buildings, &c. out of a 618common stock, curiously maintained and kept in repair; no depopulations, engrossings, alterations of wood, arable, but by the consent of some supervisors that shall be appointed for that purpose, to see what reformation ought to be had in all places, what is amiss, how to help it, et quid quaeque ferat regio, et quid quaeque recuset, what ground is aptest for wood, what for corn, what for cattle, gardens, orchards, fishponds, &c. with a charitable division in every village, (not one domineering house greedily to swallow up all, which is too common with us) what for lords, 619what for tenants; and because they shall be better encouraged to improve such lands they hold, manure, plant trees, drain, fence, &c. they shall have long leases, a known rent, and known fine to free them from those intolerable exactions of tyrannizing landlords. These supervisors shall likewise appoint what quantity of land in each manor is fit for the lord's demesnes, 620what for holding of tenants, how it ought to be husbanded, ut 621magnetis equis, Minyae gens cognita remis, how to be manured, tilled, rectified, 622hic segetes veniunt, illic felicius uvae, arborei foetus alibi, atque injussa virescunt Gramina, and what proportion is fit for all callings, because private professors are many times idiots, ill husbands, oppressors, covetous, and know not how to improve their own, or else wholly respect their own, and not public good.

Utopian parity is a kind of government, to be wished for, 623rather than effected, Respub. Christianopolitana, Campanella's city of the Sun, and that new Atlantis, witty fictions, but mere chimeras; and Plato's community in many things is impious, absurd and ridiculous, it takes away all splendour and magnificence. I will have several orders, degrees of nobility, and those hereditary, not rejecting younger brothers in the mean time, for they shall be sufficiently provided for by pensions, or so qualified, brought up in some honest calling, they shall be able to live of themselves. I will have such a proportion of ground belonging to every barony, he that buys the land shall buy the barony, he that by riot consumes his patrimony, and ancient demesnes, shall forfeit his honours. 624As some dignities shall be hereditary, so some again by election, or by gift (besides free officers, pensions, annuities,) like our bishoprics, prebends, the Bassa's palaces in Turkey, the 625procurator's houses and offices in Venice, which, like the golden apple, shall be given to the worthiest, and best deserving both in war and peace, as a reward of their worth and good service, as so many goals for all to aim at, (honos alit artes) and encouragements to others. For I hate these severe, unnatural, harsh, German, French, and Venetian decrees, which exclude plebeians from honours, be they never so wise, rich, virtuous, valiant, and well qualified, they must not be patricians, but keep their own rank, this is naturae bellum inferre, odious to God and men, I abhor it. My form of government shall be monarchical.

626nunquam libertas gratior extat,

Quam sub Rege pio, &c.

few laws, but those severely kept, plainly put down, and in the mother tongue, that every man may understand. Every city shall have a peculiar trade or privilege, by which it shall be chiefly maintained: 627and parents shall teach their children one of three at least, bring up and instruct them in the mysteries of their own trade. In each town these several tradesmen shall be so aptly disposed, as they shall free the rest from danger or offence: fire-trades, as smiths, forge-men, brewers, bakers, metal-men, &c., shall dwell apart by themselves: dyers, tanners, fellmongers, and such as use water in convenient places by themselves: noisome or fulsome for bad smells, as butchers' slaughterhouses, chandlers, curriers, in remote places, and some back lanes. Fraternities and companies, I approve of, as merchants' bourses, colleges of druggists, physicians, musicians, &c., but all trades to be rated in the sale of wares, as our clerks of the market do bakers and brewers; corn itself, what scarcity soever shall come, not to extend such a price. Of such wares as are transported or brought in, 628if they be necessary, commodious, and such as nearly concern man's life, as corn, wood, coal, &c., and such provision we cannot want, I will have little or no custom paid, no taxes; but for such things as are for pleasure, delight, or ornament, as wine, spice, tobacco, silk, velvet, cloth of gold, lace, jewels, &c., a greater impost. I will have certain ships sent out for new discoveries every year, 629and some discreet men appointed to travel into all neighbouring kingdoms by land, which shall observe what artificial inventions and good laws are in other countries, customs, alterations, or aught else, concerning war or peace, which may tend to the common good. Ecclesiastical discipline, penes Episcopos, subordinate as the other. No impropriations, no lay patrons of church livings, or one private man, but common societies, corporations, &c., and those rectors of benefices to be chosen out of the Universities, examined and approved, as the literati in China. No parish to contain above a thousand auditors. If it were possible, I would have such priest as should imitate Christ, charitable lawyers should love their neighbours as themselves, temperate and modest physicians, politicians contemn the world, philosophers should know themselves, noblemen live honestly, tradesmen leave lying and cozening, magistrates corruption, &c., but this is impossible, I must get such as I may. I will therefore have 630of lawyers, judges, advocates, physicians, chirurgeons, &c., a set number, 631and every man, if it be possible, to plead his own cause, to tell that tale to the judge which he doth to his advocate, as at Fez in Africa, Bantam, Aleppo, Ragusa, suam quisque causam dicere tenetur. Those advocates, chirurgeons, and 632physicians, which are allowed to be maintained out of the 633common treasury, no fees to be given or taken upon pain of losing their places; or if they do, very small fees, and when the 634cause is fully ended. 635He that sues any man shall put in a pledge, which if it be proved he hath wrongfully sued his adversary, rashly or maliciously, he shall forfeit, and lose. Or else before any suit begin, the plaintiff shall have his complaint approved by a set delegacy to that purpose; if it be of moment he shall be suffered as before, to proceed, if otherwise they shall determine it. All causes shall be pleaded suppresso nomine, the parties' names concealed, if some circumstances do not otherwise require. Judges and other officers shall be aptly disposed in each province, villages, cities, as common arbitrators to hear causes, and end all controversies, and those not single, but three at least on the bench at once, to determine or give sentence, and those again to sit by turns or lots, and not to continue still in the same office. No controversy to depend above a year, but without all delays and further appeals to be speedily despatched, and finally concluded in that time allotted. These and all other inferior magistrates to be chosen 636as the literati in China, or by those exact suffrages of the 637Venetians, and such again not to be eligible, or capable of magistracies, honours, offices, except they be sufficiently 638qualified for learning, manners, and that by the strict approbation of deputed examiners: 639first scholars to take place, then soldiers; for I am of Vigetius his opinion, a scholar deserves better than a soldier, because Unius aetatis sunt quae fortiter fiunt, quae vero pro utilitate Reipub. scribuntur, aeterna: a soldier's work lasts for an age, a scholar's for ever. If they 640misbehave themselves, they shall be deposed, and accordingly punished, and whether their offices be annual 641or otherwise, once a year they shall be called in question, and give an account; for men are partial and passionate, merciless, covetous, corrupt, subject to love, hate, fear, favour, &c., omne sub regno graviore regnum: like Solon's Areopagites, or those Roman Censors, some shall visit others, and 642be visited invicem themselves, 643 they shall oversee that no prowling officer, under colour of authority, shall insult over his inferiors, as so many wild beasts, oppress, domineer, flea, grind, or trample on, be partial or corrupt, but that there be aequabile jus, justice equally done, live as friends and brethren together; and which 644Sesellius would have and so much desires in his kingdom of France, “a diapason and sweet harmony of kings, princes, nobles, and plebeians so mutually tied and involved in love, as well as laws and authority, as that they never disagree, insult, or encroach one upon another.” If any man deserve well in his office he shall be rewarded.

——— quis enim virtutem amplectitur ipsam,

Proemia si tollas? ——— 645

He that invents anything for public good in any art or science, writes a treatise, 646or performs any noble exploit, at home or abroad, 647 shall be accordingly enriched, 648honoured, and preferred. I say with Hannibal in Ennius, Hostem qui feriet erit mihi Carthaginensis, let him be of what condition he will, in all offices, actions, he that deserves best shall have best.

Tilianus in Philonius, out of a charitable mind no doubt, wished all his books were gold and silver, jewels and precious stones, 649to redeem captives, set free prisoners, and relieve all poor distressed souls that wanted means; religiously done. I deny not, but to what purpose? Suppose this were so well done, within a little after, though a man had Croesus' wealth to bestow, there would be as many more. Wherefore I will suffer no 650beggars, rogues, vagabonds, or idle persons at all, that cannot give an account of their lives how they 651maintain themselves. If they be impotent, lame, blind, and single, they shall be sufficiently maintained in several hospitals, built for that purpose; if married and infirm, past work, or by inevitable loss, or some such like misfortune cast behind, by distribution of 652corn, house-rent free, annual pensions or money, they shall be relieved, and highly rewarded for their good service they have formerly done; if able, they shall be enforced to work. 653“For I see no reason” (as 654he said) “why an epicure or idle drone, a rich glutton, a usurer, should live at ease, and do nothing, live in honour, in all manner of pleasures, and oppress others, when as in the meantime a poor labourer, a smith, a carpenter, an husbandman that hath spent his time in continual labour, as an ass to carry burdens, to do the commonwealth good, and without whom we cannot live, shall be left in his old age to beg or starve, and lead a miserable life worse than a jument.” As 655all conditions shall be tied to their task, so none shall be overtired, but have their set times of recreations and holidays, indulgere genio, feasts and merry meetings, even to the meanest artificer, or basest servant, once a week to sing or dance, (though not all at once) or do whatsoever he shall please; like 656that Saccarum festum amongst the Persians, those Saturnals in Rome, as well as his master. 657If any be drunk, he shall drink no more wine or strong drink in a twelvemonth after. A bankrupt shall be 658 Catademiatus in Amphitheatro, publicly shamed, and he that cannot pay his debts, if by riot or negligence he have been impoverished, shall be for a twelvemonth imprisoned, if in that space his creditors be not satisfied, 659he shall be hanged. He 660that commits sacrilege shall lose his hands; he that bears false witness, or is of perjury convicted, shall have his tongue cut out, except he redeem it with his head. Murder, 661 adultery, shall be punished by death, 662but not theft, except it be some more grievous offence, or notorious offenders: otherwise they shall be condemned to the galleys, mines, be his slaves whom they have offended, during their lives. I hate all hereditary slaves, and that duram Persarum legem as 663Brisonius calls it; or as 664Ammianus, impendio formidatas et abominandas leges, per quas ob noxam unius, omnis propinquitas perit hard law that wife and children, friends and allies, should suffer for the father's offence.

No man shall marry until he 665be 25, no woman till she be 20, 666 nisi alitur dispensatum fuerit. If one 667die, the other party shall not marry till six months after; and because many families are compelled to live niggardly, exhaust and undone by great dowers, 668none shall be given at all, or very little, and that by supervisors rated, they that are foul shall have a greater portion; if fair, none at all, or very little: 669howsoever not to exceed such a rate as those supervisors shall think fit. And when once they come to those years, poverty shall hinder no man from marriage, or any other respect, 670but all shall be rather enforced than hindered, 671except they be 672dismembered, or grievously deformed, infirm, or visited with some enormous hereditary disease, in body or mind; in such cases upon a great pain, or mulct, 673man or woman shall not marry, other order shall be taken for them to their content. If people overabound, they shall be eased by 674colonies.

675No man shall wear weapons in any city. The same attire shall be kept, and that proper to several callings, by which they shall be distinguished. 676Luxus funerum shall be taken away, that intempestive expense moderated, and many others. Brokers, takers of pawns, biting usurers, I will not admit; yet because hic cum hominibus non cum diis agitur, we converse here with men, not with gods, and for the hardness of men's hearts I will tolerate some kind of usury.677If we were honest, I confess, si probi essemus, we should have no use of it, but being as it is, we must necessarily admit it. Howsoever most divines contradict it, dicimus inficias, sed vox ea sola reperta est, it must be winked at by politicians. And yet some great doctors approve of it, Calvin, Bucer, Zanchius, P. Martyr, because by so many grand lawyers, decrees of emperors, princes' statutes, customs of commonwealths, churches' approbations it is permitted, &c. I will therefore allow it. But to no private persons, nor to every man that will, to orphans only, maids, widows, or such as by reason of their age, sex, education, ignorance of trading, know not otherwise how to employ it; and those so approved, not to let it out apart, but to bring their money to a 678common bank which shall be allowed in every city, as in Genoa, Geneva, Nuremberg, Venice, at 6795, 6, 7, not above 8 per centum, as the supervisors, or aerarii praefecti shall think fit. 680And as it shall not be lawful for each man to be an usurer that will, so shall it not be lawful for all to take up money at use, not to prodigals and spendthrifts, but to merchants, young tradesmen, such as stand in need, or know honestly how to employ it, whose necessity, cause and condition the said supervisors shall approve of.

I will have no private monopolies, to enrich one man, and beggar a multitude, 681multiplicity of offices, of supplying by deputies, weights and measures, the same throughout, and those rectified by the Primum mobile and sun's motion, threescore miles to a degree according to observation, 1000 geometrical paces to a mile, five foot to a pace, twelve inches to a foot, &c. and from measures known it is an easy matter to rectify weights, &c. to cast up all, and resolve bodies by algebra, stereometry. I hate wars if they be not ad populi salutem upon urgent occasion, 682odimus accipitrim, quia semper vivit in armis 683 offensive wars, except the cause be very just, I will not allow of. For I do highly magnify that saying of Hannibal to Scipio, in 684Livy, “It had been a blessed thing for you and us, if God had given that mind to our predecessors, that you had been content with Italy, we with Africa. For neither Sicily nor Sardinia are worth such cost and pains, so many fleets and armies, or so many famous Captains' lives.” Omnia prius tentanda, fair means shall first be tried. 685Peragit tranquilla potestas, Quod violenta nequit. I will have them proceed with all moderation: but hear you, Fabius my general, not Minutius, nam 686qui Consilio nititur plus hostibus nocet, quam qui sini animi ratione, viribus: And in such wars to abstain as much as is possible from 687depopulations, burning of towns, massacring of infants, &c. For defensive wars, I will have forces still ready at a small warning, by land and sea, a prepared navy, soldiers in procinctu, et quam 688Bonfinius apud Hungaros suos vult, virgam ferream, and money, which is nerves belli, still in a readiness, and a sufficient revenue, a third part as in old 689Rome and Egypt, reserved for the commonwealth; to avoid those heavy taxes and impositions, as well to defray this charge of wars, as also all other public defalcations, expenses, fees, pensions, reparations, chaste sports, feasts, donaries, rewards, and entertainments. All things in this nature especially I will have maturely done, and with great 690deliberation: ne quid 691 temere, ne quid remisse ac timide fiat; Sid quo feror hospes? To prosecute the rest would require a volume. Manum de tabella, I have been over tedious in this subject; I could have here willingly ranged, but these straits wherein I am included will not permit.

From commonwealths and cities, I will descend to families, which have as many corsives and molestations, as frequent discontents as the rest. Great affinity there is betwixt a political and economical body; they differ only in magnitude and proportion of business (so Scaliger 692writes) as they have both likely the same period, as 693Bodin and 694Peucer hold, out of Plato, six or seven hundred years, so many times they have the same means of their vexation and overthrows; as namely, riot, a common ruin of both, riot in building, riot in profuse spending, riot in apparel, &c. be it in what kind soever, it produceth the same effects. A 695chorographer of ours speaking obiter of ancient families, why they are so frequent in the north, continue so long, are so soon extinguished in the south, and so few, gives no other reason but this, luxus omnia dissipavit, riot hath consumed all, fine clothes and curious buildings came into this island, as he notes in his annals, not so many years since; non sine dispendio hospitalitatis to the decay of hospitality. Howbeit many times that word is mistaken, and under the name of bounty and hospitality, is shrouded riot and prodigality, and that which is commendable in itself well used, hath been mistaken heretofore, is become by his abuse, the bane and utter ruin of many a noble family. For some men live like the rich glutton, consuming themselves and their substance by continual feasting and invitations, with 696Axilon in Homer, keep open house for all comers, giving entertainment to such as visit them, 697keeping a table beyond their means, and a company of idle servants (though not so frequent as of old) are blown up on a sudden; and as Actaeon was by his hounds, devoured by their kinsmen, friends, and multitude of followers. 698It is a wonder that Paulus Jovius relates of our northern countries, what an infinite deal of meat we consume on our tables; that I may truly say, 'tis not bounty, not hospitality, as it is often abused, but riot and excess, gluttony and prodigality; a mere vice; it brings in debt, want, and beggary, hereditary diseases, consumes their fortunes, and overthrows the good temperature of their bodies. To this I might here well add their inordinate expense in building, those fantastical houses, turrets, walks, parks, &c. gaming, excess of pleasure, and that prodigious riot in apparel, by which means they are compelled to break up house, and creep into holes. Sesellius in his commonwealth of 699France, gives three reasons why the French nobility were so frequently bankrupts: “First, because they had so many lawsuits and contentions one upon another, which were tedious and costly; by which means it came to pass, that commonly lawyers bought them out of their possessions. A second cause was their riot, they lived beyond their means, and were therefore swallowed up by merchants.” (La Nove, a French writer, yields five reasons of his countrymen's poverty, to the same effect almost, and thinks verily if the gentry of France were divided into ten parts, eight of them would be found much impaired, by sales, mortgages, and debts, or wholly sunk in their estates.) “The last was immoderate excess in apparel, which consumed their revenues.” How this concerns and agrees with our present state, look you. But of this elsewhere. As it is in a man's body, if either head, heart, stomach, liver, spleen, or any one part be misaffected, all the rest suffer with it: so is it with this economical body. If the head be naught, a spendthrift, a drunkard, a whoremaster, a gamester, how shall the family live at ease? 700Ipsa si cupiat solus servare, prorsus, non potest hanc familiam, as Demea said in the comedy, Safety herself cannot save it. A good, honest, painful man many times hath a shrew to his wife, a sickly, dishonest, slothful, foolish, careless woman to his mate, a proud, peevish flirt, a liquorish, prodigal quean, and by that means all goes to ruin: or if they differ in nature, he is thrifty, she spends all, he wise, she sottish and soft; what agreement can there be? what friendship? Like that of the thrush and swallow in Aesop, instead of mutual love, kind compellations, whore and thief is heard, they fling stools at one another's heads. 701Quae intemperies vexat hanc familiam? All enforced marriages commonly produce such effects, or if on their behalves it be well, as to live and agree lovingly together, they may have disobedient and unruly children, that take ill courses to disquiet them, 702“their son is a thief, a spendthrift, their daughter a whore;” a step 703mother, or a daughter-in-law distempers all; 704or else for want of means, many torturers arise, debts, dues, fees, dowries, jointures, legacies to be paid, annuities issuing out, by means of which, they have not wherewithal to maintain themselves in that pomp as their predecessors have done, bring up or bestow their children to their callings, to their birth and quality, 705and will not descend to their present fortunes. Oftentimes, too, to aggravate the rest, concur many other inconveniences, unthankful friends, decayed friends, bad neighbours, negligent servants 706servi furaces, Versipelles, callidi, occlusa sibi mille clavibus reserant, furtimque; raptant, consumunt, liguriunt; casualties, taxes, mulcts, chargeable offices, vain expenses, entertainments, loss of stock, enmities, emulations, frequent invitations, losses, suretyship, sickness, death of friends, and that which is the gulf of all, improvidence, ill husbandry, disorder and confusion, by which means they are drenched on a sudden in their estates, and at unawares precipitated insensibly into an inextricable labyrinth of debts, cares, woes, want, grief, discontent and melancholy itself.

I have done with families, and will now briefly run over some few sorts and conditions of men. The most secure, happy, jovial, and merry in the world's esteem are princes and great men, free from melancholy: but for their cares, miseries, suspicions, jealousies, discontents, folly and madness, I refer you to Xenophon's Tyrannus, where king Hieron discourseth at large with Simonides the poet, of this subject. Of all others they are most troubled with perpetual fears, anxieties, insomuch, that as he said in 707Valerius, if thou knewest with what cares and miseries this robe were stuffed, thou wouldst not stoop to take it up. Or put case they be secure and free from fears and discontents, yet they are void 708of reason too oft, and precipitate in their actions, read all our histories, quos de stultis prodidere stulti, Iliades, Aeneides, Annales, and what is the subject?

Stultorum regum, et populorum continet aestus.

The giddy tumults and the foolish rage

Of kings and people.

How mad they are, how furious, and upon small occasions, rash and inconsiderate in their proceedings, how they dote, every page almost will witness,

——— delirant reges, plectuntur Achivi.

When doting monarchs urge

Unsound resolves, their subjects feel the scourge.

Next in place, next in miseries and discontents, in all manner of hair-brain actions, are great men, procul a Jove, procul a fulmine, the nearer the worse. If they live in court, they are up and down, ebb and flow with their princes' favours, Ingenium vultu statque caditque suo, now aloft, tomorrow down, as 709Polybius describes them, “like so many casting counters, now of gold, tomorrow of silver, that vary in worth as the computant will; now they stand for units, tomorrow for thousands; now before all, and anon behind.” Beside, they torment one another with mutual factions, emulations: one is ambitious, another enamoured, a third in debt, a prodigal, overruns his fortunes, a fourth solicitous with cares, gets nothing, &c. But for these men's discontents, anxieties, I refer you to Lucian's Tract, de mercede conductis, 710Aeneas Sylvius (libidinis et stultitiae servos, he calls them), Agrippa, and many others.

Of philosophers and scholars priscae sapientiae dictatores, I have already spoken in general terms, those superintendents of wit and learning, men above men, those refined men, minions of the muses,

711 ——— mentemque habere queis bonam

Et esse 712corculis datum est. ——— 713

These acute and subtle sophisters, so much honoured, have as much need of hellebore as others. — 714O medici mediam pertundite venam. Read Lucian's Piscator, and tell how he esteemed them; Agrippa's Tract of the vanity of Sciences; nay read their own works, their absurd tenets, prodigious paradoxes, et risum teneatis amici? You shall find that of Aristotle true, nullum magnum ingenium sine mixtura dementiae, they have a worm as well as others; you shall find a fantastical strain, a fustian, a bombast, a vainglorious humour, an affected style, &c., like a prominent thread in an uneven woven cloth, run parallel throughout their works. And they that teach wisdom, patience, meekness, are the veriest dizzards, harebrains, and most discontent. 715“In the multitude of wisdom is grief, and he that increaseth wisdom, increaseth sorrow.” I need not quote mine author; they that laugh and contemn others, condemn the world of folly, deserve to be mocked, are as giddy-headed, and lie as open as any other. 716Democritus, that common flouter of folly, was ridiculous himself, barking Menippus, scoffing Lucian, satirical Lucilius, Petronius, Varro, Persius, &c., may be censured with the rest, Loripedem rectus derideat, Aethiopem albus. Bale, Erasmus, Hospinian, Vives, Kemnisius, explode as a vast ocean of obs and sols, school divinity. 717A labyrinth of intricable questions, unprofitable contentions, incredibilem delirationem, one calls it. If school divinity be so censured, subtilis 718Scotus lima veritatis, Occam irrefragabilis, cujus ingenium vetera omnia ingenia subvertit, &c. Baconthrope, Dr. Resolutus, and Corculum Theolgiae, Thomas himself, Doctor 719Seraphicus, cui dictavit Angelus, &c. What shall become of humanity? Ars stulta, what can she plead? what can her followers say for themselves? Much learning, 720 cere-diminuit-brum, hath cracked their sconce, and taken such root, that tribus Anticyris caput insanabile, hellebore itself can do no good, nor that renowned 721lantern of Epictetus, by which if any man studied, he should be as wise as he was. But all will not serve; rhetoricians, in ostentationem loquacitatis multa agitant, out of their volubility of tongue, will talk much to no purpose, orators can persuade other men what they will, quo volunt, unde volunt, move, pacify, &c., but cannot settle their own brains, what saith Tully? Malo indisertam prudentiam, quam loquacem, stultitiam; and as 722Seneca seconds him, a wise man's oration should not be polite or solicitous. 723Fabius esteems no better of most of them, either in speech, action, gesture, than as men beside themselves, insanos declamatores; so doth Gregory, Non mihi sapit qui sermone, sed qui factis sapit. Make the best of him, a good orator is a turncoat, an evil man, bonus orator pessimus vir, his tongue is set to sale, he is a mere voice, as 724he said of a nightingale, dat sine mente sonum, an hyperbolical liar, a flatterer, a parasite, and as 725 Ammianus Marcellinus will, a corrupting cozener, one that doth more mischief by his fair speeches, than he that bribes by money; for a man may with more facility avoid him that circumvents by money, than him that deceives with glozing terms; which made 726Socrates so much abhor and explode them. 727Fracastorius, a famous poet, freely grants all poets to be mad; so doth 728Scaliger; and who doth not? Aut insanit homo, aut versus facit (He's mad or making verses), Hor. Sat. vii. l. 2. Insanire lubet, i. versus componere. Virg. 3 Ecl.; so Servius interprets it, all poets are mad, a company of bitter satirists, detractors, or else parasitical applauders: and what is poetry itself, but as Austin holds, Vinum erroris ab ebriis doctoribus propinatum? You may give that censure of them in general, which Sir Thomas More once did of Germanus Brixius' poems in particular.

——— vehuntur

In rate stultitiae sylvam habitant Furiae.729

Budaeus, in an epistle of his to Lupsetus, will have civil law to be the tower of wisdom; another honours physic, the quintessence of nature; a third tumbles them both down, and sets up the flag of his own peculiar science. Your supercilious critics, grammatical triflers, note-makers, curious antiquaries, find out all the ruins of wit, ineptiarum delicias, amongst the rubbish of old writers; 730Pro stultis habent nisi aliquid sufficiant invenire, quod in aliorum scriptis vertant vitio, all fools with them that cannot find fault; they correct others, and are hot in a cold cause, puzzle themselves to find out how many streets in Rome, houses, gates, towers, Homer's country, Aeneas's mother, Niobe's daughters, an Sappho publica fuerit? ovum 731prius extiterit an gallina! &c. et alia quae dediscenda essent scire, si scires, as 732Seneca holds. What clothes the senators did wear in Rome, what shoes, how they sat, where they went to the close-stool, how many dishes in a mess, what sauce, which for the present for an historian to relate, 733according to Lodovic. Vives, is very ridiculous, is to them most precious elaborate stuff, they admired for it, and as proud, as triumphant in the meantime for this discovery, as if they had won a city, or conquered a province; as rich as if they had found a mine of gold ore. Quosvis auctores absurdis commentis suis percacant et stercorant, one saith, they bewray and daub a company of books and good authors, with their absurd comments, correctorum sterquilinia 734Scaliger calls them, and show their wit in censuring others, a company of foolish note-makers, humble-bees, dors, or beetles, inter stercora ut plurimum versantur, they rake over all those rubbish and dunghills, and prefer a manuscript many times before the Gospel itself, 735thesaurum criticum, before any treasure, and with their deleaturs, alii legunt sic, meus codex sic habet, with their postremae editiones, annotations, castigations, &c. make books dear, themselves ridiculous, and do nobody good, yet if any man dare oppose or contradict, they are mad, up in arms on a sudden, how many sheets are written in defence, how bitter invectives, what apologies? 736Epiphilledes hae sunt ut merae, nugae. But I dare say no more of, for, with, or against them, because I am liable to their lash as well as others. Of these and the rest of our artists and philosophers, I will generally conclude they are a kind of madmen, as 737 Seneca esteems of them, to make doubts and scruples, how to read them truly, to mend old authors, but will not mend their own lives, or teach us ingevia sanare, memoriam officiorum ingerere, ac fidem in rebus humanis retinere, to keep our wits in order, or rectify our manners. Numquid tibi demens videtur, si istis operam impenderit? Is not he mad that draws lines with Archimedes, whilst his house is ransacked, and his city besieged, when the whole world is in combustion, or we whilst our souls are in danger, (mors sequitur, vita fugit) to spend our time in toys, idle questions, and things of no worth?

That 738lovers are mad, I think no man will deny, Amare simul et sapere, ipsi Jovi non datur, Jupiter himself cannot intend both at once.

739Non bene conveniunt, nec in una sede morantur

Majestas et amor.

Tully, when he was invited to a second marriage, replied, he could not simul amare et sapere be wise and love both together. 740Est orcus ille, vis est immedicabilis, est rabies insana, love is madness, a hell, an incurable disease; inpotentem et insanam libidinem 741Seneca calls it, an impotent and raging lust. I shall dilate this subject apart; in the meantime let lovers sigh out the rest.

742Nevisanus the lawyer holds it for an axiom, “most women are fools,” 743consilium foeminis invalidum; Seneca, men, be they young or old; who doubts it, youth is mad as Elius in Tully, Stulti adolescentuli, old age little better, deleri senes, &c. Theophrastes, in the 107th year of his age, 744said he then began to be to wise, tum sapere coepit, and therefore lamented his departure. If wisdom come so late, where shall we find a wise man? Our old ones dote at threescore-and-ten. I would cite more proofs, and a better author, but for the present, let one fool point at another. 745Nevisanus hath as hard an opinion of 746rich men, “wealth and wisdom cannot dwell together,” stultitiam patiuntur opes, 747and they do commonly 748infatuare cor hominis, besot men; and as we see it, “fools have fortune:” 749Sapientia non invenitur in terra suaviter viventium. For beside a natural contempt of learning, which accompanies such kind of men, innate idleness (for they will take no pains), and which 750Aristotle observes, ubi mens plurima, ibi minima fortuna, ubi plurima fortuna, ibi mens perexigua, great wealth and little wit go commonly together: they have as much brains some of them in their heads as in their heels; besides this inbred neglect of liberal sciences, and all arts, which should excolere mentem, polish the mind, they have most part some gullish humour or other, by which they are led; one is an Epicure, an Atheist, a second a gamester, a third a whoremaster (fit subjects all for a satirist to work upon);

751Hic nuptarum insanit amoribus, hic puerorum.

One burns to madness for the wedded dame;

Unnatural lusts another's heart inflame. 752

one is mad of hawking, hunting, cocking; another of carousing, horse-riding, spending; a fourth of building, fighting, &c., Insanit veteres statuas Damasippus emendo, Damasippus hath an humour of his own, to be talked of: 753Heliodorus the Carthaginian another. In a word, as Scaliger concludes of them all, they are Statuae erectae stultitiae, the very statutes or pillars of folly. Choose out of all stories him that hath been most admired, you shall still find, multa ad laudem, multa ad vituperationem magnifica, as 754Berosus of Semiramis; omnes mortales militia triumphis, divitiis, &c., tum et luxu, caede, caeterisque vitiis antecessit, as she had some good, so had she many bad parts.

Alexander, a worthy man, but furious in his anger, overtaken in drink: Caesar and Scipio valiant and wise, but vainglorious, ambitious: Vespasian a worthy prince, but covetous: 755Hannibal, as he had mighty virtues, so had he many vices; unam virtutem mille vitia comitantur, as Machiavel of Cosmo de Medici, he had two distinct persons in him. I will determine of them all, they are like these double or turning pictures; stand before which you see a fair maid, on the one side an ape, on the other an owl; look upon them at the first sight, all is well, but farther examine, you shall find them wise on the one side, and fools on the other; in some few things praiseworthy, in the rest incomparably faulty. I will say nothing of their diseases, emulations, discontents, wants, and such miseries: let poverty plead the rest in Aristophanes' Plutus.

Covetous men, amongst others, are most mad, 756they have all the symptoms of melancholy, fear, sadness, suspicion, &c., as shall be proved in its proper place,

Danda est Hellebori multo pars maxima avaris.

Misers make Anticyra their own;

Its hellebore reserved for them alone.

And yet methinks prodigals are much madder than they, be of what condition they will, that bear a public or private purse; as a 757Dutch writer censured Richard the rich duke of Cornwall, suing to be emperor, for his profuse spending, qui effudit pecuniam, ante pedes principium Electorum sicut aquam, that scattered money like water; I do censure them, Stulta Anglia (saith he) quae, tot denariis sponte est privata, stulti principes Alemaniae, qui nobile jus suum pro pecunia vendiderunt; spendthrifts, bribers, and bribe-takers are fools, and so are 758all they that cannot keep, disburse, or spend their moneys well.

I might say the like of angry, peevish, envious, ambitious; 759 Anticyras melior sorbere meracas; Epicures, Atheists, Schismatics, Heretics; hi omnes habent imaginationem laesam (saith Nymannus) “and their madness shall be evident,” 2 Tim. iii. 9. 760Fabatus, an Italian, holds seafaring men all mad; “the ship is mad, for it never stands still; the mariners are mad, to expose themselves to such imminent dangers: the waters are raging mad, in perpetual motion: the winds are as mad as the rest, they know not whence they come, whither they would go: and those men are maddest of all that go to sea; for one fool at home, they find forty abroad.” He was a madman that said it, and thou peradventure as mad to read it. 761 Felix Platerus is of opinion all alchemists are mad, out of their wits; 762Atheneus saith as much of fiddlers, et musarum luscinias, 763 Musicians, omnes tibicines insaniunt, ubi semel efflant, avolat illico mens, in comes music at one ear, out goes wit at another. Proud and vainglorious persons are certainly mad; and so are 764lascivious; I can feel their pulses beat hither; horn-mad some of them, to let others lie with their wives, and wink at it.

To insist 765in all particulars, were an Herculean task, to 766reckon up 767insanas substructiones, insanos labores, insanum luxum, mad labours, mad books, endeavours, carriages, gross ignorance, ridiculous actions, absurd gestures; insanam gulam, insaniam villarum, insana jurgia, as Tully terms them, madness of villages, stupend structures; as those Egyptian Pyramids, Labyrinths and Sphinxes, which a company of crowned asses, ad ostentationem opum, vainly built, when neither the architect nor king that made them, or to what use and purpose, are yet known: to insist in their hypocrisy, inconstancy, blindness, rashness, dementem temeritatem, fraud, cozenage, malice, anger, impudence, ingratitude, ambition, gross superstition, 768tempora infecta et adulatione sordida, as in Tiberius' times, such base flattery, stupend, parasitical fawning and colloguing, &c. brawls, conflicts, desires, contentions, it would ask an expert Vesalius to anatomise every member. Shall I say? Jupiter himself, Apollo, Mars, &c. doted; and monster-conquering Hercules that subdued the world, and helped others, could not relieve himself in this, but mad he was at last. And where shall a man walk, converse with whom, in what province, city, and not meet with Signior Deliro, or Hercules Furens, Maenads, and Corybantes? Their speeches say no less. 769E fungis nati homines, or else they fetched their pedigree from those that were struck by Samson with the jaw-bone of an ass. Or from Deucalion and Pyrrha's stones, for durum genus sumus, 770 marmorei sumus, we are stony-hearted, and savour too much of the stock, as if they had all heard that enchanted horn of Astolpho, that English duke in Ariosto, which never sounded but all his auditors were mad, and for fear ready to make away with themselves; 771or landed in the mad haven in the Euxine sea of Daphnis insana, which had a secret quality to dementate; they are a company of giddy-heads, afternoon men, it is Midsummer moon still, and the dog-days last all the year long, they are all mad. Whom shall I then except? Ulricus Huttenus 772nemo, nam, nemo omnibus horis sapit, Nemo nascitur sine vitiis, Crimine Nemo caret, Nemo sorte sua vivit contentus, Nemo in amore sapit, Nemo bonus, Nemo sapiens, Nemo, est ex omni parti beatus, &c. 773and therefore Nicholas Nemo, or Monsieur Nobody shall go free, Quid valeat nemo, Nemo referre potest? But whom shall I except in the second place? such as are silent, vir sapit qui pauca loquitur; 774no better way to avoid folly and madness, than by taciturnity. Whom in a third? all senators, magistrates; for all fortunate men are wise, and conquerors valiant, and so are all great men, non est bonum ludere cum diis, they are wise by authority, good by their office and place, his licet impune pessimos esse, (some say) we must not speak of them, neither is it fit; per me sint omnia protinus alba, I will not think amiss of them. Whom next? Stoics? Sapiens Stoicus, and he alone is subject to no perturbations, as 775Plutarch scoffs at him, “he is not vexed with torments, or burnt with fire, foiled by his adversary, sold of his enemy: though he be wrinkled, sand-blind, toothless, and deformed; yet he is most beautiful, and like a god, a king in conceit, though not worth a groat. He never dotes, never mad, never sad, drunk, because virtue cannot be taken away,” as 776Zeno holds, “by reason of strong apprehension,” but he was mad to say so. 777Anticyrae caelo huic est opus aut dolabra, he had need to be bored, and so had all his fellows, as wise as they would seem to be. Chrysippus himself liberally grants them to be fools as well as others, at certain times, upon some occasions, amitti virtutem ait per ebrietatem, aut atribilarium morbum, it may be lost by drunkenness or melancholy, he may be sometimes crazed as well as the rest: 778ad summum sapiens nisi quum pituita molesta. I should here except some Cynics, Menippus, Diogenes, that Theban Crates; or to descend to these times, that omniscious, only wise fraternity 779of the Rosicrucians, those great theologues, politicians, philosophers, physicians, philologers, artists, &c. of whom S. Bridget, Albas Joacchimus, Leicenbergius, and such divine spirits have prophesied, and made promise to the world, if at least there be any such (Hen. 780Neuhusius makes a doubt of it, 781 Valentinus Andreas and others) or an Elias artifex their Theophrastian master; whom though Libavius and many deride and carp at, yet some will have to be “the 782renewer of all arts and sciences,” reformer of the world, and now living, for so Johannes Montanus Strigoniensis, that great patron of Paracelsus, contends, and certainly avers 783“a most divine man,” and the quintessence of wisdom wheresoever he is; for he, his fraternity, friends, &c. are all 784“betrothed to wisdom,” if we may believe their disciples and followers. I must needs except Lipsius and the Pope, and expunge their name out of the catalogue of fools. For besides that parasitical testimony of Dousa,

A Sole exoriente Maeotidas usque paludes,

Nemo est qui justo se aequiparare queat.785

Lipsius saith of himself, that he was 786humani generis quidem paedagogus voce et stylo, a grand signior, a master, a tutor of us all, and for thirteen years he brags how he sowed wisdom in the Low Countries, as Ammonius the philosopher sometimes did in Alexandria, 787cum humanitate literas et sapientiam cum prudentia: antistes sapientiae, he shall be Sapientum Octavus. The Pope is more than a man, as 788his parrots often make him, a demigod, and besides his holiness cannot err, in Cathedra belike: and yet some of them have been magicians, Heretics, Atheists, children, and as Platina saith of John 22, Et si vir literatus, multa stoliditatem et laevitatem prae se ferentia egit, stolidi et socordis vir ingenii, a scholar sufficient, yet many things he did foolishly, lightly. I can say no more than in particular, but in general terms to the rest, they are all mad, their wits are evaporated, and, as Ariosto feigns, l. 34, kept in jars above the moon.

Some lose their wits with love, some with ambition,

Some following 789Lords and men of high condition.

Some in fair jewels rich and costly set,

Others in Poetry their wits forget.

Another thinks to be an Alchemist,

Till all be spent, and that his number's mist.

Convicted fools they are, madmen upon record; and I am afraid past cure many of them, 790crepunt inguina, the symptoms are manifest, they are all of Gotam parish:

791Quum furor haud dubius, quum sit manifesta phrenesis,

Since madness is indisputable, since frenzy is obvious.

what remains then 792but to send for Lorarios, those officers to carry them all together for company to Bedlam, and set Rabelais to be their physician.

If any man shall ask in the meantime, who I am that so boldly censure others, tu nullane habes vitia? have I no faults? 793Yes, more than thou hast, whatsoever thou art. Nos numerus sumus, I confess it again, I am as foolish, as mad as any one.

794Insanus vobis videor, non deprecor ipse,

Quo minus insanus ———

I do not deny it, demens de populo dematur. My comfort is, I have more fellows, and those of excellent note. And though I be not so right or so discreet as I should be, yet not so mad, so bad neither, as thou perhaps takest me to be.

To conclude, this being granted, that all the world is melancholy, or mad, dotes, and every member of it, I have ended my task, and sufficiently illustrated that which I took upon me to demonstrate at first. At this present I have no more to say; His sanam mentem Democritus, I can but wish myself and them a good physician, and all of us a better mind.

And although for the above-named reasons, I had a just cause to undertake this subject, to point at these particular species of dotage, that so men might acknowledge their imperfections, and seek to reform what is amiss; yet I have a more serious intent at this time; and to omit all impertinent digressions, to say no more of such as are improperly melancholy, or metaphorically mad, lightly mad, or in disposition, as stupid, angry, drunken, silly, sottish, sullen, proud, vainglorious, ridiculous, beastly, peevish, obstinate, impudent, extravagant, dry, doting, dull, desperate, harebrain, &c. mad, frantic, foolish, heteroclites, which no new 795 hospital can hold, no physic help; my purpose and endeavour is, in the following discourse to anatomise this humour of melancholy, through all its parts and species, as it is an habit, or an ordinary disease, and that philosophically, medicinally, to show the causes, symptoms, and several cures of it, that it may be the better avoided. Moved thereunto for the generality of it, and to do good, it being a disease so frequent, as 796 Mercurialis observes, “in these our days; so often happening,” saith 797 Laurentius, “in our miserable times,” as few there are that feel not the smart of it. Of the same mind is Aelian Montaltus, 798Melancthon, and others; 799Julius Caesar Claudinus calls it the “fountain of all other diseases, and so common in this crazed age of ours, that scarce one of a thousand is free from it;” and that splenetic hypochondriacal wind especially, which proceeds from the spleen and short ribs. Being then a disease so grievous, so common, I know not wherein to do a more general service, and spend my time better, than to prescribe means how to prevent and cure so universal a malady, an epidemical disease, that so often, so much crucifies the body and mind.

If I have overshot myself in this which hath been hitherto said, or that it is, which I am sure some will object, too fantastical, “too light and comical for a Divine, too satirical for one of my profession,” I will presume to answer with 800Erasmus, in like case, 'tis not I, but Democritus, Democritus dixit: you must consider what it is to speak in one's own or another's person, an assumed habit and name; a difference betwixt him that affects or acts a prince's, a philosopher's, a magistrate's, a fool's part, and him that is so indeed; and what liberty those old satirists have had; it is a cento collected from others; not I, but they that say it.

801Dixero si quid forte jocosius, hoc mihi juris

Cum venia, dabis ———

Yet some indulgence I may justly claim,

If too familiar with another's fame.

Take heed you mistake me not. If I do a little forget myself, I hope you will pardon it. And to say truth, why should any man be offended, or take exceptions at it?

Licuit, semperque licebit,

Parcere personis, dicere de vitiis.

It lawful was of old, and still will be,

To speak of vice, but let the name go free.

I hate their vices, not their persons. If any be displeased, or take aught unto himself, let him not expostulate or cavil with him that said it (so did 802Erasmus excuse himself to Dorpius, si parva licet componere magnis) and so do I; “but let him be angry with himself, that so betrayed and opened his own faults in applying it to himself:” 803“if he be guilty and deserve it, let him amend, whoever he is, and not be angry.” “He that hateth correction is a fool,” Prov. xii. 1. If he be not guilty, it concerns him not; it is not my freeness of speech, but a guilty conscience, a galled back of his own that makes him wince.

Suspicione si quis errabit sua,

Et rapiet ad se, quod erit commune omnium,

Stulte nudabit animi conscientiam.804

I deny not this which I have said savours a little of Democritus; 805 Quamvis ridentem dicere verum quid velat; one may speak in jest, and yet speak truth. It is somewhat tart, I grant it; acriora orexim excitant embammata, as he said, sharp sauces increase appetite, 806nec cibus ipse juvat morsu fraudatus aceti. Object then and cavil what thou wilt, I ward all with 807Democritus's buckler, his medicine shall salve it; strike where thou wilt, and when: Democritus dixit, Democritus will answer it. It was written by an idle fellow, at idle times, about our Saturnalian or Dionysian feasts, when as he said, nullum libertati periculum est, servants in old Rome had liberty to say and do what them list. When our countrymen sacrificed to their goddess 808Vacuna, and sat tippling by their Vacunal fires. I writ this, and published this οὕτις ἕλεγεν, it is neminis nihil. The time, place, persons, and all circumstances apologise for me, and why may not I then be idle with others? speak my mind freely? If you deny me this liberty, upon these presumptions I will take it: I say again, I will take it.

809Si quis est qui dictum in se inclementius

Existimavit esse, sic existimet.

If any man take exceptions, let him turn the buckle of his girdle, I care not. I owe thee nothing (Reader), I look for no favour at thy hands, I am independent, I fear not.

No, I recant, I will not, I care, I fear, I confess my fault, acknowledge a great offence,

——— motos praestat componere fluctus.

——— let's first assuage the troubled waves

I have overshot myself, I have spoken foolishly, rashly, unadvisedly, absurdly, I have anatomised mine own folly. And now methinks upon a sudden I am awaked as it were out of a dream; I have had a raving fit, a fantastical fit, ranged up and down, in and out, I have insulted over the most kind of men, abused some, offended others, wronged myself; and now being recovered, and perceiving mine error, cry with 810Orlando, Solvite me, pardon (o boni) that which is past, and I will make you amends in that which is to come; I promise you a more sober discourse in my following treatise.

If through weakness, folly, passion, 811discontent, ignorance, I have said amiss, let it be forgotten and forgiven. I acknowledge that of 812 Tacitus to be true, Asperae facetiae, ubi nimis ex vero traxere, acrem sui memoriam relinquunt, a bitter jest leaves a sting behind it: and as an honourable man observes, 813“They fear a satirist's wit, he their memories.” I may justly suspect the worst; and though I hope I have wronged no man, yet in Medea's words I will crave pardon,

——— Illud jam voce extrema peto,

Ne si qua noster dubius effudit dolor,

Maneant in animo verba, sed melior tibi

Memoria nostri subeat, haec irae data

Obliterentur ———

And in my last words this I do desire,

That what in passion I have said, or ire,

May be forgotten, and a better mind,

Be had of us, hereafter as you find.

I earnestly request every private man, as Scaliger did Cardan, not to take offence. I will conclude in his lines, Si me cognitum haberes, non solum donares nobis has facetias nostras, sed etiam indignum duceres, tam humanum aninum, lene ingenium, vel minimam suspicionem deprecari oportere. If thou knewest my 814modesty and simplicity, thou wouldst easily pardon and forgive what is here amiss, or by thee misconceived. If hereafter anatomizing this surly humour, my hand slip, as an unskilful 'prentice I lance too deep, and cut through skin and all at unawares, make it smart, or cut awry, 815pardon a rude hand, an unskilful knife, 'tis a most difficult thing to keep an even tone, a perpetual tenor, and not sometimes to lash out; difficile est Satyram non scribere, there be so many objects to divert, inward perturbations to molest, and the very best may sometimes err; aliquando bonus dormitat Homerus (some times that excellent Homer takes a nap), it is impossible not in so much to overshoot; — opere in longo fas est obrepere, summum. But what needs all this? I hope there will no such cause of offence be given; if there be, 816Nemo aliquid recognoscat, nos mentimur omnia. I'll deny all (my last refuge), recant all, renounce all I have said, if any man except, and with as much facility excuse, as he can accuse; but I presume of thy good favour, and gracious acceptance (gentle reader). Out of an assured hope and confidence thereof, I will begin.

7. Seneca in ludo in mortem Claudii Caesaris.

8. Lib. de Curiositate.

9. Modo haec tibi usui sint, quemvis auctorem fingito. Wecker.

10. Lib. 10, c. 12. Multa a male feriatis in Democriti nomine commenta data, nobilitatis, auctoritatisque ejus perfugio utentibus.

11. Martialis. lib. 10, epigr. 14.

12. Juv. sat. 1.

13. Auth. Pet. Besseo edit. Coloniae, 1616.

14. Hip. Epist. Dameget.

15. Laert. lib 9.

16. Hortulo sibi cellulam seligens, ibique seipsum includens, vixit solitarius.

17. Floruit Olympiade 80; 700 annis post Troiam.

18. Diacos. quod cunctis operibus facile excellit. Laert.

19. Col. lib. 1. c. 1.

20. Const. lib. de agric. passim.

21. Volucrum voces et linguas intelligere se dicit Abderitans Ep. Hip.

22. Sabellicus exempl., lib. 10. Oculis se privavit, ut melius contemplationi operam daret, sublimi vir ingenio, profundae cogitationis, &c.

23. Naturalia, moralia, mathematica, liberales disciplinas, artiumque omnium peritiam callebat.

24. Nothing in nature's power to contrive of which he has not written.

25. Veni Athenas, et nemo me novit.

26. Idem contemptui et admirationi habitus.

27. Solebat ad portam ambulare, et inde, &c. Hip. Ep. Dameg.

28. Perpetuorisu pulmonem agitare solebat Democritus. Juv. Sat. 7.

29. Non sum dignus praestare matella. Mart.

30. Christ Church in Oxford.

31. Praefat. Hist.

32. Keeper of our college library, lately revived by Otho Nicolson, Esquire.

33. Scaliger.

34. Somebody in everything, nobody in each thing.

35. In Theat.

36. Phil. Stoic. li. diff. 8. Dogma cupidis et curiosis ingeniis imprimendum, ut sit talis qui nulli rei serviat, aut exacte unum aliquid elaboret, alia negligens, ut artifices, &c.

37. Delibare gratum de quocunque cibo, et pittisare de quocunque dolio jucundum.

38. Essays, lib. 3.

39. He that is everywhere is nowhere.

40. Praefat. bibliothec.

41. Ambo fortes et fortunati, Mars idem magisterii dominus juxta primam Leovitii regulam.

42. Hensius.

43. Calide ambientes, solicite litigantes, aut misere excidentes, voces, strepitum contentiones, &c.

44. Cyp. ad Donat. Unice securus, ne excidam in foro, aut in mari Indico bonis eluam, de dote filiae, patrimonio filii non sum solicitus.

45. Not so sagacious an observer as simple a narrator.

46. Hor. Ep. lib. 1. xix., 20.

47. Per. A laughter with a petulant spleen.

48. Hor. lib. 1, sat. 9.

49. Secundum moenia locus erat frondosis populis opacus, vitibusque sponte natis, tenuis prope aqua defluebat, placide murmurans, ubi sedile et domus Democriti conspiciebatur.

50. Ipse composite considebat, super genua volumen habens, et utrinque alia patentia parata, dissectaque animalia cumulatim strata, quorum viscera rimabatur.

51. Cum mundus extra se sit, et mente captus sit, et nesciat se languere, ut medelam adhibeat.

52. Scaliger, Ep. ad Patisonem. Nihil magis lectorem invitat quam in opinatum argilinentum, neque vendibilior merx est quam petulans liber.

53. Lib. xx. c. 11. Miras sequuntur inscriptionum festivitates.

54. Praefat. Nat. Hist. Patri obstetricem parturienti filiae accersenti moram injicere possunt.

55. Anatomy of Popery, Anatomy of immortality, Angelus salas, Anatomy of Antimony, &c.

56. Cont. l. 4, c. 9. Non est cura melior quam labor.

57. Hor. De Arte Poet.

58. Non quod de novo quid addere, aut a veteribus praetermissum, sed propriae exercitationis causa.

59. Qui novit, neque id quod sentit exprimit, perinde est ac si nesciret.

60. Jovius Praef. Hist.

61. Erasmus.

62. Otium otio dolorem dolore sum solatus.

63. Observat. l. 1.

64. M. Joh. Rous, our Protobib. Oxon. M. Hopper, M. Guthridge, &c.

65. Quae illi audire et legere solent, eorum partim vidi egomet, alia gessi, quae illi literis, ego militando didici, nunc vos existimate facta an dicta pluris sint.

66. Dido Virg. “Taught by that Power that pities me, I learn to pity them.”

67. Camden, Ipsa elephantiasi correpta elephantiasis hospicium construxit.

68. Iliada post Homerum.

69. Nihil praetermissum quod a quovis dici possit.

70. Martialis.

71. Magis impium mortuorum lucubrationes, quam vestes furari.

72. Eccl. ult.

73. Libros Eunuchi gignunt, steriles pariunt.

74. D. King praefat. lect. Jonas, the late right reverend Lord B. of London.

75. Homines famelici gloriae ad ostentationem eruditionis undique congerunt. Buchananus.

76. Effacinati etiam laudis amore, &c. Justus Baronius.

77. Ex ruinis alienae existimationis sibi gradum ad famam struunt.

78. Exercit. 288.

79. Omnes sibi famam quaerunt et quovis modo in orbem spargi contendunt, ut novae alicujus rei habeantur auctores. Praef. biblioth.

80. Praefat. hist.

81. Plautus.

82. E Democriti puteo.

83. Non tam refertae bibliothecae quam cloacae.

84. Et quicquid cartis amicitur ineptis.

85. Epist. ad Petas. in regno Franciae omnibus scribendi datur libertas, paucis facultas.

86. Olim literae ob homines in precio, nunc sordent ob homines.

87. Ans. pac.

88. Inter tot mille volumina vix unus a cujus lectione quis melior evadat, immo potius non pejor.

89. Palingenius. What does any one, who reads such works, learn or know but dreams and trifling things.

90. Lib. 5. de Sap.

91. Sterile oportet esse ingenium quod in hoc scripturientum pruritus, &c.

92. Cardan, praef. ad Consol.

93. Hor. lib. 1, sat. 4.

94. Epist. lib. 1. Magnum poetarum proventum annus hic attulit, mense Aprili nullus fere dies quo non aliquis recitavit.

95. Idem.

96. Principibus et doctoribus deliberandum relinquo, ut arguantur auctorum furta et milies repetita tollantur, et temere scribendi libido coerceatur, aliter in infinitum progressura.

97. Onerabuntur ingenia, nemo legendis sufficit.

98. Libris obraimur, oculi legendo, manus volitando dolent. Fam. Strada Momo. Lucretius.

99. Quicquid ubique bene dictum facio meum, et illud nunc meis ad compendium, nunc ad fidem et auctoritatem alienis exprimo verbis, omnes auctores meos clientes esse arbitror, &c. Sarisburiensis ad Polycrat. prol.

100. In Epitaph. Nep. illud Cyp. hoc Lact. illud Hilar. est, ita Victorinus, in hunc modum loquutus est Arnobius, &c.

101. Praef. ad Syntax. med.

102. Until a later age and a happier lot produce something more truly grand.

103. In Luc. 10. tom. 2. Pigmei Gigantum humeris impositi plusquam ipsi Gigantes vident.

104. Nec aranearum textus ideo melior quia ex se fila gignuntur, nec noster ideo vilior, quia ex alienis libamus ut apes. Lipsius adversus dialogist.

105. Uno absurdo dato mille sequuntur.

106. Non dubito multos lectores hic fore stultos.

107. Martial, 13, 2.

108. Ut venatores feram e vestigio impresso, virum scriptiuncula. Lips.

109. Hor.

110. Hor.

111. Antwerp. fol. 1607.

112. Muretus.

113. Lipsius.

114. Hor.

115. Fieri non potest, ut quod quisque cogitat, dicat unus. Muretus.

116. Lib. 1. de ord., cap. 11.

117. Erasmus.

118. Annal. Tom. 3. ad annum 360. Est porcus ille qui sacerdotem ex amplitudine redituum sordide demeritur.

119. Erasm. dial.

120. Epist. lib. 6. Cujusque ingenium non statim emergit, nisi materiae fautor, occasio, commendatorque contingat.

121. Praef. hist.

122. Laudari a laudato laus est.

123. Vit. Persii.

124. Minuit praesentia famam.

125. Lipsius Judic. de Seneca.

126. Lib. 10. Plurirmum studii, multam rerum cognitionem, omnem studiorum materiam, &c. multa in eo probanda, multa admiranda.

127. Suet. Arena sine calce.

128. Introduct. ad Sen.

129. Judic. de Sen. Vix aliquis tam absolutus, ut alteri per omnia satisfaciat, nisi longa temporis praescripto, semota judicandi libertate, religione quidam animos occuparis.

130. Hor. Ep. 1, lib. 19.

131. Aeque turpe frigide laudari ac insectanter vituperari. Phavorinus A. Gel. lib. 19, cap. 2.

132. Ovid, trist. 11. eleg 6.

133. Juven. sat. 5.

134. Aut artis inscii aut quaestui magis quam literis student. hab. Cantab. et Lond. Excus. 1976.

135. Ovid. de pont. Eleg. l. 6.

136. Hor.

137. Tom. 3. Philopseud. accepto pessulo, quum carmen quoddam dixisset, effecit ut ambularet, aquam hauriret, urnam pararet, &c.

138. Eusebius, eccles. hist. lib. 6.

139. Stans pede in uno, as he made verses.

140. Virg.

141. Non eadem a summo expectes, minimoque poeta.

142. Stylus hic nullus, praeter parrhesiam.

143. Qui rebus se exercet, verba negligit, et qui callet artem dicendi, nullam disciplinam habet recognitam.

144. Palingenius. Words may be resplendent with ornament, but they contain no marrow within.

145. Cujuscunque orationem vides politam et sollicitam, scito animum in pusilis occupatum, in scriptis nil solidum. Epist. lib. 1. 21.

146. Philostratus, lib. 8. vit. Apol. Negligebat oratoriam facultatem, et penitus aspernabatur ejus professores, quod linguam duntaxat, non autem mentem redderent eruditiorem.

147. Hic enim, quod Seneca de Ponto, bos herbam, ciconia larisam, canis leporem, virgo florem legat.

148. Pet. Nannius not. in Hor.

149. Non hic colonus domicilium habeo, sed topiarii in morem, hinc inde florem vellico, ut canis Nilum lambens.

150. Supra bis mille notabiles errores Laurentii demonstravi, &c.

151. Philo de Con.

152. Virg.

153. Frambesarius, Sennertus, Ferandus, &c.

154. Ter. Adelph.

155. Heaut. Act 1. scen. 1.

156. Gellius. lib. 18, cap. 3.

157. Et inde catena quaedam fit, quae haeredes etiam ligat. Cardan. Hensius.

158. Malle se bellum cum magno principe gerere, quam cum uno ex fratrum mendicantium ordine.

159. Hor. epod. lib. od. 7.

160. Epist. 86, ad Casulam presb.

161. Lib. 12, cap. 1. Mutos nasci, et omni scientia egere satius fuisset, quam sic in propriam perniciem insanire.

162. But it would be better not to write, for silence is the safer course.

163. Infelix mortalitas inutilibus quaestionibus ac disceptationibus vitam traducimus, naturae principes thesauros, in quibus gravissimae morborum medicinae collocatae sunt, interim intactos relinquimus. Nec ipsi solum relinquimus, sed et allos prohibemus, impedimus, condemnamus, ludibriisque afficimus.

164. Quod in praxi minime fortunatus esset, medicinam reliquit, et ordinibus initiatus in Theologia postmodum scripsit. Gesner Bibliotheca.

165. P. Jovius.

166. M. W. Burton, preface to his description of Leicestershire, printed at London by W. Jaggard, for J. White, 1622.

167. In Hygiasticon, neque enim haec tractatio aliena videri debet a theologo, &c. agitur de morbo animae.

168. D. Clayton in comitiis, anno 1621.

169. Hor.

170. Lib. de pestil.

171. In Newark in Nottinghamshire. Cum duo edificasset castella, ad tollendam structionis invidiam, et expiandam maculam, duo instituit caenobia, et collegis relgiosis implevit.

172. Ferdinando de Quir. anno 1612. Amsterdami impress.

173. Praefat. ad Characteres: Spero enim (O Policles) libros nostros meliores inde futuros, quod istiusmodi memoriae mandata reliquerimus, ex preceptis et exemplis nostris ad vitam accommodatis, ut se inde corrigant.

174. Part 1. sect. 3.

175. praef. lectori.

176. Ep. 2. 1. 2. ad Donatum. Paulisper te crede subduci in ardui montis verticem celsiorem, speculare inde rerum jacentium facies, et oculis in diversa porrectis, fluctuantis mundi turbines intuere, jam simul aut ridebis aut misereberis, &c.

177. Controv. l. 2. cont. 7. et l. 6. cont.

178. Horatius.

179. Idem, Hor. l. 2. Satyra 3. Damasipus Stoicus probat omnes stultos insanire.

180. Tom. 2. sympos. lib. 5. c. 6. Animi affectiones, si diutius inhaereant, pravos generant habitus.

181. Lib. 28, cap. 1. Synt. art. mir. Morbus nihil est aliud quam dissolutio quaedam ac perturbatio foederis in corpore existentis, sicut et sanitas est consentientis bene corporis consummatio quaedam.

182. Lib. 9. Geogr. Plures olim gentes navigabant illuc sanitatis causa.

183. Eccles. i. 24.

184. Jure haereditario sapere jubentur. Euphormio Satyr.

185. Apud quos virtus, insania et furor esse dicitur.

186. Calcagninus Apol. omnes mirabantur, putantes illisam iri stultitiam. Sed praeter expectationem res evenit, Audax stultitia in eam irruit, &c. illa cedit irrisa, et plures hinc habet sectatores stultitia.

187. Non est respondendum stulto secundum stultitiam.

188. 2 Reg. 7.

189. Lib. 10. ep. 97.

190. Aug. ep. 178.

191. Quis nisi mentis inops, &c.

192. Quid insanius quam pro momentanea felicitate aeternis te mancipare suppliciis?

193. In fine Phaedonis. Hic finis fuit amici nostri o Eucrates, nostro quidem judicio omnium quos experti sumus optimi et apprime sapientissimi, et justissimi.

194. Xenop. l. 4. de dictis Socratis ad finem, talis fuit Socrates quem omnium optimum et felicissimum statuam.

195. Lib. 25. Platonis Convivio.

196. Lucretius.

197. Anaxagoras olim mens dictus ab antiquis.

198. Regula naturae, naturae miraculum, ipsa eruditio daemonium hominis, sol scientiarum, mare, sophia, antistes literarum et sapientiae, ut Scioppius olim de Scal, et Heinsius. Aquila In nubibus Imperator literatorum, columen literarum, abyssus eruditionis, ocellus Europae, Scaliger.

199. Lib. 3. de sap c. 17. et 20. omnes Philosophi, aut stulti, aut insani; nulla anus nullus aeger ineptius deliravit.

200. Democritus a Leucippo doctus, haeridatem stultitiae reliquit Epic.

201. Hor. car. lib. 1. od. 34. 1. epicur.

202. Nihil interest inter hos et bestias nisi quod loquantur. de sa. l. 26. c. 8.

203. Cap. de virt.

204. Neb. et Ranis.

205. Omnium disciplinarum ignarus.

206. Omnium disciplinarum ignarus.

207. Pulchrorum adolescentum causa frequentur gymnasium, obibat, &c.

208. Seneca. Seis rotunda metiri, sed non tuum animum.

209. Ab uberibus sapientia lactati caecutire non possunt.

210. Cor Xenodoti et jecur Cratetis.

211. Lib. de nat. boni.

212. Hic profundissimae Sophiae fodinae.

213. Panegyr. Trajano omnes actiones exprobrare stultitiam videntur.

214. Ser. 4. in domi Pal. Mundus qui ob antiquitatem deberet esse sapiens, semper stultizat, et nullis flagellis alteratur, sed ut puer vult rosis et floribus coronari.

215. Insanum te omnes pueri, clamantque puellae. Hor.

216. Plautus Aubular.

217. Adelph. act. 5. scen. 8.

218. Tully Tusc. 5. fortune, not wisdom, governs our lives.

219. Plato Apologia Socratis.

220. Ant. Dial.

221. Lib. 3. de sap. pauci ut video sanae mentis sunt.

222. Stulte et incaute omnia agi video.

223. Insania non omnibus eadem, Erasm. chil. 3. cent. 10. nemo mortalium qui non aliqua in re desipit, licet alius alio morbo laboret, hic libidinis, ille avaritiae, ambitionis, invidiae.

224. Hor. l. 2. sat. 3.

225. Lib. 1. de aulico. Est in unoquoque nostrum seminarium aliquod stultitiae, quod si quando excitetur, in infinitum facile excrescit.

226. Primaque lux vitae prima juroris erat.

227. Tibullus, stulti praetereunt dies, their wits are a wool-gathering. So fools commonly dote.

228. Dial. contemplantes, Tom: 2.

229. Catullus.

230. Sub ramosa platano sedentem, solum, discalceatum, super lapidem, valde pallidum ac macilentum, promissa barba, librum super genibus habentem.

231. De furore, mania melancholia scribo, ut sciam quo pacto in hominibus gignatur, fiat, crescat, cumuletur, minuatur; haec inquit animalia quae vides propterea seco, non Dei opera perosus, sed fellis bilisque naturam disquirens.

232. Aust. l. 1. in Gen. Jumenti & servi tui obsequium rigide postulas, et tu nullum praestas aliis, nec ipsi Deo.

233. Uxores ducunt, mox foras ejiciunt.

234. Pueros amant, mox fastidiunt.

235. Quid hoc ab insania deest?

236. Reges eligunt, deponunt.

237. Contra parentes, fratres, cives, perpetuo rixantur, et inimicitias agunt.

238. Idola inanimata amant, animata odio habent, sic pontificii.

239. Credo equidem vivos ducent e marmore vultus.

240. Suam stultitiam perspicit nemo, sed alter alterum deridet.

241. Denique sit finis querendi, cumque habeas plus, pauperiem metuas minis, et finire laborem incipias, partis quod avebas, utere Hor.

242. Astutam vapido servat sub pectore vulpem. Et cum vulpo positus pariter vulpinarier. Cretizan dum cum Crete.

243. Qui fit Mecaenas ut nemo quam sibi sortem. Seu ratio dederit, seu sors objecerit, illa contentus vivat, &c. Hor.

244. Diruit, aedificat, mutat quadrata rotundis. Trajanus pontem struxit super Danubium, quem successor ejus Adrianus statim demolitus.

245. Qua quid in re ab infantibus differunt, quibus mens et sensus sine ratione inest, quicquid sese his offert volupe est.

246. Idem Plut.

247. Ut insaniae causam disquiram bruta macto et seco, cum hoc potius in hominibus investigandum esset.

248. Totus a nativitate morbus est.

249. In vigore furibundus, quum decrescit insanabilis.

250. Cyprian. ad Donatum. Qui sedet crimina judicaturus, &c.

251. Tu pessimus omnium latro es, as a thief told Alexander in Curtius. Damnat foras judex, quod intus operatur, Cyprian.

252. Vultus magna cura, magna animi incuria. Am. Marcel.

253. Horrenda res est, vix duo verba sine mendacio proferuntur: et quamvis solenniter homines ad veritatem dicendum invitentur, pejerare tamen non dubitant, ut ex decem testibus vix unus verum dicat. Calv. in 8 John, Serm 1.

254. Sapientiam insaniam esse dicunt.

255. Siquidem sapientiae suae admiratione me complevit, offendi sapientissimum virum, qui salvos potest omnes homines reddere.

256. E. Graec. epig.

257. Plures Democriti nunc non sufficiunt, opus Democrito qui Democritum rideat. Eras Moria.

258. Polycrat. lib. 3. cap. 8. e Petron.

259. Ubi omnes delirabant, omnes insani, &c. hodie nauta, cras philosophus; hodie faber, cras pharmacopola; hic modo regem agebat multo sattellitio, tiara, et sceptro ornatus, nunc vili amictus centiculo, asinum elitellarium impellit.

260. Calcagninus Apol. Crysalus e caeteris auro dives, manicato pepio et tiara conspicuus, levis alioquin et nullius consilii, &c. magno fastu ingredienti assurgunt dii, &c.

261. Sed hominis levitatem Jupiter perspiciens, at tu (iniquit) esto bombilio, &c. protinusque vestis illa manicata in alas versa est, et mortales inde Chrysalides vocant hujusmodi homines.

262. You will meet covetous fools and prodigal sycophants everywhere.

263. Juven.

264. Juven.

265. De bello Jud. l. 8. c. 11. Iniquitates vestrae neminem latent, inque dies singulos certamen habetis quis pejor sit.

266. Hor.

267. Lib. 5. Epist. 8.

268. Hor.

269. Superstitio est insanus error.

270. Lib. 8. hist. Belg.

271. Lucan.

272. Father Angelo, the Duke of Joyeux, going barefoot over the Alps to Rome, &c.

273. Si cui intueri vacet quae patiuntur superstitiosi, invenies tam indecora honestis, tam indigna liberis, tam dissimilia sanis, ut nemo fuerit dubitaturus furere eos, si cum paucioribus fuerent. Senec.

274. Quid dicam de eorum indulgentiis, oblationibus, votis, solutionibus, jejuniis, coenobiis, somniis, horis, organis, cantilenis, campanis, simulachris, missis, purgatoriis, mitris, breviariis, bullis, lustralibus, aquis, rasuris, unctionibus, candelis, calicibus, crucibus, mappis, cereis, thuribulis, incantationibus, exorcismis, sputis, legendis, &c. Baleus de actis Rom. Pont.

275. Pleasing spectacles to the ignorant poor.

276. Th. Neageor.

277. Dum simulant spernere, acquisiverunt sibi 30 annorum spatio bis centena millia librarum annua. Arnold.

278. Et quum interdiu de virtute loquuti sunt, sero in latibulis clunes agitant labore nocturno, Agryppa.

279. 1 Tim. iii. 13. But they shall prevail no longer, their madness shall be known to all men.

280. Benignitatis sinus solebat esse, nunc litium officina curia Romana Budaeus.

281. Quid tibi videtur facturus Democritus, si horum spectator contigisset?

282. Ob inanes ditionum titulos, ob prereptum locum, ob interceptam mulierculam, vel quod e stultitia natum, vel e malitia, quod cupido dominandi, libido nocendi, &c.

283. Bellum rem plane bellui nam vocat Morus. Utop. lib. 2.

284. Munster. Cosmog. l. 5, c. 3. E. Dict. Cretens.

285. Jovius vit. ejus.

286. Comineus.

287. Lib. 3.

288. Hist. of the siege of Ostend, fol. 23.

289. Erasmus de bello. Ut placidum illud animal benevoletiae natum tam ferina vecordia in mutuam rueret perniciem.

290. Rich. Dinoth. praefat. Belli civilis Gal.

291. Jovius.

292. Dolus, asperitas, in justitia propria bellorum negotia. Tertul.

293. Trully.

294. Lucan.

295. Pater in filium, affinis in affinem, amicus in amicum, &c. Regio cum regione, regnum regno colliditur. Populus populo in mutuam perniciem, belluarum instar sanguinolente ruentium.

296. Libanii declam.

297. Ira enim et furor Bellonae consultores, &c. dementes sacerdotes sunt.

298. Bellum quasi bellua et ad omnia scelera furor immissus.

299. Gallorum decies centum millia ceciderunt. Ecclesiaris 20 millia fundamentis excisa.

300. Belli civilis Gal. l. 1. hoc ferali bello et caedibus omnia repleverunt, et regnum amplissimum a fundamentis pene everterunt, plebis tot myriades gladio, bello, fame miserabiliter perierunt.

301. Pont. Huterus.

302. Comineus. Ut nullus non execretur et admiretur crudelitatem, et barbaram insaniam, quae inter homines eodem sub caelo natos, ejusdem linguae, sanguinis, religionis, exercebator.

303. Lucan.

304. Virg.

305. Bishop of Cuseo, an eyewitness.

306. Read Meteran of his stupend cruelties.

307. Hensius Austriaco.

308. Virg. Georg. “impious war rages throughout the whole world”

309. Jansenius Gallobelgicus 1596. Mundus furiosus, inscriptio libri.

310. Exercitat. 250. serm. 4.

311. Fleat Heraclitus an rideat Democritus.

312. Curae leves loquuntur, ingentes stupent.

313. Arma amens capio, nec sat rationis in armis.

314. Erasmus.

315. Pro Murena. Omnes urbanae res, omnia studia, omnis forensis laus et industria latet in tutela et praecidio bellicae virtutis, et simul atque increpuit suspicio tumultus, artes illico nostrae conticescunt.

316. Ser. 13.

317. Crudelissimos saevissimosque latrones, fortissimos haberi propugnatores, fidissimos duces habent, bruta persuasione donati.

318. Eobanus Hessus. Quibus omnis in armis vita placet, non ulla juvat nisi morte, nec ullam esse putant vitam, quae non assueverit armis.

319. Lib. 10. vit. Scanperbeg.

320. Nulli beatiores habiti, quam qui in praelus cecidissent. Brisonius de rep. Persarum. l. 3. fol. 3. 44. Idem Lactantius de Romanis et Graecis. Idem Ammianus, lib. 23. de Parthis. Judicatur is solus beatus apud eos, qui in praelio fuderit animam. De Benef. lib. 2. c. 1.

321. Nat. quaest. lib. 3.

322. Boterus Amphitridion. Busbequius Turc. hist. Per caedes et sanguinem parare hominibus ascensum in coelum putant, Lactan. de falsa relig. l. 1. cap. 8.

323. Quoniam bella acerbissima dei flagella sunt quibus hominum pertinaciam punit, ea perpetua oblivione sepelienda potius quam memoriae mandanda plerique judicant. Rich. Dinoth. praef. hist. Gall.

324. Cruentam humani generis pestem, et perniciem divinitatis nota insigniunt.

325. Et quod dolendum, applausum habent et occursum viri tales.

326. Herculi eadem porta ad coelum patuit, qui magnam generis humani partem perdidit.

327. Virg. Aeneid. 7.

328. Hominicidium quum committunt singuli, crimen est, quum publice geritur, virtus vocatur. Cyprianus.

329. Seneca. Successful vice is called virtue.

330. Juven.

331. De vanit. scient. de princip. nobilitatis.

332. Juven. Sat. 4.

333. Pausa rapit, quod Natta reliquit. Tu pessimus omnium latro es, as Demetrius the Pirate told Alexander in Curtius.

334. Non ausi mutire, &c. Aesop.

335. Improbum et stultum, si divitem multos bonos viros in servitutem habentem, ob id duntaxat quod ei contingat aureorum numismatum cumulus, ut appendices, et additamenta numismatum. Morus Utopia.

336. Eorumque detestantur Utopienses insaniam, qui divinos honores iis impendunt, quos sordidos et avaros agnoscunt; non alio respectu honorantes, quam quod dites sint. Idem. lib. 2.

337. Cyp. 2 ad Donat. ep. Ut reus innocens pereat, sit nocens. Judex damnat foras, quod intus operatur.

338. Sidonius Apo.

339. Salvianus l. 3. de providen.

340. Ergo judicium nihil est nisi publica merces. Petronius. Quid faciant leges ubi sola pecunia regnat? Idem.

341. Hic arcentur haerediatatibus liberi, hic donatur bonis alienis, falsum consulit, alter testamentum corrumpit, &c. Idem.

342. Vexat censura columbas.

343. Plaut. mostel.

344. Idem.

345. Juven. Sat. 4.

346. Quod tot sint fures et mendici, magistratuum culpa fit, qui malos imitantur praeceptores, qui discipulos libentius verberant quam docunt. Morus, Utop. lib. 1.

347. Decernuntur furi gravia et horrenda supplicia, quum potius providendum multo foret ne fures sint, ne cuiquam tam dira furandi aut pereundi sit necessitas. Idem.

348. Boterus de augment. urb lib. 3. cap. 3.

349. E fraterno corde sanguinem eliciunt.

350. Milvus rapit ac deglubit.

351. Petronius de Crotone civit.

352. Quid forum? locus quo alius alium circumvenit.

353. Vastum chaos, larvarum emporium, theatrum hypocrisios, &c.

354. Nemo coelum, nemo jusjurandum, nemo Jovem pluris facit, sed omnes apertis oculis bona sua computant. Petron.

355. Plutarch, vit. ejus. Indecorum animatis ut calceis uti aut vitris, quae ubi fracta abjicimus, nam ut de meipso dicam, nec bovem senem vendideram, nedum hominem natu grandem laboris socium.

356. Jovius. Cum innumera illius beneficia rependere non posset aliter, interfici jussit.

357. Beneficia eo usque lata sunt dum videntur solvi posse, ubi multum, antevenere pro gratia odium redditur. Tac.

358. Paucis charior est fides quam pecunia. Salust.

359. Prima fere vota et cunctis, &c.

360. Et genus et formam regina pecunia donat. Quantum quisque sua nummorum servat in arca, tantum habet et fidei.

361. Non a peritia sed ab ornatu et vulgi vocibus habemur excellentes. Cardan. l. 2. de cons.

362. Perjurata suo postponit numina lucro, Mercator. Ut necessarium sit vel Deo displicere, vel ab hominibus contemni, vexari, negligi.

363. Qui Curios simulant et Bacchanalia vivunt.

364. Tragelapho similes vel centauris, sursum homines, deorsum equi.

365. Praeceptis suis coelum promittunt, ipsi interim pulveris terreni vilia mancipia.

366. Aeneas Silv.

367. Arridere homines ut saeviant, blandiri ut fallant. Cyp. ad Donatum.

368. Love and hate are like the two ends of a perspective glass, the one multiplies, the other makes less.

369. Ministri locupletiores iis quibus ministratur, servus majores opes habens quam patronus.

370. Qui terram colunt equi paleis pascuntur, qui otiantur caballi avena saginantur, discalceatus discurrit qui calces aliis facit.

371. Juven. Do you laugh? he is shaken by still greater laughter; he weeps also when he has beheld the tears of his friend.

372. Bodin, lib. 4. de repub. cap. 6.

373. Plinius l. 37. cap. 3. capillos habuit succineos, exinde factum ut omnes puellae Romanae colorem illum affectarent.

374. Odit damnatos. Juv.

375. Agrippa ep. 38. l. 7. Quorum cerebrum est in ventre, ingenium in patinis.

376. Psal. They eat up my people as bread.

377. Absumit haeres caecuba lignior servata centum clavibus, et mero distinguet pavimentis superbo, pontificum potiore coenis. Hor.

378. Qui Thaidem pingere, inflare tibiam, crispare crines.

379. Doctus spectare lacunar.

380. Tullius. Est enim proprium stultitiae aliorum cernere vitia, oblivisci suorum. Idem Aristippus Charidemo apud Lucianum Omnino stultitiae cujusdam esse puto, &c.

381. Execrari publice quod occulte agat. Salvianus lib. de pro. acres ulciscendis vitiis quibus ipsi vehementer indulgent.

382. Adamus eccl. hist. cap. 212. Siquis damnatus fuerit, laetus esse gloria est; nam lachrymas et planctum caeteraque compunctionum genera quae nos salubria censemus, ita abominantur Dani, ut nec pro peccatis nec pro defunctis amicis ulli fiere liceat.

383. Orbi dat leges foras, vix famulum regit sine strepitu domi.

384. Quicquid ego volo hoc vult mater mea, et quod mater vult, facit pater.

385. Oves, olim mite pecus, nunc tam indomitum et edax ut homines devorent, &c. Morus. Utop. lib. 1.

386. Diversos variis tribuit natura furores.

387. Democrit. ep. praed. Hos. dejerantes et potantes deprehendet, hos vomentes, illos litigantes, insidias molientes, suffragantes, venena miscentes, in amicorum accusationem subscribentes, hos gloria, illos ambitione, cupiditate, mente captos, &c.

388. Ad Donat. ep. 2. l. 1. O si posses in specula sublimi constitutus, &c.

389. Lib. 1. de nup. Philol. in qua quid singuli nationum populi quotidianis motibus agitarent, relucebat.

390. O Jupiter contingat mihi aurum haereditas, &c. Multos da Jupiter annos, Dementia quanta est hominum, turpissima vota diis insusurrant, si quis admoverit aurem, conticescunt; et quod scire homines nolunt, Deo narrant. Senec. ep. 10. l. 1.

391. Plautus Menech. non potest haec res Hellebori jugere obtinerier.

392. Eoque gravior morbus quo ignotior periclitanti.

393. Quae laedunt oculos, festinas demere; si quid est animum, differs curandi tempus in annum. Hor.

394. Si caput, crus dolet, brachium, &c. Medicum accersimus, recte et honeste, si par etiam industria in animi morbis poneretur. Joh. Pelenus Jesuita. lib. 2. de hum. affec. morborumque cura.

395. Et quotusquisque tamen est qui contra tot pestes medicum requirat vel aegrotare se agnoscat? ebullit ira, &c. Et nos tamen aegros esse negamus. Incolumes medicum recusant. Praesens aetas stultitiam priscis exprobrat. Bud. de affec. lib. 5.

396. Senes pro stultis habent juvenes. Balth. Cast.

397. Clodius accusat maechos.

398. Omnium stultissimi qui auriculas studiose tegunt. Sat. Menip.

399. Hor. Epist. 2.

400. Prosper.

401. Statim sapiunt, statim sciunt, neminem reverentur, neminem imitantur, ipsi sibi exemplo. Plin. Epist. lib. 8.

402. Nulli alteri sapere concedit ne desipere videatur. Agrip.

403. Omnis orbis persechio a persis ad Lusitaniam.

404. 2 Florid.

405. August. Qualis in oculis hominum qui inversis pedibus ambulat, talis in oculis sapientum et angelorum qui sibi placet, aut cui passiones dominantur.

406. Plautus Menechmi.

407. Governor of Asnich by Caesar's appointment.

408. Nunc sanitatis patrocinium est insanientium turba. Sen.

409. Pro Roseio Amerino, et quod inter omnes constat insanissimus, nisi inter eos, qui ipsi quoque insaniunt.

410. Necesse est cum insanientibus furere, nisi solus relinqueris. Petronius.

411. Quoniam non est genus unum stultitiae qua me insanire putas.

412. Stultum me fateor, liceat concedere verum, Atque etiam insanum. Hor.

413. Odi nec possum cupiens nec esse quod odi. Ovid. Errore grato libenter omnes insanimus.

414. Amator scortum vitae praeponit, iracundus vindictam; fur praedam, parasitus gulam, ambitiosus honores, avarus opes, &c. odimus haec et accercimus. Cardan. l. 2. de conso.

415. Prov. xxvi. 11.

416. Although you call out, and confound the sea and sky, you still address a deaf man.

417. Plutarch. Gryllo. suilli homines sic Clem. Alex. vo.

418. Non persuadebis, etiamsi persuaseris.

419. Tully.

420. Malo cum illis insanire, quam cum aliis bene sentire.

421. Qui inter hos enutriuntur, non magis sapere possunt, quam qui in culina bene olere. Patron.

422. Persius.

423. Hor. 2. ser. which of these is the more mad.

424. Vesanum exagitant pueri, innuptaeque puellae.

425. Plautus.

426. Hor. l. 2. sat. 2. Superbam stultitiam Plinus vocat. 7. epist. 21. quod semel dixi, fixum ratumque sit.

427. 19 Multi sapientes proculdubio fuissent, si se non putassent ad sapientiae summum pervenisse.

428. Idem.

429. Plutarchus Solone. Detur sapientiori.

430. Tam praesentibus plena est numinibus, ut facilius possis Deum quam hominem invenire.

431. Pulchrum bis dicere non nocet.

432. Malefactors.

433. Who can find a faithful man? Prov. xx. 6.

434. In Psal. xlix. Qui momentanea sempiternis, qui delapidat heri absentis bona, mox in jus vocandus et damnandus.

435. Perquam ridiculum est homines ex animi sententia vivere, et quae Diis ingrata sunt exequi, et tamen a solis Diis vella solvos fieri, quum propriae salutis curam abjecerint. Theod. c. 6. de provid. lib. de curat. graec. affect.

436. Sapiens sibi qui imperiosus, &c. Hor. 2. ser. 7.

437. Conclus. lib. de vie. offer, certum est animi morbis laborantes pro mortuis consendos.

438. Lib. de sap. Ubi timor adest, sapientia adesse nequit.

439. He who is desirous is also fearful, and he who lives in fear never can be free.

440. Quid insanius Xerxe Hellespontum verberante, &c.

441. Eccl. xxi. 12. Where is bitterness, there is no understanding. Prov. xii. 16. An angry man is a fool.

442. B Tusc. Injuria in sapientem non cadit.

443. Hom. 6. in 2 Epist. ad Cor. Hominem te agnoscere nequeo, cum tanquam asinus recalcitres, lascivias ut taurus, hinnias ut equus post mulieres, ut ursus ventri indulgeas, quum rapias ut lupus, &c. at inquis formam hominis habeo, Id magis terret, quum feram humana specie videre me putem.

444. Epist. lib. 2. 13. Stultus semper incipit vivere, foeda hominum levitas, nova quotidie fundamenta vitae ponere, novas spes, &c.

445. De curial. miser. Stultus, qui quaerit quod nequit invenire, stultus qui quaerit quod nocet inventum, stultus qui cum plures habet calles, deteriorem deligit. Mihi videntur omnes deliri, amentes, &c.

446. Ep. Demagete.

447. Amicis nostris Rhodi dicito, ne nimium rideant, aut nimium tristes sint.

448. Per multum risum poteris cognoscere stultum. Offic. 3. c. 9.

449. Sapientes liberi, stulti servi, libertas est potestas, &c.

450. Hor. 2. ser. 7.

451. Juven. “Good people are scarce.”

452. Hypocrit.

453. Ut mulier aulica nullius pudens.

454. Epist. 33. Quando fatuo delectari volo, non est longe quaerendus, me video.

455. Primo contradicentium.

456. Lib. de causis corrupt. artium.

457. Actione ad subtil. in Scal. fol. 1226.

458. Lib. 1. de sap.

459. Vide miser homo, quia totum est vanitas, totum stultitia, totum dementia, quicquid facis in hoc mundo, praeter hoc solum quod propter Deum facis. Ser. de miser, hom.

460. In 2 Platonis dial. 1. de justo.

461. Dum iram et odium in Deo revera ponit.

462. Virg. 1. Eccl. 3.

463. Ps. inebriabuntur ab ubertate domus.

464. In Psal. civ. Austin.

465. In Platonis Tim. sacerdos Aegyptius.

466. Hor. vulgis insanum.

467. Patet ea diviso probabilis, &c. ex. Arist. Top. ib. l. c. 8. Rog. Bac. Epist. de secret. art. et nat. c. 8. non est judicium in vulgo.

468. De occult. Philosop. l. 1. c. 25 et 19. ejusd. l. Lib. 10. cap. 4.

469. See Lipsius epist.

470. De politai illustrium lib. 1. cap. 4. ut in humanis corporibus variae accidunt mutationes corporis, animique, sic in republica, &c.

471. Ubi reges philosophantur, Plato.

472. Lib. de re rust.

473. Vel publicam utilitatem: salus publica suprema lex esto. Beata civitas non ubi pauci beati, sed tota civitas beata. Plato quarto de republica.

474. Mantua vae miserae nimium vicina Cremonae.

475. Interdum a feris, ut olim Mauritania, &c.

476. Deliciis Hispaniae anno 1604. Nemo malus, nemo pauper, optimus quisque aetque ditissimus. Pie, sancteque vivebant summaque cum veneratione, et timore divino cultui, sacrisque rebus incumbebant.

477. Polit. l. 5. c. 3.

478. Boterus Polit. lib. 1. c. 1. Cum nempe princeps rerum gerendarum imperitus, segnis, oscitans, suique muneris immemor, aut fatuus est.

479. Non viget respublica cujus caput infirmatur. Salisburiensis, c. 22.

480. See Dr. Fletcher's relation, and Alexander Gaeninus' history.

481. Abundans omni divitiarum affluentia incolarum multitudine splendore ac potentia.

482. Not above 200 miles in length, 60 in breadth, according to Adricomius.

483. Romulus Amascus.

484. Sabellicus. Si quis incola vetus, non agnosceret, si quis peregrinus ingemisceret.

485. Polit. l. 5. c. 6. Crudelitas principum, impunitas scelerum, violatio legum, peculatus pecuniae publicae, etc.

486. Epist.

487. De increm. urb. cap. 20. subditi miseri, rebelles, desperati, &c.

488. R. Darlington. 1596. conclusio libri.

489. Boterus l. 9. c. 4. Polit. Quo fit ut aut rebus desperatis exulent, aut conjuratione subditorum crudelissime tandem trucidentur.

490. Mutuis odiis et caedibus exhausti, &c.

491. Lucra ex malis, scelerastisque causis.

492. Salust.

493. For most part we mistake the name of Politicians, accounting such as read Machiavel and Tacitus, great statesmen, that can dispute of political precepts, supplant and overthrow their adversaries, enrich themselves, get honours, dissemble; but what is this to the bene esse, or preservation of a Commonwealth?

494. Imperium suapte sponte corruit.

495. Apul. Prim. Flor. Ex innumerabilibus, pauci Senatores genere nobiles, e consularibus pauci boni, e bonis adhuc pauci eruditi.

496. Non solum vitia concipiunt ipsi principes, sed etiam infundunt in civitatem, plusque exemplo quam peccato nocent. Cic. l. de legibus.

497. Epist. ad Zen. Juven. Sat. 4. Paupertas seditionem gignit et maleficium, Arist. Pol. 2. c. 7.

498. Vicious domestic examples operate more quickly upon us when suggested to our minds by high authorities.

499. Salust. Semper in civitate quibus opes nullae sunt bonis invident, vetera odere, nova exoptant, odio suarum rerum mutari omnia petunt.

500. De legibus. profligatae in repub. disciplinae est indicium jurisperitorum numerus, et medicorum copia.

501. In praef. stud. juris. Multiplicantur nunc in terris ut locustae non patriae parentes, sed pestes, pessimi homines, majore ex parta superciliosi, contentiosi, &c. licitum latrocinium exercent.

502. Dousa epid. loquieleia turba, vultures togati.

503. Barc. Argen.

504. Juris consulti domus oraculum civitatis. Tully.

505. Lib. 3.

506. Lib. 3.

507. Lib. 1. de rep. Gallorum, incredibilem reipub. perniciem afferunt.

508. Polycrat. lib.

509. Is stipe contentus, et hi asses integros sibi multiplicari jubent.

510. Plus accipiunt tacere, quam nos loqui.

511. Totius injustitiae nulla capitalior, quam eorum qui cum maxime decipiunt, id agunt, ut boni viri esse videantur.

512. Nam quocunque modo causa procedat, hoc semper agitur, ut loculi impleantur, etsi avaritia nequit satiari.

513. Camden in Norfolk: qui si nihil sit litium e juris apicibus lites tamen serere callent.

514. Plutarch, vit. Cat. causas apud inferos quas in suam fidem receperunt, patrocinio suo tuebuntur.

515. Lib. 2. de Helvet. repub. non explicandis, sed moliendis controversiis operam dant, ita ut lites in multos annos extrabantur summa cum molestia utrisque; partis et dum interea patrimonia exhauriantur.

516. Lupum auribus tenent.

517. Hor.

518. Lib. de Helvet. repub. Judices quocunque pago constituunt qui amica aliqua transactione si fieri possit, lites tollant. Ego majorum nostrorum simplicitatem admiror, qui sic causas gravissimas composuerint, &c.

519. Clenard. l. 1. ep. Si quae controversiae utraque para judicem adit, is semel et simul rem transigit, audit: nec quid sit appellatio, lachrymosaeque morae noscunt.

520. Camden.

521. Lib. 10. epist. ad Atticum, epist. II.

522. Biblioth. l. 3.

523. Lib. de Anim.

524. Lib. major morb. corp. an animi. Hi non conveniunt ut diis more majorum sacra faciant, non ut Jovi primitias offerant, aut Baccho commessationes, sed anniversarius morbus exasperans Asiam huc eos coegit, ut contentiones hic peragant.

525. I Cor. vi. 5, 6.

526. Stulti quando demum sapietis? Ps. xlix. 8.

527. So intituled, and preached by our Regius Professor, D. Prideaux; printed at London by Felix Kingston, 1621.

528. Of which Text read two learned Sermons.

529. Saepius bona materia cessat sine artifice. Sabellicus de Germania. Si quis videret Germaniam urbibus hodie excultam, non diceret ut olim tristem cultu, asperam coelo, terram informem.

530. By his Majesty's Attorney General there.

531. As Zeipland, Bemster in Holland, &c.

532. From Gaunt to Sluce, from Bruges to the Sea, &c.

533. Ortelius, Boterus, Mercator, Meteranus, &c.

534. “The citadel par excellance.”

535. Jam inde non belli gloria quam humanitatis cultu inter florentissimas orbis Christiani gentes imprimis floruit. Camden Brit. de Normannis.

536. Georg. Kecker.

537. Tam hieme quam aestate intrepide sulcant Oceanum, et duo illorum duces non minore audacia quam fortuna totius orbem terrae circumnavigarunt. Amphitheatro Boterus.

538. A fertile soil, good air, &c. Tin, Lead, Wool, Saffron, &c.

539. Tota Britannia unica velut arx Boter.

540. Lib. 1. hist.

541. Increment, urb. l. 1. c. 9.

542. Angliae, excepto Londino, nulla est civitas memorabilia, licet ea natio rerum omnium copia abundet.

543. Cosmog. Lib. 3. cop. 119. Villarum non est numerus, nullus locus otiosus aut incultus.

544. Chytreus orat. edit. Francof. 1583.

545. Maginus Geog.

546. Ortelius e Vaseo et Pet. de Medina.

547. An hundred families in each.

548. Populi multitudo diligente cultura foecundat solum. Boter. l. 8. c. 3.

549. Orat. 35. Terra ubi oves stabulantur optima agricolis ob stercus.

550. De re rust. l. 2. cap. 1. The soil is not tired or exhausted, but has become barren through our sloth.

551. Hodie urbibus desolatur, et magna ex parte incolis destituitur. Gerbelius desc. Graeciae, lib. 6.

552. Videbit eas fere omnes aut eversas, aut solo aequatas, aut in rudera foedissime dejectas Gerbelius.

553.

Not even the hardest of our foes could hear,

Nor stern Ulysses tell without a tear.

554. Lib. 7. Septuaginta olim legiones scriptae dicuntur; quas vires hodie, &c.

555. Polit. l. 3. c. 8.

556. For dyeing of cloths, and dressing, &c.

557. Valer. l. 2. c. 1.

558. Hist. Scot. Lib. 10. Magnis propositis praemiis, ut Scoti ab iis edocerentur.

559. Munst. cosm. l. 5. c. 74. Agro omnium rerum infoecundissimo aqua indigente inter saxeta, urbs tamen elegantissima, ob Orientis negotiationes et Occidentis.

560. Lib. 8. Georgr: ob asperum situm.

561. Lib. Edit. a Nic. Tregant. Belg. A. 1616. expedit. in Sinas.

562. Ubi nobiles probi loco habent artem aliquam profiteri. Cleonard. ep. l. 1.

563. Lib. 13. Belg. Hist. non tam laboriosi ut Belgae, sed ut Hispani otiatores vitam ut plurimum otiosam agentes: artes manuariae quae plurimum habent in se laboris et difficultatis, majoremque requirunt industriam, a peregrinis et exteris exercentur; habitant in piscosissimo mari, interea tantum non piscantur quantum insulae suffecerit sed a vicinis emere coguntur.

564. Grotii Liber.

565. Urbs animis numeroque potens, et robore gentis. Scaliger.

566. Camden.

567. York, Bristow, Norwich, Worcester, &c.

568. M. Gainsford's Argument: Because gentlemen dwell with us in the country villages, our cities are less, is nothing to the purpose: put three hundred or four hundred villages in a shire, and every village yield a gentleman, what is four hundred families to increase one of our cities, or to contend with theirs, which stand thicker? And whereas ours usually consist of seven thousand, theirs consist of forty thousand inhabitants.

569. Maxima pars victus in carne consistit. Polyd. Lib. 1. Hist.

570. Refraenate monopolii licentiam, pauciores alantur otio, redintegretur agricolatio, lanificium instauretur, ut sit honestum negotium quo se exerceat otiosa illa turba. Nisi his malis medentur, frustra exercent justitiam. Mor. Utop. Lib. 1.

571. Mancipiis locuples eget aeris Cappadocum rex. Hor.

572. Regis dignitatis non est exercere imperium in mendicos sed in opulentos. Non est regni decus, sed carceris esse custos. Idem.

573. Colluvies hominum mirabiles excocti solo, immundi vestes foedi visu, furti imprimis acres, &c.

574. Cosmog. lib. 3. cap. 5.

575. “Let no one in our city be a beggar.”

576. Seneca. Haud minus turpia principi multa supplicia, quam medico multa funera.

577. Ac pituitam et bilem a corpore (11. de leg.) omnes vult exterminari.

578. See Lipsius Admiranda.

579. De quo Suet. in Claudio, et Plinius, c. 36.

580. Ut egestati simul et ignaviae occurratur, opificia condiscantur, tenues subleventur. Bodin. l. 6. c. 2. num. 6,7.

581. Amasis Aegypti rex legem promulgavit, ut omnes subditi quotannis rationem redderent unde viverent.

582. Buscoldus discursu polit. cap. 2. “whereby they are supported, and do not become vagrants by being less accustomed to labour.”

583. Lib. 1. de increm. Urb. cap. 6.

584. Cap. 5. de increm. urb. Quas flumen, lacus, aut mare alluit.

585. Incredibilem commoditatem, vectura mercium tres fluvii navigabiles, &c. Boterus de Gallia.

586. Herodotus.

587. Ind. Orient. cap. 2. Rotam in medio flumine constituunt, cui ex pellibus animalium consutos uteres appendunt, hi dum rota movetur, aquam per canales, &c.

588. Centum pedes lata fossa 30. alta.

589. Contrary to that of Archimedes, who holds the superficies of all waters even.

590. Lib. 1. cap. 3.

591. Dion. Pausanias, et Nic. Gerbelius. Munster. Cosm. Lib. 4. cap. 36. Ut brevior foret navigatio et minus periculosa.

592. Charles the great went about to make a channel from the Rhine to the Danube. Bil. Pirkimerus descript. Ger. the ruins are yet seen about Wessenburg from Rednich to Altimul. Ut navigabilia inter se Occidentis et Septentrionis littora fierent.

593. Maginus Georgr. Simlerus de rep. Helvet. lib. 1. describit.

594. Camden in Lincolnshire, Fossedike.

595. Near St. Albans, “which must not now be whispered in the ear.”

596. Lilius Girald. Nat. comes.

597. Apuleius, lib. 4. Flor. Lar. familiaris inter homines aetatis suae cultus est, litium omnium et jurgiorum inter propinquos arbitrer et disceptator. Adversus iracundiam, invidiam, avaritiam, libidinem, ceteraque animi humani vitia et monstra philosophus iste Hercules fuit. Pestes eas mentibus exegit omnes, &c.

598. Votia navig.

599. Raggnalios, part 2, cap. 2, et part 3, c. 17.

600. Velent. Andreae Apolog. manip. 604.

601. Qui sordidus est, sordescat adhuc.

602. Hor.

603. Ferdinando Quir. 1612.

604. Vide Acosta et Laiet.

605. Vide patritium, lib. 8. tit. 10. de Instit. Reipub.

606. Sic Olim Hippodamus Milesius Aris. polit. cap. 11. et Vitruvius l. 1. c. ult.

607. With walls of earth, &c.

608. De his Plin. epist. 42. lib. 2. et Tacit. Annal. 13. lib.

609. Vide Brisonium de regno Perse lib. 3. de his et Vegetium, lib. 2. cap. 3. de Annona.

610. Not to make gold, but for matters of physic.

611. Bresonius Josephus, lib. 21. antiquit. Jud. cap. 6. Herod. lib. 3.

612. So Lod. Vives thinks best, Comineus, and others.

613. Plato 3. de leg. Aediles creari vult, qui fora, fontes, vias, portus, plateas, et id genus alia procurent. Vide Isaacum Pontanum de civ. Amstel. haec omnia, &c. Gotardum et alios.

614. De Increm. urb. cap. 13. Ingenue fateor me non intelligere cur ignobilius sit urbes bene munitas colere nunc quam olim, aut casae rusticae praesse quam urbi. Idem Urbertus Foliot, de Neapoli.

615. Ne tantillum quidem soli incultum relinquitur, ut verum sit ne pollicem quidem agri in his regionibus sterilem aut infoecundum reperiri. Marcus Hemingias Augustanus de regno Chinae, l. 1. c. 3.

616. M. Carew, in his survey of Cornwall, saith that before that country was enclosed, the husbandmen drank water, did eat little or no bread, fol. 66, lib. 1. their apparel was coarse, they went bare legged, their dwelling was correspondent; but since inclosure, they live decently, and have money to spend (fol. 23); when their fields were common, their wool was coarse, Cornish hair; but since inclosure, it is almost as good as Cotswol, and their soil much mended. Tusser. cap. 52 of his husbandry, is of his opinion, one acre enclosed, is worth three common. The country enclosed I praise; the other delighteth not me, for nothing of wealth it doth raise, &c.

617. Incredibilis navigiorum copia, nihilo pauciores in aquis, quam in continenti commorantur. M. Ricceus expedit. in Sinas, l. 1. c. 3.

618. To this purpose, Arist. polit. 2. c. 6. allows a third part of their revenues, Hippodamus half.

619. Ita lex Agraria olim Romae.

620. Hic segetes, illic veniunt felicius uvae, Arborei faetus alibi, atque injussa virescunt Graminia. Virg. 1. Georg.

621. Lucanus, l. 6.

622. Virg.

623. Joh. Valent. Andreas, Lord Verulam.

624. So is it in the kingdom of Naples and France.

625. See Contarenus and Osorius de rebus gestis Emanuelis.

626. Claudian l. 7. “Liberty never is more gratifying than under a pious king.”

627. Herodotus Erato lib. 6. Cum Aegyptiis Lacedemonii in hoc congruunt, quod eorum praecones, tibicines, coqui, et reliqui artifices, in paterno artificio succedunt, et coquus a coquo gignitur, et paterno opere perseverat. Idem Marcus polus de Quinzay. Idem Osorius de Emanuele rege Lusitano. Riccius de Sinia.

628. Hippol. a collibus de increm. urb. c. 20. Plato idem 7. de legibus, quae ad vitam necessaria, et quibus carere non possumus, nullum dependi vectigal, &c.

629. Plato 12. de legibus, 40. annos natos vult, ut si quid memorabile viderent apud exteros, hoc ipsum in rempub. recipiatur.

630. Simlerus in Helvetia.

631. Utopienses causidicos excludant, qui causas callide et vafre tractent et disputent. Iniquissimum censens hominem ullis obligari legibus, quae aut numerosioret sunt, quam ut perlegi queant, aut obscuriores quam ut a quovis possint intelligi. Volunt ut suam quisque causam agat, eamque referat Judici quam narraturus fuerat patrono, sic minus erit ambagum, et veritas facilius elicietur. Mor. Utop. l. 2.

632. Medici ex publico victum sumunt. Boter. l. 1. c. 5. de Aegyptiis.

633. De his lege Patrit. l. 3. tit. 8. de reip. Instit.

634. Nihil a clientibus patroni accipiant, priusquam lis finita est. Barel. Argen. lib. 3.

635. It is so in most free cities in Germany.

636. Mat. Riccius exped. in Sinas, l. 1. c. 5. de examinatione electionum copiose agit, &c.

637. Contar. de repub. Venet. l. 1.

638. Osor. l. 11. de reb. gest. Eman. Qui in literis maximos progressus fecerint maximis honoribus afficiuntur, secundus honoris gradus militibus assignatur, postremi ordinis mechanicis, doctorum hominum judiciis in altiorem locum quisque praesertur, et qui a plurimis approbatur, ampliores in rep. dignitates consequitur. Qui in hoc examine primas habet, insigni per totam vitam dignitate insignitur, marchioni similis, aut duci apud nos.

639. Cedant arma togae.

640. As in Berne, Lucerne, Friburge in Switzerland, a vicious liver is uncapable of any office; if a Senator, instantly deposed. Simlerus.

641. Not above three years, Arist. polit. 5. c. 8.

642. Nam quis custodiet ipsos custodes?

643. Cytreus in Greisgeia. Qui non ex sublimi despiciant inferiores, nec ut bestias conculcent sibi subditos auctoritatis nomini, confisi, &c.

644. Sesellius de rep. Gallorum, lib. 1 & 2.

645. “For who would cultivate virtue itself, if you were to take away the reward?”

646. Si quis egregium aut bello aut pace perfecerit. Sesel. l. 1.

647. Ad regendam rempub. soli literati admittuntur, nec ad eam rem gratia magistratuum aut regis indigent, omnia explorata cujusque scientia et virtute pendent. Riccius lib. 1. cap. 5.

648. In defuncti locum eum jussit subrogari, qui inter majores virtute reliquis praeiret; non fuit apud mortales ullum excellentius certamen, aut cujus victoria magis esset expetenda, non enim inter celeres, celerrimo, non inter robustos robustissimo, &c.

649. Nullum videres vel in hac vel in vicinis regionibus pauperem, nullum obaeratum, &c.

650. Nullus mendicus apud Sinas, nemini sano quamvis oculis turbatus sit mendicare permittitur, omnes pro viribus laborare, coguntur, caeci molis trusatilibus versandis addicuntur, soli hospitiis gaudent, qui ad labores sunt inepti. Osor. l. 11. de reb. gest. Eman. Heming. de reg. Chin. l. 1. c. 3. Gotard. Arth. Orient. Ind. descr.

651. Alex. ab Alex. 3. c. 12.

652. Sic olim Romae Isaac. Pontan. de his optime. Aristot. l. 2. c. 9.

653. Idem Aristot. pol. 5. c. 8. Vitiosum quum soli pauperum liberi educantur ad labores, nobilium et divitum in voluptatibus et deliciis.

654. Quae haec injustitia ut nobilis quispiam, aut faenerator qui nihil agat, lautam et splendidam vitam agat, otio et deliciis, quum interim auriga, faber, agricola, quo respub. carere non potest, vitam adeo miseram ducat, ut pejor quam jumentorum sit ejus conditio? Iniqua resp. quae dat parasitis, adulatoribus, inanium voluptatum artificibus generosis et otiosis tanta munera prodigit, at contra agricolis, carbonariis, aurigis, fabris, &c. nihil prospicit, sed eorum abusa labore florentia aetatis fame penset et aerumnis, Mor. Utop. l. 2.

655. In Segovia nemo otiosus, nemo mendicus nisi per aetatem aut morbum opus facere non potest: nulli deest unde victum quaerat, aut quo se exerceat. Cypr. Echovius Delit. Hispan. Nullus Genevae otiosus, ne septennis puer. Paulus Heuzner Itiner.

656. Athenaeus, l. 12.

657. Simlerus de repub. Helvet.

658. Spartian. olim Romae sic.

659. He that provides not for his family, is worse than a thief. Paul.

660. Alfredi lex. utraque manus et lingua praecidatur, nisi eam capite redemerit.

661. Si quis nuptam stuprarit, virga virilis ei praeciditur; si mulier, nasus et auricula praecidatur. Alfredi lex. En leges ipsi Veneri Martique timendas.

662. 54 Pauperes non peccant, quum extrema necessitate coacti rem alienam capiunt. Maldonat. summula quaest. 8. art. 3. Ego cum illis sentio qui licere putant a divite clam accipere, qui tenetur pauperi subvenire. Emmanuel Sa. Aphor. confess.

663. 55 Lib. 2. de Reg. Persarum.

664. Lib. 24.

665. Aliter Aristoteles, a man at 25, a woman at 20. polit.

666. Lex olim Licurgi, hodie Chinensium; vide Plutarchum, Riccium, Hemmingium, Arniseum, Nevisanum, et alios de hac quaestione.

667. Alfredus.

668. Apud Lacones olim virgines fine dote nubebant. Boter. l. 3. c. 3.

669. 61 Lege cautum non ita pridem apud Venetos, ne quis Patritius dotem excederet 1500 coron.

670. 62 Bux. Synag. Jud. Sic. Judaei. Leo Afer Africae descript. ne sint aliter incontinentes ob reipub. bonum. Ut August. Caesar. orat. ad caelibes Romanos olim edocuit.

671. Morbo laborans, qui in prolem facile diffunditur, ne genus humanum foeda contagione laedatur, juventute castratur, mulieres tales procul a consortio virorum ablegantur, &c. Hector Boethius hist. lib. 1. de vet. Scotorum moribus.

672. Speciosissimi juvenes liberis dabunt operam. Plato 5. de legibus.

673. The Saxons exclude dumb, blind, leprous, and such like persons from all inheritance, as we do fools.

674. Ut olim Romani, Hispani hodie, &c.

675. Riccius lib. 11. cap. 5. de Sinarum. expedit. sic Hispani cogunt Mauros arma deponere. So it is in most Italian cities.

676. Idem Plato 12. de legibus, it hath ever been immoderate, vide Guil. Stuckium antiq. convival. lib. 1. cap. 26.

677. Plato 9. de legibus.

678. As those Lombards beyond Seas, though with some reformation, mons pietatis, or bank of charity, as Malines terms it, cap. 33. Lex mercat. part 2. that lend money upon easy pawns, or take money upon adventure for men's lives.

679. That proportion will make merchandise increase, land dearer, and better improved, as he hath judicially proved in his tract of usury, exhibited to the Parliament anno 1621.

680. Hoc fere Zanchius com. in 4 cap. ad Ephes. aequissimam vocat usuram, et charitati Christianae consentaneam, modo non exigant, &c. nec omnes dent ad foenus, sed ii qui in pecuniis bona habent, et ob aetatem, sexum, artis alicujus ignorantiam, non possunt uti. Nec omnibus, sed mercatoribus et iis qui honeste impendent, &c.

681. Idem apud Persas olim, lege Brisonium.

682. “We hate the hawk, because he always lives in battle.”

683. Idem Plato de legibus.

684. 30. Optimum quidem fuerat eam patribus nostris mentem a diis datam esse, ut vos Italiae, nos Africae imperio contenti essemus. Neque enim Sicilia aut Sardinia satis digna precio sunt pro tot classibus, &c.

685. Claudian.

686. Thucydides.

687. A depopulatione, agrorum incendiis, et ejusmodi factis immanibus. Plato.

688. Hungar. dec. 1. lib. 9.

689. Sesellius, lib. 2. de repub. Gal. valde enim est indecorum, ubi quod praeter opinionem accidit dicere, Non putaram, presertim si res praecaveri potuerit. Livius, lib. 1. Dion. lib. 2. Diodorus Siculus, lib. 2.

690. Peragit tranquilla potestas. Quod violenta nequit. — Claudian.

691. Bellum nec timendum nec provocandum. Plin. Panegyr. Trajano.

692. Lib. 3. poet. cap. 19.

693. Lib. 4. de repub. cap. 2.

694. Peucer. lib. 1. de divinat.

695. Camden in Cheshire.

696. Iliad. 6. lib.

697. Vide Puteani Comun, Goclenium de portentosis coenis nostrorum temporum.

698. Mirabile dictu est, quantum opsoniorum una domus singulis diebus absumat, sternuntur mensae in omnes pene horas calentibus semper eduliis. Descrip. Britan.

699. Lib. 1. de rep. Gallorum; quod tot lites et causae forenses, aliae ferantur ex aliis, in immensum producantur, et magnos sumptus requirant unde fit ut juris administri plerumque nobilium possessiones adquirant, tum quod sumptuose vivant, et a mercatoribus absorbentur et splendissime vestiantur, &c.

700. Ter.

701. Amphit. Plant.

702. Paling. Filius ut fur.

703. Catus cum mure, duo galli simul in aede, Et glotes binae nunquam vivunt sine lite.

704. Res angusta domi.

705. When pride and beggary meet in a family, they roar and howl, and cause as many flashes of discontents, as fire and water, when they concur, make thunder-claps in the skies.

706. Plautus Aulular.

707. Lib. 7. cap. 6.

708. Pellitur in bellis sapientia, vigeritur res. Vetus proverbium, aut regem aut fatuum nasci oportere.

709. Lib. 1. hist. Rom. similes a. bacculorum calculis, secundum computantis arbitrium, modo aerei sunt, modo aurei; ad nutum regis nunc beati sunt nunc miseri.

710. Aerumnosique Solones in Sa. 3. De miser. curialium.

711. F. Dousae Epid. lib. 1. c. 13.

712. Hoc cognomento cohonestati Romae, qui caeteros mortales sapientia praestarent, testis Plin. lib. 7. cap. 34.

713. Insanire parant certa ratione modoque, mad by the book they, & c.

714. Juvenal. “O Physicians! open the middle vein.”

715. Solomon.

716. Communis irrisor stultitiae.

717. Wit whither wilt?

718. Scaliger exercitat. 324.

719. Vit. ejus.

720. Ennius.

721. Lucian. Ter mille drachmis olim empta; studens inde sapientiam adipiscetur.

722. Epist. 21. 1. lib. Non oportet orationem sapientis esse politam aut solicitam.

723. Lib. 3. cap. 13. multo anhelitu jactatione furentes pectus, frontem caedentes, &c.

724. Lipsius, voces sunt, praeterea nihil.

725. Lib. 30. plus mail facere videtur qui oratione quam qui praetio quemvis corrumpit: nam, &c.

726. In Gorg. Platonis.

727. In naugerio.

728. Si furor sit Lyaeus, &c. quoties furit, furit, furit, amans, bibens, et Poeta, &c.

729. “They are borne in the bark of folly, and dwell in the grove of madness.”

730. Morus Utop. lib. 11.

731. Macrob. Satur. 7. 16.

732. Epist. 16.

733. Lib. de causis corrup. artium.

734. Lib. 2. in Ausonium, cap. 19 et 32.

735. Edit. 7. volum. Jano Gutero.

736. Aristophanis Ranis.

737. Lib. de beneficiis.

738. Delirus et amens dicatur merit. Hor. Seneca.

739. Ovid. Met. “Majesty and Love do not agree well, nor dwell together.”

740. Plutarch. Amatorio est amor insanus.

741. Epist. 39.

742. Sylvae nuptialis, l. 1. num. 11. Omnes mulieres ut plurimum stultae.

743. Aristotle.

744. Dolere se dixit quod tum vita egrederetur.

745. Lib. 1. num. 11. sapientia et divitiae vix simul possideri possunt.

746. They get their wisdom by eating piecrust some.

747. χρήματα τοῖς θνητοῖς γίνετω αφροσυνη. Opes quidem mortalibus sunt amentia. Theognis.

748. Fortuna nimium quem fovet, stultum facit.

749. Joh. 28.

750. Mag. moral. lib. 2 et lib. 1. sat. 4.

751. Hor. lib. 1. sat. 4.

752. Insana gula, insanae obstructiones, insanum venandi studium discordia demens. Virg. Aen.

753. Heliodorus Carthaginensis ad extremum orbis sarcophago testamento me hic jussi condier, et ut viderem an quis insanior ad me visendum usque ad haec loca penetraret. Ortelius in Gad.

754. If it be his work, which Gasper Veretus suspects.

755. Livy, Ingentes virtutes ingentia vitia.

756. Hor. Quisquis ambitione mala aut argenti pallet amore, Quisquis luxuria, tristique superstitione. Per.

757. Cronica Slavonica ad annum 1257. de cujus pecunia jam incredibilia dixerunt.

758. A fool and his money are soon parted.

759. Orat. de imag. ambitiosus et audax naviget Anticyras.

760. Navis stulta, quae continuo movetur nautae stulti qui se periculis exponunt, aqua insana quae sic fremit, &c. aer jactatur, &c. qui mari se committit stolidum unum terra fugiens, 40. mari invenit. Gaspar Ens. Moros.

761. Cap. de alien. mentis.

762. Dipnosophist. lib. 8.

763. Tibicines mente Capti. Erasm. Chi. 14. cer. 7.

764. Prov. 30. Insana libido, Hic rogo non furor est, non est haec mentula demens. Mart. ep. 74. l. 3.

765. Mille puellarum et puerorum mille jurores.

766. Uter est insanior horum. Hor. Ovid. Virg. Plin.

767. Plin. lib. 36.

768. Tacitus 3. Annal.

769. Ovid. 7. met. E. fungis nati homines ut olim Corinthi primaevi illius loci accolae, quia stolidi et fatui fungis nati dicebantur, idem et alibi dicas.

770. Famian. Strade de bajulis, de marmore semisculpti.

771. Arianus periplo maris Euxini portus ejus meminit, et Gillius, l. 3. de Bospher. Thracio et laurus insana quae allata in convivium convivas omnes insania affecit. Guliel. Stucchius comment, &c.

772. Lepidum poema sic inscriptum.

773. “No one is wise at all hours — no one born without faults — no one free from crime — no one content with his lot — no one in love wise — no good, or wise man perfectly happy.”

774. Stultitiam simulare non potes nisi taciturnitate.

775. Extortus non cruciatur, ambustus non laeditur, prostratus in lucta, non vincitur; non fit captivus ab hoste venundatus. Et si rugosus, senex edentulus, luscus, deformis, formosus tamen, et deo similis, felix, dives, rex nullius egens, et si denario non sit dignus.

776. Illum contendunt non injuria affici, non insania, non inebriari, quia virtus non eripitur ob constantes comprehensiones. Lips. phys. Stoic, lib. 3. diffi. 18.

777. Tarreus Hebus epig. 102. l. 8.

778. Hor.

779. Fratres sanct. Roseae crucis.

780. An sint, quales sint, unde nomen illud asciverint.

781. Turri Babel.

782. Omnium artium et scientiarum instaurator.

783. Divinus ille vir auctor notarum. in epist. Rog. Bacon. ed. Hambur. 1608.

784. Sapientiae desponsati.

785. “From the Rising Sun to the Maeotid Lake, there was not one that could fairly be put in comparison with them.”

786. Solus hic est sapiens alii volitant velut umbrae.

787. In ep. ad Balthas. Moretum.

788. Rejectiunculae ad Patavum. Felinus cum reliquis.

789. Magnum virum sequi est sapere, some think; others desipere. Catul.

790. Plant. Menec.

791. In Sat. 14.

792. Or to send for a cook to the Anticyrae to make Hellebore pottage, settle-brain pottage.

793. Aliquantulum tamen inde me solabor, quod una cum multis et sapientibus et celeberrimis viris ipse insipiens sim, quod se Menippus Luciani in Necyomantia.

794. Petronius in Catalect.

795. That I mean of Andr. Vale. Apolog. Manip. l. 1 et 26. Apol.

796. Haec affectio nostris temporibus frequentissima.

797. Cap. 15. de Mel.

798. De anima. Nostro hoc saeculo morbus frequentissimus.

799. Consult. 98. adeo nostris temporibus frequenter ingruit ut nullus fere ab ejus labe immunis reperiatur et omnium fere morborum occasio existat.

800. Mor. Encom si quis calumnietur levius esse quam decet Theologum, aut mordacius quam deceat Christianum.

801. Hor. Sat. 4. l. 1.

802. Epi. ad Dorpium de Moria. si quispiam offendatur et sibi vindicet, non habet quod expostulet cum eo scripsit, ipse si volet, secum agat injuriam, utpote sui proditor, qui declaravit hoc ad se proprie pertinere.

803. Si quis se laesum clamabit, aut conscientiam prodit suam, aut certe metum, Phaedr. lib. 3. Aesop. Fab.

804. If any one shall err through his own suspicion, and shall apply to himself what is common to all, he will foolishly betray a consciousness of guilt.

805. Hor.

806. Mart. l. 7. 22.

807. Ut lubet feriat, abstergant hos ictus Democriti pharmacos.

808. Rusticorum dea preesse vacantibus et otiosis putabatur, cui post labores agricola sacrificabat. Plin. l. 3. c. 12. Ovid. l. 6. Fast. Jam quoque cum fiunt antiquae sacra Vacunae, ante Vacunales stantque sedentque focos. Rosinus.

809. Ter. prol. Eunuch.

810. Ariost. l. 39. Staf. 58.

811. Ut enim ex studiis gaudium sic studia ex hilaritate proveniunt. Plinius Maximo suo, ep. lib. 8.

812. Annal. 15.

813. Sir Francis Bacon in his Essays, now Viscount St. Albans.

814. Quod Probus Persii βιογραφος virginali verecundia Persium fuisse dicit, ego, &c.

815. Quas aut incuria fudit, aut humana parum cavit natura. Hor.

816. Prol. quer. Plaut. “Let not any one take these things to himself, they are all but fictions.”

Lectori Male Feriato.

Tu vero cavesis edico quisquis es, ne temere sugilles Auctorem hujusce operis, aut cavillator irrideas. Imo ne vel ex aliorum censura tacite obloquaris (vis dicam verbo) nequid nasutulus inepte improbes, aut falso fingas. Nam si talis revera sit, qualem prae se fert Junior Democritus, seniori Democrito saltem affinis, aut ejus Genium vel tantillum sapiat; actum de te, censorem aeque ac delatorem 817aget econtra (petulanti splene cum sit) sufflabit te in jocos, comminuet in sales, addo etiam, et deo risui te sacrificabit.

Iterum moneo, ne quid cavillere, ne dum Democritum Juniorem conviciis infames, aut ignominiose vituperes, de te non male sentientem, tu idem audias ab amico cordato, quod olim vulgus Abderitanum ab 818 Hippocrate, concivem bene meritum et popularem suum Democritum, pro insano habens. Ne tu Democrite sapis, stulti autem et insani Abderitae.

819Abderitanae pectora plebis habes.

Haec te paucis admonitum volo (male feriate Lector) abi.

To the Reader at Leisure.

Whoever you may be, I caution you against rashly defaming the author of this work, or cavilling in jest against him. Nay, do not silently reproach him in consequence of others' censure, nor employ your wit in foolish disapproval, or false accusation. For, should Democritus Junior prove to be what he professes, even a kinsman of his elder namesake, or be ever so little of the same kidney, it is all over with you: he will become both accuser and judge of you in your spleen, will dissipate you in jests, pulverise you into salt, and sacrifice you, I can promise you, to the God of Mirth.

I further advise you, not to asperse, or calumniate, or slander, Democritus Junior, who possibly does not think ill of you, lest you may hear from some discreet friend, the same remark the people of Abdera did from Hippocrates, of their meritorious and popular fellow-citizen, whom they had looked on as a madman; “It is not that you, Democritus, that art wise, but that the people of Abdera are fools and madmen.” “You have yourself an Abderitian soul;” and having just given you, gentle reader, these few words of admonition, farewell.

Heraclite fleas, misero sic convenit aevo,

Nil nisi turpe vides, nil nisi triste vides.

Ride etiam, quantumque lubet, Democrite ride

Non nisi vana vides, non nisi stulta vides.

Is fletu, his risu modo gaudeat, unus utrique

Sit licet usque labor, sit licet usque dolor.

Nunc opes est (nam totus eheu jam desipit orbis)

Mille Heraclitis, milleque Democritis.

Nunc opus est (tanta est insania) transeat omnis

Mundus in Anticyras, gramen in Helleborum.

Weep, O Heraclitus, it suits the age,

Unless you see nothing base, nothing sad.

Laugh, O Democritus, as much as you please,

Unless you see nothing either vain or foolish.

Let one rejoice in smiles, the other in tears;

Let the same labour or pain be the office of both.

Now (for alas! how foolish the world has become),

A thousand Heraclitus', a thousand Democritus' are required.

Now (so much does madness prevail), all the world must be

Sent to Anticyra, to graze on Hellebore.

The First Partition.

The Synopsis of the First Partition.

In diseases, consider Sect. 1. Memb. 1.

♈ Melancholy: in which consider

A. Sect. 2. Causes of Melancholy are either

♊ Particular causes. Sect. 2. Memb. 5.

♉ Necessary causes, as those six non-natural things, which are, Sect. 2 Memb. 2.

B. Symptoms of melancholy are either Sect. 3.

♋ Particular symptoms to the three distinct species. Sect. 3. Memb. 2.

C. Prognostics of melancholy. Sect. 4.

817. Si me commorit, melius non tangere clamo. Hor.

818. Hippoc. epist. Damageto, accercitus sum ut Democritum tanquam insanum curarem, sed postquam conveni, non per Jovem desipientiae negotium, sed rerum omnium receptaculum deprehendi, ejusque ingenium demiratus sum. Abderitanos vero tanquam non sanos accusavi, veratri potione ipsos potius eguisse dicens.

819. Mart.

The First Partition.

The First Section.

The First Member.

The First Subsection.

Man's Excellency, Fall, Miseries, Infirmities; The causes of them.

Man's Excellency. Man the most excellent and noble creature of the world, “the principal and mighty work of God, wonder of Nature,” as Zoroaster calls him; audacis naturae miraculum, “the 820marvel of marvels,” as Plato; “the 821abridgment and epitome of the world,” as Pliny; microcosmus, a little world, a model of the world, 822sovereign lord of the earth, viceroy of the world, sole commander and governor of all the creatures in it; to whose empire they are subject in particular, and yield obedience; far surpassing all the rest, not in body only, but in soul; 823imaginis imago, 824created to God's own 825image, to that immortal and incorporeal substance, with all the faculties and powers belonging unto it; was at first pure, divine, perfect, happy, 826 “created after God in true holiness and righteousness;” Deo congruens, free from all manner of infirmities, and put in Paradise, to know God, to praise and glorify him, to do his will, Ut diis consimiles parturiat deos (as an old poet saith) to propagate the church.

Man's Fall and Misery. But this most noble creature, Heu tristis, et lachrymosa commutatio (827one exclaims) O pitiful change! is fallen from that he was, and forfeited his estate, become miserabilis homuncio, a castaway, a caitiff, one of the most miserable creatures of the world, if he be considered in his own nature, an unregenerate man, and so much obscured by his fall that (some few relics excepted) he is inferior to a beast, 828“Man in honour that understandeth not, is like unto beasts that perish,” so David esteems him: a monster by stupend metamorphoses, 829a fox, a dog, a hog, what not? Quantum mutatus ab illo? How much altered from that he was; before blessed and happy, now miserable and accursed; 830“He must eat his meat in sorrow,” subject to death and all manner of infirmities, all kind of calamities.

A Description of Melancholy. 831“Great travail is created for all men, and an heavy yoke on the sons of Adam, from the day that they go out of their mother's womb, unto that day they return to the mother of all things. Namely, their thoughts, and fear of their hearts, and their imagination of things they wait for, and the day of death. From him that sitteth in the glorious throne, to him that sitteth beneath in the earth and ashes; from him that is clothed in blue silk and weareth a crown, to him that is clothed in simple linen. Wrath, envy, trouble, and unquietness, and fear of death, and rigour, and strife, and such things come to both man and beast, but sevenfold to the ungodly.” All this befalls him in this life, and peradventure eternal misery in the life to come.

Impulsive Cause of Man's Misery and Infirmities. The impulsive cause of these miseries in man, this privation or destruction of God's image, the cause of death and diseases, of all temporal and eternal punishments, was the sin of our first parent Adam, 832in eating of the forbidden fruit, by the devil's instigation and allurement. His disobedience, pride, ambition, intemperance, incredulity, curiosity; from whence proceeded original sin, and that general corruption of mankind, as from a fountain, flowed all bad inclinations and actual transgressions which cause our several calamities inflicted upon us for our sins. And this belike is that which our fabulous poets have shadowed unto us in the tale of 833 Pandora's box, which being opened through her curiosity, filled the world full of all manner of diseases. It is not curiosity alone, but those other crying sins of ours, which pull these several plagues and miseries upon our heads. For Ubi peccatum, ibi procella, as 834Chrysostom well observes. 835“Fools by reason of their transgression, and because of their iniquities, are afflicted.” 836“Fear cometh like sudden desolation, and destruction like a whirlwind, affliction and anguish,” because they did not fear God. 837“Are you shaken with wars?” as Cyprian well urgeth to Demetrius, “are you molested with dearth and famine? is your health crushed with raging diseases? is mankind generally tormented with epidemical maladies? 'tis all for your sins,” Hag. i. 9, 10; Amos i.; Jer. vii. God is angry, punisheth and threateneth, because of their obstinacy and stubbornness, they will not turn unto him. 838“If the earth be barren then for want of rain, if dry and squalid, it yield no fruit, if your fountains be dried up, your wine, corn, and oil blasted, if the air be corrupted, and men troubled with diseases, 'tis by reason of their sins:” which like the blood of Abel cry loud to heaven for vengeance, Lam. v. 15. “That we have sinned, therefore our hearts are heavy,” Isa. lix. 11, 12. “We roar like bears, and mourn like doves, and want health, &c. for our sins and trespasses.” But this we cannot endure to hear or to take notice of, Jer. ii. 30. “We are smitten in vain and receive no correction;” and cap. v. 3. “Thou hast stricken them, but they have not sorrowed; they have refused to receive correction; they have not returned. Pestilence he hath sent, but they have not turned to him,” Amos iv. 839Herod could not abide John Baptist, nor 840Domitian endure Apollonius to tell the causes of the plague at Ephesus, his injustice, incest, adultery, and the like.

To punish therefore this blindness and obstinacy of ours as a concomitant cause and principal agent, is God's just judgment in bringing these calamities upon us, to chastise us, I say, for our sins, and to satisfy God's wrath. For the law requires obedience or punishment, as you may read at large, Deut. xxviii. 15. “If they will not obey the Lord, and keep his commandments and ordinances, then all these curses shall come upon them.” 841“Cursed in the town and in the field, &c.” 842“Cursed in the fruit of the body, &c.” 843“The Lord shall send thee trouble and shame, because of thy wickedness.” And a little after, 844“The Lord shall smite thee with the botch of Egypt, and with emerods, and scab, and itch, and thou canst not be healed; 845with madness, blindness, and astonishing of heart.” This Paul seconds, Rom. ii. 9. “Tribulation and anguish on the soul of every man that doeth evil.” Or else these chastisements are inflicted upon us for our humiliation, to exercise and try our patience here in this life to bring us home, to make us to know God ourselves, to inform and teach us wisdom. 846“Therefore is my people gone into captivity, because they had no knowledge; therefore is the wrath of the Lord kindled against his people, and he hath stretched out his hand upon them.” He is desirous of our salvation. 847Nostrae salutis avidus, saith Lemnius, and for that cause pulls us by the ear many times, to put us in mind of our duties: “That they which erred might have understanding, (as Isaiah speaks xxix. 24) and so to be reformed.” 848“I am afflicted, and at the point of death,” so David confesseth of himself, Psal. lxxxviii. v. 15, v. 9. “Mine eyes are sorrowful through mine affliction:” and that made him turn unto God. Great Alexander in the midst of all his prosperity, by a company of parasites deified, and now made a god, when he saw one of his wounds bleed, remembered that he was but a man, and remitted of his pride. In morbo recolligit se animus,849as 850Pliny well perceived; “In sickness the mind reflects upon itself, with judgment surveys itself, and abhors its former courses;” insomuch that he concludes to his friend Marius,851 “that it were the period of all philosophy, if we could so continue sound, or perform but a part of that which we promised to do, being sick. Whoso is wise then, will consider these things,” as David did (Psal. cxliv., verse last); and whatsoever fortune befall him, make use of it. If he be in sorrow, need, sickness, or any other adversity, seriously to recount with himself, why this or that malady, misery, this or that incurable disease is inflicted upon him; it may be for his good, 852sic expedit as Peter said of his daughter's ague. Bodily sickness is for his soul's health, periisset nisi periisset, had he not been visited, he had utterly perished; for 853“the Lord correcteth him whom he loveth, even as a father doth his child in whom he delighteth.” If he be safe and sound on the other side, and free from all manner of infirmity; 854et cui

Gratia, forma, valetudo contingat abunde

Et mundus victus, non deficiente crumena.

And that he have grace, beauty, favour, health,

A cleanly diet, and abound in wealth.

Yet in the midst of his prosperity, let him remember that caveat of Moses, 855“Beware that he do not forget the Lord his God;” that he be not puffed up, but acknowledge them to be his good gifts and benefits, and 856“the more he hath, to be more thankful,” (as Agapetianus adviseth) and use them aright.

Instrumental Causes of our Infirmities. Now the instrumental causes of these our infirmities, are as diverse as the infirmities themselves; stars, heavens, elements, &c. And all those creatures which God hath made, are armed against sinners. They were indeed once good in themselves, and that they are now many of them pernicious unto us, is not in their nature, but our corruption, which hath caused it. For from the fall of our first parent Adam, they have been changed, the earth accursed, the influence of stars, altered, the four elements, beasts, birds, plants, are now ready to offend us. “The principal things for the use of man, are water, fire, iron, salt, meal, wheat, honey, milk, oil, wine, clothing, good to the godly, to the sinners turned to evil,” Ecclus. xxxix. 26. “Fire, and hail, and famine, and dearth, all these are created for vengeance,” Ecclus. xxxix. 29. The heavens threaten us with their comets, stars, planets, with their great conjunctions, eclipses, oppositions, quartiles, and such unfriendly aspects. The air with his meteors, thunder and lightning, intemperate heat and cold, mighty winds, tempests, unseasonable weather; from which proceed dearth, famine, plague, and all sorts of epidemical diseases, consuming infinite myriads of men. At Cairo in Egypt, every third year, (as it is related by 857Boterus, and others) 300,000 die of the plague; and 200,000, in Constantinople, every fifth or seventh at the utmost. How doth the earth terrify and oppress us with terrible earthquakes, which are most frequent in 858China, Japan, and those eastern climes, swallowing up sometimes six cities at once? How doth the water rage with his inundations, irruptions, flinging down towns, cities, villages, bridges, &c. besides shipwrecks; whole islands are sometimes suddenly overwhelmed with all their inhabitants in 859Zealand, Holland, and many parts of the continent drowned, as the 860lake Erne in Ireland? 861Nihilque praeter arcium cadavera patenti cernimus freto. In the fens of Friesland 1230, by reason of tempests, 862the sea drowned multa hominum millia, et jumenta sine numero, all the country almost, men and cattle in it. How doth the fire rage, that merciless element, consuming in an instant whole cities? What town of any antiquity or note hath not been once, again and again, by the fury of this merciless element, defaced, ruinated, and left desolate? In a word,

863Ignis pepercit, unda mergit, aeris

Vis pestilentis aequori ereptum necat,

Bello superstes, tabidus morbo perit.

Whom fire spares, sea doth drown; whom sea,

Pestilent air doth send to clay;

Whom war 'scapes, sickness takes away.

To descend to more particulars, how many creatures are at deadly feud with men? Lions, wolves, bears, &c. Some with hoofs, horns, tusks, teeth, nails: How many noxious serpents and venomous creatures, ready to offend us with stings, breath, sight, or quite kill us? How many pernicious fishes, plants, gums, fruits, seeds, flowers, &c. could I reckon up on a sudden, which by their very smell many of them, touch, taste, cause some grievous malady, if not death itself? Some make mention of a thousand several poisons: but these are but trifles in respect. The greatest enemy to man, is man, who by the devil's instigation is still ready to do mischief, his own executioner, a wolf, a devil to himself, and others. 864We are all brethren in Christ, or at least should be, members of one body, servants of one lord, and yet no fiend can so torment, insult over, tyrannise, vex, as one man doth another. Let me not fall therefore (saith David, when wars, plague, famine were offered) into the hands of men, merciless and wicked men:

865 ——— Vix sunt homines hoc nomine digni,

Quamque lupi, saevae plus feritatis habent.

We can most part foresee these epidemical diseases, and likely avoid them; Dearths, tempests, plagues, our astrologers foretell us; Earthquakes, inundations, ruins of houses, consuming fires, come by little and little, or make some noise beforehand; but the knaveries, impostures, injuries and villainies of men no art can avoid. We can keep our professed enemies from our cities, by gates, walls and towers, defend ourselves from thieves and robbers by watchfulness and weapons; but this malice of men, and their pernicious endeavours, no caution can divert, no vigilancy foresee, we have so many secret plots and devices to mischief one another.

Sometimes by the devil's help as magicians, 866witches: sometimes by impostures, mixtures, poisons, stratagems, single combats, wars, we hack and hew, as if we were ad internecionem nati, like Cadmus' soldiers born to consume one another. 'Tis an ordinary thing to read of a hundred and two hundred thousand men slain in a battle. Besides all manner of tortures, brazen bulls, racks, wheels, strappadoes, guns, engines, &c. 867Ad unum corpus humanum supplicia plura, quam membra: We have invented more torturing instruments, than there be several members in a man's body, as Cyprian well observes. To come nearer yet, our own parents by their offences, indiscretion and intemperance, are our mortal enemies. 868“The fathers have eaten sour grapes, and the children's teeth are set on edge.” They cause our grief many times, and put upon us hereditary diseases, inevitable infirmities: they torment us, and we are ready to injure our posterity;

869 ——— mox daturi progeniem vitiosiorem.

And yet with crimes to us unknown,

Our sons shall mark the coming age their own;

and the latter end of the world, as 870Paul foretold, is still like to be the worst. We are thus bad by nature, bad by kind, but far worse by art, every man the greatest enemy unto himself. We study many times to undo ourselves, abusing those good gifts which God hath bestowed upon us, health, wealth, strength, wit, learning, art, memory to our own destruction, 871Perditio tua ex te. As 872Judas Maccabeus killed Apollonius with his own weapons, we arm ourselves to our own overthrows; and use reason, art, judgment, all that should help us, as so many instruments to undo us. Hector gave Ajax a sword, which so long as he fought against enemies, served for his help and defence; but after he began to hurt harmless creatures with it, turned to his own hurtless bowels. Those excellent means God hath bestowed on us, well employed, cannot but much avail us; but if otherwise perverted, they ruin and confound us: and so by reason of our indiscretion and weakness they commonly do, we have too many instances. This St. Austin acknowledgeth of himself in his humble confessions, “promptness of wit, memory, eloquence, they were God's good gifts, but he did not use them to his glory.” If you will particularly know how, and by what means, consult physicians, and they will tell you, that it is in offending in some of those six non-natural things, of which I shall 873dilate more at large; they are the causes of our infirmities, our surfeiting, and drunkenness, our immoderate insatiable lust, and prodigious riot. Plures crapula, quam gladius, is a true saying, the board consumes more than the sword. Our intemperance it is, that pulls so many several incurable diseases upon our heads, that hastens 874old age, perverts our temperature, and brings upon us sudden death. And last of all, that which crucifies us most, is our own folly, madness (quos Jupiter perdit, dementat; by subtraction of his assisting grace God permits it) weakness, want of government, our facility and proneness in yielding to several lusts, in giving way to every passion and perturbation of the mind: by which means we metamorphose ourselves and degenerate into beasts. All which that prince of 875poets observed of Agamemnon, that when he was well pleased, and could moderate his passion, he was — os oculosque Jovi par: like Jupiter in feature, Mars in valour, Pallas in wisdom, another god; but when he became angry, he was a lion, a tiger, a dog, &c., there appeared no sign or likeness of Jupiter in him; so we, as long as we are ruled by reason, correct our inordinate appetite, and conform ourselves to God's word, are as so many saints: but if we give reins to lust, anger, ambition, pride, and follow our own ways, we degenerate into beasts, transform ourselves, overthrow our constitutions, 876provoke God to anger, and heap upon us this of melancholy, and all kinds of incurable diseases, as a just and deserved punishment of our sins.

820. Magnum miraculum.

821. Mundi epitome, naturae deliciae.

822. Finis rerum omnium, cui sublunaria serviunt. Scalig. exercit. 365. sec. 3. Vales. de sacr. Phil. c. 5.

823. Ut in numismate Caesaris imago, sic in homine Dei.

824. Gen. 1.

825. Imago mundi in corpore, Dei in anima. Exemplumque dei quisque est in imagine parva.

826. Eph. iv. 24.

827. Palan terius.

828. Psal. xlix. 20.

829. Lascivia superat equum, impudentia canem, astu vulpem, furore leonem. Chrys. 23. Gen.

830. Gen. iii. 13.

831. Ecclus. iv. 1, 2, 3, 4, 5, 8.

832. Gen. iii. 17.

833. Illa cadens tegmen manibus decussit, et una perniciem immisit miseris mortalibus atram. Hesiod. 1. oper.

834. Hom. 5. ad pop. Antioch.

835. Psal. cvii. 17.

836. Pro. i. 27.

837. Quod autem crebrius bella concutiant, quod sterilitas et fames solicitudinem cumulent, quod saevientibus morbis valitudo frangitur, quod humanum genus luis populatione vastatur; ob peccatum omnia. Cypr.

838. Si raro desuper pluvia descendat, si terra situ pulveris squalleat, si vix jejunas et pallidas heibas sterilis gleba producat, si turbo vineam debilitet, &c. Cypr.

839. Mat. xiv. 3.

840. Philostratus, lib. 8. vit. Apollonii. Injustitiam ejus, et sceleratas nuptias, et caeteta quae praeter rationem fecerat, morborum causas dixit.

841. 16.

842. 18.

843. 20.

844. Verse 17.

845. 28. Deos quos diligit, castigat.

846. Isa. v. 13. Verse 15.

847. Nostrae salutis avidus continenter aures vellicat, ac calamitate subinde nos exercet. Levinus Lemn. l. 2. c. 29. de occult, nat. mir.

848. Vexatio dat Intellectum. Isa. xiviii. 19.

849. In sickness the mind recollects itself.

850. Lib. 7. Cum judicio, mores et facta recognoscit et se intuetur. Dum fero languorem, fero religionis amorem. Expers languoris non sum memor hujus amoris.

851. Summum esse totius philosophiae, ut tales esse perseveremus, quales nos futures esse infirmi profitemur.

852. Petrarch.

853. Prov. iii. 12.

854. Hor. Epis. lib. 1. 4.

855. Deut. viii. 11. Qui stat videat ne cadat.

856. Quanto majoribus beneficiis a Deo cumulatur, tanto obligatiorem se debitorem fateri.

857. Boterus de Inst. urbium.

858. Lege hist, relationem Lod. Frois de rebus Japonicis ad annum 1596.

859. Guicciard. descript. Belg. anno 1421.

860. Giraldus Cambrens.

861. Janus Dousa, ep. lib. 1. car. 10. And we perceive nothing, except the dead bodies of cities in the open sea.

862. Munster l. 3. Cos. cap. 462.

863. Buchanan. Baptist.

864. Homo homini lupus, homo homini daemon.

865. Ovid. de Trist. l. 5. Eleg.

866. Miscent aconita novercae.

867. Lib. 2 Epist. 2. ad Donatum.

868. Eze. xviii. 2.

869. Hor. l. 3. Od. 6.

870. 2 Tim. iii. 2.

871. Eze. xviii. 31. Thy destruction is from thyself.

872. 21 Macc. iii. 12.

873. Part. 1. Sec. 2. Memb. 2.

874. Nequitia est quae te non sinet esse senem.

875. Homer. Iliad.

876. Intemperantia, luxus, ingluvies, et infinita hujusmodi flagitia, quae divinas poenas merentur. Crato.

Subsect. ii.

The Definition, Number, Division of Diseases.

What a disease is, almost every physician defines. 877Fernelius calleth it an “affection of the body contrary to nature.” 878Fuschius and Crato, “an hindrance, hurt, or alteration of any action of the body, or part of it.” 879Tholosanus, “a dissolution of that league which is between body and soul, and a perturbation of it; as health the perfection, and makes to the preservation of it.” 880Labeo in Agellius, “an ill habit of the body, opposite to nature, hindering the use of it.” Others otherwise, all to this effect.

Number of Diseases. How many diseases there are, is a question not yet determined; 881Pliny reckons up 300 from the crown of the head to the sole of the foot: elsewhere he saith, morborum infinita multitudo, their number is infinite. Howsoever it was in those times, it boots not; in our days I am sure the number is much augmented:

882 ——— macies, et nova febrium

Terris incubit cohors.

For besides many epidemical diseases unheard of, and altogether unknown to Galen and Hippocrates, as scorbutum, small-pox, plica, sweating sickness, morbus Gallicus, &c., we have many proper and peculiar almost to every part.

No man free from some Disease or other. No man amongst us so sound, of so good a constitution, that hath not some impediment of body or mind. Quisque suos patimur manes, we have all our infirmities, first or last, more or less. There will be peradventure in an age, or one of a thousand, like Zenophilus the musician in 883Pliny, that may happily live 105 years without any manner of impediment; a Pollio Romulus, that can preserve himself 884“with wine and oil;” a man as fortunate as Q. Metellus, of whom Valerius so much brags; a man as healthy as Otto Herwardus, a senator of Augsburg in Germany, whom 885Leovitius the astrologer brings in for an example and instance of certainty in his art; who because he had the significators in his geniture fortunate, and free from the hostile aspects of Saturn and Mars, being a very cold man, 886“could not remember that ever he was sick.” 887Paracelsus may brag that he could make a man live 400 years or more, if he might bring him up from his infancy, and diet him as he list; and some physicians hold, that there is no certain period of man's life; but it may still by temperance and physic be prolonged. We find in the meantime, by common experience, that no man can escape, but that of 888Hesiod is true:

Πλείη μὲν γὰρ γαῖα κακῶν, πλειη δὲ θάλασσα,

Νοῦσοιδ' ἄνθρωποι ἐιν ἐφ' ἡμέρη, ἠδ' ἐπὶ νυκτὶ

Ἁυτοματοι φοιτῶσι. ———

Th' earth's full of maladies, and full the sea,

Which set upon us both by night and day.

Division of Diseases. If you require a more exact division of these ordinary diseases which are incident to men, I refer you to physicians; 889they will tell you of acute and chronic, first and secondary, lethals, salutares, errant, fixed, simple, compound, connexed, or consequent, belonging to parts or the whole, in habit, or in disposition, &c. My division at this time (as most befitting my purpose) shall be into those of the body and mind. For them of the body, a brief catalogue of which Fuschius hath made, Institut. lib. 3, sect. 1, cap. 11. I refer you to the voluminous tomes of Galen, Areteus, Rhasis, Avicenna, Alexander, Paulus Aetius, Gordonerius: and those exact Neoterics, Savanarola, Capivaccius, Donatus Altomarus, Hercules de Saxonia, Mercurialis, Victorius Faventinus, Wecker, Piso, &c., that have methodically and elaborately written of them all. Those of the mind and head I will briefly handle, and apart.

877. Fern. Path. l. 1. c. 1. Morbus est affectus contra, naturam corpori insides.

878. Fusch. Instit. l. 3. sect. 1. c. 3. a quo primum vitiatur actio.

879. Dissolutio foederis in corpore, ut sanitas est consummatio.

880. Lib. 4. cap. 2. Morbus est habitus contra naturam, qui usum ejus, &c.

881. Cap. 11. lib. 7.

882. Horat. lib. 1. ode 3. “Emaciation, and a new cohort of fevers broods over the earth.”

883. Cap. 50. lib. 7. Centum et quinque vixit annos sine ullo incommodo.

884. Intus mulso, foras oleo.

885. Exemplis genitur. praefixis Ephemer. cap. de infirmitat.

886. Qui, quoad pueritae ultimam memoriam recordari potest non meminit se aegrotum decubuisse.

887. Lib. de vita longa.

888. Oper. et. dies.

889. See Fernelius Path. lib. 1. cap. 9, 10, 11, 12. Fuschius Instit. l. 3. sect. 1. c. 7. Wecker. Synt.

Subsect. iii.

Division of the Diseases of the Head.

These diseases of the mind, forasmuch as they have their chief seat and organs in the head, which are commonly repeated amongst the diseases of the head which are divers, and vary much according to their site. For in the head, as there be several parts, so there be divers grievances, which according to that division of 890Heurnius, (which he takes out of Arculanus,) are inward or outward (to omit all others which pertain to eyes and ears, nostrils, gums, teeth, mouth, palate, tongue, weezle, chops, face, &c.) belonging properly to the brain, as baldness, falling of hair, furfur, lice, &c. 891Inward belonging to the skins next to the brain, called dura and pia mater, as all headaches, &c., or to the ventricles, caules, kells, tunicles, creeks, and parts of it, and their passions, as caro, vertigo, incubus, apoplexy, falling sickness. The diseases of the nerves, cramps, stupor, convulsion, tremor, palsy: or belonging to the excrements of the brain, catarrhs, sneezing, rheums, distillations: or else those that pertain to the substance of the brain itself, in which are conceived frenzy, lethargy, melancholy, madness, weak memory, sopor, or Coma Vigilia et vigil Coma. Out of these again I will single such as properly belong to the phantasy, or imagination, or reason itself, which 892Laurentius calls the disease of the mind; and Hildesheim, morbos imaginationis, aut rationis laesae, (diseases of the imagination, or of injured reason,) which are three or four in number, frenzy, madness, melancholy, dotage, and their kinds: as hydrophobia, lycanthropia, Chorus sancti viti, morbi daemoniaci, (St. Vitus's dance, possession of devils,) which I will briefly touch and point at, insisting especially in this of melancholy, as more eminent than the rest, and that through all his kinds, causes, symptoms, prognostics, cures: as Lonicerus hath done de apoplexia, and many other of such particular diseases. Not that I find fault with those which have written of this subject before, as Jason Pratensis, Laurentius, Montaltus, T. Bright, &c., they have done very well in their several kinds and methods; yet that which one omits, another may haply see; that which one contracts, another may enlarge. To conclude with 893Scribanius, “that which they had neglected, or perfunctorily handled, we may more thoroughly examine; that which is obscurely delivered in them, may be perspicuously dilated and amplified by us:” and so made more familiar and easy for every man's capacity, and the common good, which is the chief end of my discourse.

890. Praefat. de morbis capitis. In capite ut variae habitant partes, ita variae querelae ibi eveniunt.

891. Of which read Heurnius, Montaltus, Hildesheim, Quercetan, Jason Pratensis, &c.

892. Cap. 2. de melanchol.

893. Cap. 2. de Phisiologia sagarum: Quod alii minus recte fortasse dixerint, nos examinare, melius dijudicare, corrigere studeamus.

Subsect. iv.

Dotage, Frenzy, Madness, Hydrophobia, Lycanthropia, Chorus sancti Viti, Extasis.

Delirium, Dotage. Dotage, fatuity, or folly, is a common name to all the following species, as some will have it. 894Laurentius and 895 Altomarus comprehended madness, melancholy, and the rest under this name, and call it the summum genus of them all. If it be distinguished from them, it is natural or ingenite, which comes by some defect of the organs, and overmuch brain, as we see in our common fools; and is for the most part intended or remitted in particular men, and thereupon some are wiser than others: or else it is acquisite, an appendix or symptom of some other disease, which comes or goes; or if it continue, a sign of melancholy itself.

Frenzy. Phrenitis, which the Greeks derive from the word φρην, is a disease of the mind, with a continual madness or dotage, which hath an acute fever annexed, or else an inflammation of the brain, or the membranes or kells of it, with an acute fever, which causeth madness and dotage. It differs from melancholy and madness, because their dotage is without an ague: this continual, with waking, or memory decayed, &c. Melancholy is most part silent, this clamorous; and many such like differences are assigned by physicians.

Madness. Madness, frenzy, and melancholy are confounded by Celsus, and many writers; others leave out frenzy, and make madness and melancholy but one disease, which 896Jason Pratensis especially labours, and that they differ only secundam majus or minus, in quantity alone, the one being a degree to the other, and both proceeding from one cause. They differ intenso et remisso gradu, saith 897Gordonius, as the humour is intended or remitted. Of the same mind is 898Areteus, Alexander Tertullianus, Guianerius, Savanarola, Heurnius; and Galen himself writes promiscuously of them both by reason of their affinity: but most of our neoterics do handle them apart, whom I will follow in this treatise. Madness is therefore defined to be a vehement dotage; or raving without a fever, far more violent than melancholy, full of anger and clamour, horrible looks, actions, gestures, troubling the patients with far greater vehemency both of body and mind, without all fear and sorrow, with such impetuous force and boldness, that sometimes three or four men cannot hold them. Differing only in this from frenzy, that it is without a fever, and their memory is most part better. It hath the same causes as the other, as choler adust, and blood incensed, brains inflamed, &c. 899Fracastorius adds, “a due time, and full age” to this definition, to distinguish it from children, and will have it confirmed impotency, to separate it from such as accidentally come and go again, as by taking henbane, nightshade, wine, &c. Of this fury there be divers kinds; 900ecstasy, which is familiar with some persons, as Cardan saith of himself, he could be in one when he list; in which the Indian priests deliver their oracles, and the witches in Lapland, as Olaus Magnus writeth, l. 3, cap. 18. Extasi omnia praedicere, answer all questions in an ecstasis you will ask; what your friends do, where they are, how they fare, &c. The other species of this fury are enthusiasms, revelations, and visions, so often mentioned by Gregory and Bede in their works; obsession or possession of devils, sibylline prophets, and poetical furies; such as come by eating noxious herbs, tarantulas stinging, &c., which some reduce to this. The most known are these, lycanthropia, hydrophobia, chorus sancti Viti.

Lycanthropia. Lycanthropia, which Avicenna calls cucubuth, others lupinam insaniam, or wolf-madness, when men run howling about graves and fields in the night, and will not be persuaded but that they are wolves, or some such beasts. 901Aetius and 902Paulus call it a kind of melancholy; but I should rather refer it to madness, as most do. Some make a doubt of it whether there be any such disease. 903Donat ab Altomari saith, that he saw two of them in his time: 904Wierus tells a story of such a one at Padua 1541, that would not believe to the contrary, but that he was a wolf. He hath another instance of a Spaniard, who thought himself a bear; 905Forrestus confirms as much by many examples; one amongst the rest of which he was an eyewitness, at Alcmaer in Holland, a poor husbandman that still hunted about graves, and kept in churchyards, of a pale, black, ugly, and fearful look. Such belike, or little better, were king Praetus' 906daughters, that thought themselves kine. And Nebuchadnezzar in Daniel, as some interpreters hold, was only troubled with this kind of madness. This disease perhaps gave occasion to that bold assertion of 907Pliny, “some men were turned into wolves in his time, and from wolves to men again:” and to that fable of Pausanias, of a man that was ten years a wolf, and afterwards turned to his former shape: to 908Ovid's tale of Lycaon, &c. He that is desirous to hear of this disease, or more examples, let him read Austin in his 18th book de Civitate Dei, cap. 5. Mizaldus, cent. 5. 77. Sckenkius, lib. 1. Hildesheim, spicel. 2. de Mania. Forrestus lib. 10. de morbis cerebri. Olaus Magnus, Vincentius Bellavicensis, spec. met. lib. 31. c. 122. Pierius, Bodine, Zuinger, Zeilger, Peucer, Wierus, Spranger, &c. This malady, saith Avicenna, troubleth men most in February, and is nowadays frequent in Bohemia and Hungary, according to 909Heurnius. Scheretzius will have it common in Livonia. They lie hid most part all day, and go abroad in the night, barking, howling, at graves and deserts; 910“they have usually hollow eyes, scabbed legs and thighs, very dry and pale,” 911saith Altomarus; he gives a reason there of all the symptoms, and sets down a brief cure of them.

Hydrophobia is a kind of madness, well known in every village, which comes by the biting of a mad dog, or scratching, saith 912Aurelianus; touching, or smelling alone sometimes as 913Sckenkius proves, and is incident to many other creatures as well as men: so called because the parties affected cannot endure the sight of water, or any liquor, supposing still they see a mad dog in it. And which is more wonderful; though they be very dry, (as in this malady they are) they will rather die than drink: 914de Venenis Caelius Aurelianus, an ancient writer, makes a doubt whether this Hydrophobia be a passion of the body or the mind. The part affected is the brain: the cause, poison that comes from the mad dog, which is so hot and dry, that it consumes all the moisture in the body. 915 Hildesheim relates of some that died so mad; and being cut up, had no water, scarce blood, or any moisture left in them. To such as are so affected, the fear of water begins at fourteen days after they are bitten, to some again not till forty or sixty days after: commonly saith Heurnius, they begin to rave, fly water and glasses, to look red, and swell in the face, about twenty days after (if some remedy be not taken in the meantime) to lie awake, to be pensive, sad, to see strange visions, to bark and howl, to fall into a swoon, and oftentimes fits of the falling sickness. 916 Some say, little things like whelps will be seen in their urine. If any of these signs appear, they are past recovery. Many times these symptoms will not appear till six or seven months after, saith 917Codronchus; and sometimes not till seven or eight years, as Guianerius; twelve as Albertus; six or eight months after, as Galen holds. Baldus the great lawyer died of it: an Augustine friar, and a woman in Delft, that were 918Forrestus' patients, were miserably consumed with it. The common cure in the country (for such at least as dwell near the seaside) is to duck them over head and ears in sea water; some use charms: every good wife can prescribe medicines. But the best cure to be had in such cases, is from the most approved physicians; they that will read of them, may consult with Dioscorides, lib. 6. c. 37, Heurnius, Hildesheim, Capivaccius, Forrestus, Sckenkius and before all others Codronchus an Italian, who hath lately written two exquisite books on the subject.

Chorus sancti Viti, or St. Vitus's dance; the lascivious dance, 919 Paracelsus calls it, because they that are taken from it, can do nothing but dance till they be dead, or cured. It is so called, for that the parties so troubled were wont to go to St. Vitus for help, and after they had danced there awhile, they were 920certainly freed. 'Tis strange to hear how long they will dance, and in what manner, over stools, forms, tables; even great bellied women sometimes (and yet never hurt their children) will dance so long that they can stir neither hand nor foot, but seem to be quite dead. One in red clothes they cannot abide. Music above all things they love, and therefore magistrates in Germany will hire musicians to play to them, and some lusty sturdy companions to dance with them. This disease hath been very common in Germany, as appears by those relations of 921Sckenkius, and Paracelsus in his book of Madness, who brags how many several persons he hath cured of it. Felix Plateras de mentis alienat. cap. 3, reports of a woman in Basil whom he saw, that danced a whole month together. The Arabians call it a kind of palsy. Bodine in his 5th book de Repub. cap. 1, speaks of this infirmity; Monavius in his last epistle to Scoltizius, and in another to Dudithus, where you may read more of it.

The last kind of madness or melancholy, is that demoniacal (if I may so call it) obsession or possession of devils, which Platerus and others would have to be preternatural: stupend things are said of them, their actions, gestures, contortions, fasting, prophesying, speaking languages they were never taught, &c. Many strange stories are related of them, which because some will not allow, (for Deacon and Darrel have written large volumes on this subject pro and con.) I voluntarily omit.

922Fuschius, Institut. lib. 3. sec. 1. cap. 11, Felix Plater, 923Laurentius, add to these another fury that proceeds from love, and another from study, another divine or religious fury; but these more properly belong to melancholy; of all which I will speak 924apart, intending to write a whole book of them.

894. Cap. 4. de mol.

895. Art. Med. 7.

896. Plerique medici uno complexu perstringunt hos duos morbos, quod ex eadem causa oriantur, quodque magnitudine et modo solum distent, et alter gradus ad alterum existat. Jason Pratens.

897. Lib. Med.

898. Pars maniae mihi videtur.

899. Insanus est, qui aetate debita, et tempore debito per se, non momentaneam et fugacem, ut vini, solani, Hyoscyami, sed confirmatam habet impotentiam bene operandi circa intellectum. lib. 2. de intellectione.

900. Of which read Felix Plater, cap. 3. de mentis alienatione.

901. Lib. 6. cap. 11.

902. Lib. 3. cap. 16.

903. Cap. 9. Art. med.

904. De praestig. Daemonum, l. 3. cap. 21.

905. Observat. lib. 10. de morbis cerebri, cap. 15.

906. Hippocrates lib. de insania.

907. Lib. 8. cap. 22. Homines interdum lupos feri; et contra.

908. Met. lib. 1.

909. Cap. de Man.

910. Ulcerata crura, sitis ipsis adest immodica, pallidi, lingua sicca.

911. Cap. 9. art. Hydrophobia.

912. Lib. 3. cap. 9.

913. Lib. 7. de Venenis.

914. Lib. 3. cap. 13. de morbis acutis.

915. Spicel. 2.

916. Sckenkius, 7 lib. de Venenis.

917. Lib. de Hydrophobia.

918. Observat. lib. 10. 25.

919. Lascivam Choream. To. 4. de morbis amentium. Tract. 1.

920. Eventu ut plurimum rem ipsam comprobante.

921. Lib. 1. cap. de Mania.

922. Cap. 3. de mentis alienat.

923. Cap. 4. de mel.

924. PART. 3.

Subsect. v.

Melancholy in Disposition, improperly so called, Equivocations.

Melancholy, the subject of our present discourse, is either in disposition or habit. In disposition, is that transitory melancholy which goes and comes upon every small occasion of sorrow, need, sickness, trouble, fear, grief, passion, or perturbation of the mind, any manner of care, discontent, or thought, which causeth anguish, dullness, heaviness and vexation of spirit, any ways opposite to pleasure, mirth, joy, delight, causing frowardness in us, or a dislike. In which equivocal and improper sense, we call him melancholy that is dull, sad, sour, lumpish, ill disposed, solitary, any way moved, or displeased. And from these melancholy dispositions, 925no man living is free, no stoic, none so wise, none so happy, none so patient, so generous, so godly, so divine, that can vindicate himself; so well composed, but more or less, some time or other he feels the smart of it. Melancholy in this sense is the character of mortality. 926“Man that is born of a woman, is of short continuance, and full of trouble.” Zeno, Cato, Socrates himself, whom 927Aelian so highly commends for a moderate temper, that “nothing could disturb him, but going out, and coming in, still Socrates kept the same serenity of countenance, what misery soever befell him,” (if we may believe Plato his disciple) was much tormented with it. Q. Metellus, in whom 928Valerius gives instance of all happiness, “the most fortunate man then living, born in that most flourishing city of Rome, of noble parentage, a proper man of person, well qualified, healthful, rich, honourable, a senator, a consul, happy in his wife, happy in his children,” &c. yet this man was not void of melancholy, he had his share of sorrow. 929Polycrates Samius, that flung his ring into the sea, because he would participate of discontent with others, and had it miraculously restored to him again shortly after, by a fish taken as he angled, was not free from melancholy dispositions. No man can cure himself; the very gods had bitter pangs, and frequent passions, as their own 930poets put upon them. In general, 931“as the heaven, so is our life, sometimes fair, sometimes overcast, tempestuous, and serene; as in a rose, flowers and prickles; in the year itself, a temperate summer sometimes, a hard winter, a drought, and then again pleasant showers: so is our life intermixed with joys, hopes, fears, sorrows, calumnies: Invicem cedunt dolor et voluptas,” there is a succession of pleasure and pain.

932 ——— medio de fonte leporum

Surgit amari aliquid, in ipsis floribus angat.

“Even in the midst of laughing there is sorrow,” (as 933Solomon holds): even in the midst of all our feasting and jollity, as 934Austin infers in his Com. on the 41st Psalm, there is grief and discontent. Inter delicias semper aliquid saevi nos strangulat, for a pint of honey thou shalt here likely find a gallon of gall, for a dram of pleasure a pound of pain, for an inch of mirth an ell of moan; as ivy doth an oak, these miseries encompass our life. And it is most absurd and ridiculous for any mortal man to look for a perpetual tenure of happiness in his life. Nothing so prosperous and pleasant, but it hath 935some bitterness in it, some complaining, some grudging; it is all γλυκύπικρον, a mixed passion, and like a chequer table black and white: men, families, cities, have their falls and wanes; now trines, sextiles, then quartiles and oppositions. We are not here as those angels, celestial powers and bodies, sun and moon, to finish our course without all offence, with such constancy, to continue for so many ages: but subject to infirmities, miseries, interrupted, tossed and tumbled up and down, carried about with every small blast, often molested and disquieted upon each slender occasion, 936uncertain, brittle, and so is all that we trust unto. 937 “And he that knows not this is not armed to endure it, is not fit to live in this world (as one condoles our time), he knows not the condition of it, where with a reciprocalty, pleasure and pain are still united, and succeed one another in a ring.” Exi e mundo, get thee gone hence if thou canst not brook it; there is no way to avoid it, but to arm thyself with patience, with magnanimity, to 938oppose thyself unto it, to suffer affliction as a good soldier of Christ; as 939Paul adviseth constantly to bear it. But forasmuch as so few can embrace this good council of his, or use it aright, but rather as so many brute beasts give away to their passion, voluntary subject and precipitate themselves into a labyrinth of cares, woes, miseries, and suffer their souls to be overcome by them, cannot arm themselves with that patience as they ought to do, it falleth out oftentimes that these dispositions become habits, and “many affects contemned” (as 940Seneca notes) “make a disease. Even as one distillation, not yet grown to custom, makes a cough; but continual and inveterate causeth a consumption of the lungs;” so do these our melancholy provocations: and according as the humour itself is intended, or remitted in men, as their temperature of body, or rational soul is better able to make resistance; so are they more or less affected. For that which is but a flea-biting to one, causeth insufferable torment to another; and which one by his singular moderation, and well-composed carriage can happily overcome, a second is no whit able to sustain, but upon every small occasion of misconceived abuse, injury, grief, disgrace, loss, cross, humour, &c. (if solitary, or idle) yields so far to passion, that his complexion is altered, his digestion hindered, his sleep gone, his spirits obscured, and his heart heavy, his hypochondries misaffected; wind, crudity, on a sudden overtake him, and he himself overcome with melancholy. As it is with a man imprisoned for debt, if once in the gaol, every creditor will bring his action against him, and there likely hold him. If any discontent seize upon a patient, in an instant all other perturbations (for — qua data porta ruunt) will set upon him, and then like a lame dog or broken-winged goose he droops and pines away, and is brought at last to that ill habit or malady of melancholy itself. So that as the philosophers make 941eight degrees of heat and cold, we may make eighty-eight of melancholy, as the parts affected are diversely seized with it, or have been plunged more or less into this infernal gulf, or waded deeper into it. But all these melancholy fits, howsoever pleasing at first, or displeasing, violent and tyrannizing over those whom they seize on for the time; yet these fits I say, or men affected, are but improperly so called, because they continue not, but come and go, as by some objects they aye moved. This melancholy of which we are to treat, is a habit, mosbus sonticus, or chronicus, a chronic or continuate disease, a settled humour, as 942 Aurelianus and 943others call it, not errant, but fixed; and as it was long increasing, so now being (pleasant, or painful) grown to an habit, it will hardly be removed.

925. De quo homine securitas, de quo certum gaudium? quocunque se convertit, in terrenis rebus amaritudinem animi inveniet. Aug. in Psal. viii. 5.

926. Job. i. 14.

927. Omni tempore Socratem eodem vultu videri, sive domum rediret, sive domo egrederetur.

928. Lib. 7. cap. 1. Natus in florentissima totius orbis civitate, nobilissimis parentibus, corpores vires habuit et rarissimas animi dotes, uxorem conapicuam, pudicam, felices liberos, consulare decus, sequentes triumphos, &c.

929. Aelian.

930. Homer. Iliad.

931. Lipsius, cent. 3. ep. 45, ut coelum, sic nos homines sumus: illud ex intervallo nubibus obducitur et obscuratur. In rosario flores spinis intermixti. Vita similis aeri, udum modo, sudum, tempestas, serenitas: ita vices rerum sunt, praemia gaudiis, et sequaces curae.

932. Lucretius, l. 4. 1124.

933. Prov. xiv. 13. Extremum gaudii luctas occupat.

934. Natalitia inquit celebrantur, nuptiae hic sunt; at ibi quid celebratur quod non dolet, quod non transit?

935. Apuleius 4. florid. Nihil quicquid homini tam prosperum divinitus datum, quin ei admixtum sit aliquid difficultatis ut etiam amplissima quaqua laetitia, subsit quaepiam vel parva querimonia conjugatione quadam mellis, et fellis.

936. Caduca nimirum et fragilia, et puerilibus consentanea crepundiis sunt ista quae vires et opes humanae vocantur, affluunt subito, repente delabuntur, nullo in loco, nulla in persona, stabilibus nixa radicibus consistunt, sed incertissimo flatu fortunae quos in sublime extulerunt improviso recursu destitutos in profundo miseriarum valle miserabiliter immergunt. Valerius, lib. 6. cap. 11.

937. Huic seculo parum aptus es, aut potius omnium nostrorum conditionem ignoras, quibus reciproco quodam nexu, &c. Lorchanus Gollobelgicus, lib. 3. ad annum 1598.

938. Horsum omnia studia dirigi debent, ut humana fortiter feramus.

939. 2 Tim. ii. 3.

940. Epist. 96. lib. 10. Affectus frequentes contemptique morbum faciunt. Distillatio una nec adhuc in morem adaucta, tussim facit, assidua et violenta pthisim.

941. Calidum ad octo: frigidum ad octo. Una hirundo non facit aestatem.

942. Lib. 1. c. 6.

943. Fuschius, l. 3. sec. 1. cap. 7. Hildesheim, fol. 130.

Sect. i. Memb. ii.

Subsect. i.

Digression of Anatomy.

Before I proceed to define the disease of melancholy, what it is, or to discourse farther of it, I hold it not impertinent to make a brief digression of the anatomy of the body and faculties of the soul, for the better understanding of that which is to follow; because many hard words will often occur, as mirach, hypocondries, emerods, &c., imagination, reason, humours, spirits, vital, natural, animal, nerves, veins, arteries, chylus, pituita; which by the vulgar will not so easily be perceived, what they are, how cited, and to what end they serve. And besides, it may peradventure give occasion to some men to examine more accurately, search further into this most excellent subject, and thereupon with that royal 944prophet to praise God, (“for a man is fearfully and wonderfully made, and curiously wrought”) that have time and leisure enough, and are sufficiently informed in all other worldly businesses, as to make a good bargain, buy and sell, to keep and make choice of a fair hawk, hound, horse, &c. But for such matters as concern the knowledge of themselves, they are wholly ignorant and careless; they know not what this body and soul are, how combined, of what parts and faculties they consist, or how a man differs from a dog. And what can be more ignominious and filthy (as 945Melancthon well inveighs) “than for a man not to know the structure and composition of his own body, especially since the knowledge of it tends so much to the preservation, of his health, and information of his manners?” To stir them up therefore to this study, to peruse those elaborate works of 946Galen, Bauhines, Plater, Vesalius, Falopius, Laurentius, Remelinus, &c., which have written copiously in Latin; or that which some of our industrious countrymen have done in our mother tongue, not long since, as that translation of 947Columbus and 948 Microcosmographia, in thirteen books, I have made this brief digression. Also because 949Wecker, 950Melancthon, 951Fernelius, 952 Fuschius, and those tedious Tracts de Anima (which have more compendiously handled and written of this matter,) are not at all times ready to be had, to give them some small taste, or notice of the rest, let this epitome suffice.

944. Psal. xxxix. 13.

945. De Anima. Turpe enim est homini ignorare sui corporis (ut ita dicam) aedificium, praesertim cum ad valetudinem et mores haec cognitio plurimum conducat.

946. De usu part.

947. History of man.

948. D. Crooke.

949. In Syntaxi.

950. De Anima.

951. Istit. lib. 1.

952. Physiol. l. 1, 2.

Subsect. ii.

Division of the Body, Humours, Spirits.

Of the parts of the body there may be many divisions: the most approved is that of 953Laurentius, out of Hippocrates: which is, into parts contained, or containing. Contained, are either humours or spirits.

Humours. A humour is a liquid or fluent part of the body, comprehended in it, for the preservation of it; and is either innate or born with us, or adventitious and acquisite. The radical or innate, is daily supplied by nourishment, which some call cambium, and make those secondary humours of ros and gluten to maintain it: or acquisite, to maintain these four first primary humours, coming and proceeding from the first concoction in the liver, by which means chylus is excluded. Some divide them into profitable and excrementitious. But 954Crato out of Hippocrates will have all four to be juice, and not excrements, without which no living creature can be sustained: which four, though they be comprehended in the mass of blood, yet they have their several affections, by which they are distinguished from one another, and from those adventitious, peccant, or 955diseased humours, as Melancthon calls them.

Blood. Blood is a hot, sweet, temperate, red humour, prepared in the mesaraic veins, and made of the most temperate parts of the chylus in the liver, whose office is to nourish the whole body, to give it strength and colour, being dispersed by the veins through every part of it. And from it spirits are first begotten in the heart, which afterwards by the arteries are communicated to the other parts.

Pituita, or phlegm, is a cold and moist humour, begotten of the colder part of the chylus (or white juice coming out of the meat digested in the stomach,) in the liver; his office is to nourish and moisten the members of the body, which as the tongue are moved, that they be not over dry.

Choler, is hot and dry, bitter, begotten of the hotter parts of the chylus, and gathered to the gall: it helps the natural heat and senses, and serves to the expelling of excrements.

Melancholy. Melancholy, cold and dry, thick, black, and sour, begotten of the more feculent part of nourishment, and purged from the spleen, is a bridle to the other two hot humours, blood and choler, preserving them in the blood, and nourishing the bones. These four humours have some analogy with the four elements, and to the four ages in man.

Serum, Sweat, Tears. To these humours you may add serum, which is the matter of urine, and those excrementitious humours of the third concoction, sweat and tears.

Spirits. Spirit is a most subtle vapour, which is expressed from the blood, and the instrument of the soul, to perform all his actions; a common tie or medium between the body and the soul, as some will have it; or as 956Paracelsus, a fourth soul of itself. Melancthon holds the fountain of those spirits to be the heart, begotten there; and afterward conveyed to the brain, they take another nature to them. Of these spirits there be three kinds, according to the three principal parts, brain, heart, liver; natural, vital, animal. The natural are begotten in the liver, and thence dispersed through the veins, to perform those natural actions. The vital spirits are made in the heart of the natural, which by the arteries are transported to all the other parts: if the spirits cease, then life ceaseth, as in a syncope or swooning. The animal spirits formed of the vital, brought up to the brain, and diffused by the nerves, to the subordinate members, give sense and motion to them all.

953. Anat. l. 1. c. 18.

954. In Micro. succos, sine quibus animal sustentari non potest.

955. Morbosos humores.

956. Spiritalis anima.

Subsect. iii.

Similar Parts.

Similar Parts] Containing parts, by reason of their more solid substance, are either homogeneal or heterogeneal, similar or dissimilar; so Aristotle divides them, lib. 1, cap. 1, de Hist. Animal.; Laurentius, cap. 20, lib. 1. Similar, or homogeneal, are such as, if they be divided, are still severed into parts of the same nature, as water into water. Of these some be spermatical, some fleshy or carnal. 957Spermatical are such as are immediately begotten of the seed, which are bones, gristles, ligaments, membranes, nerves, arteries, veins, skins, fibres or strings, fat.

Bones. The bones are dry and hard, begotten of the thickest of the seed, to strengthen and sustain other parts: some say there be 304, some 307, or 313 in man's body. They have no nerves in them, and are therefore without sense.

A gristle is a substance softer than bone, and harder than the rest, flexible, and serves to maintain the parts of motion.

Ligaments are they that tie the bones together, and other parts to the bones, with their subserving tendons: membranes' office is to cover the rest.

Nerves, or sinews, are membranes without, and full of marrow within; they proceed from the brain, and carry the animal spirits for sense and motion. Of these some be harder, some softer; the softer serve the senses, and there be seven pair of them. The first be the optic nerves, by which we see; the second move the eyes; the third pair serve for the tongue to taste; the fourth pair for the taste in the palate; the fifth belong to the ears; the sixth pair is most ample, and runs almost over all the bowels; the seventh pair moves the tongue. The harder sinews serve for the motion of the inner parts, proceeding from the marrow in the back, of whom there be thirty combinations, seven of the neck, twelve of the breast, &c.

Arteries. Arteries are long and hollow, with a double skin to convey the vital spirit; to discern which the better, they say that Vesalius the anatomist was wont to cut up men alive. 958They arise in the left side of the heart, and are principally two, from which the rest are derived, aorta and venosa: aorta is the root of all the other, which serve the whole body; the other goes to the lungs, to fetch air to refrigerate the heart.

Veins. Veins are hollow and round, like pipes, arising from the liver, carrying blood and natural spirits; they feed all the parts. Of these there be two chief, Vena porta and Vena cava, from which the rest are corrivated. That Vena porta is a vein coming from the concave of the liver, and receiving those mesaraical veins, by whom he takes the chylus from the stomach and guts, and conveys it to the liver. The other derives blood from the liver to nourish all the other dispersed members. The branches of that Vena porta are the mesaraical and haemorrhoids. The branches of the cava are inward or outward. Inward, seminal or emulgent. Outward, in the head, arms, feet, &c., and have several names.

Fibrae, Fat, Flesh. Fibrae are strings, white and solid, dispersed through the whole member, and right, oblique, transverse, all which have their several uses. Fat is a similar part, moist, without blood, composed of the most thick and unctuous matter of the blood. The 959skin covers the rest, and hath cuticulum, or a little skin tinder it. Flesh is soft and ruddy, composed of the congealing of blood, &c.

957. Laurentius, cap. 20, lib. 1. Anat.

958. In these they observe the beating of the pulse.

959. Cujus est pars simularis a vi cutifica ut interiora muniat. Capivac. Anat. pag. 252.

Subsect. iv.

Dissimilar Parts.

Dissimilar parts are those which we call organical, or instrumental, and they be inward or outward. The chiefest outward parts are situate forward or backward:— forward, the crown and foretop of the head, skull, face, forehead, temples, chin, eyes, ears, nose, &c., neck, breast, chest, upper and lower part of the belly, hypocondries, navel, groin, flank, &c.; backward, the hinder part of the head, back, shoulders, sides, loins, hipbones, os sacrum, buttocks, &c. Or joints, arms, hands, feet, legs, thighs, knees, &c. Or common to both, which, because they are obvious and well known, I have carelessly repeated, eaque praecipua et grandiora tantum; quod reliquum ex libris de anima qui volet, accipiat.

Inward organical parts, which cannot be seen, are divers in number, and have several names, functions, and divisions; but that of 960Laurentius is most notable, into noble or ignoble parts. Of the noble there be three principal parts, to which all the rest belong, and whom they serve — brain, heart, liver; according to whose site, three regions, or a threefold division, is made of the whole body. As first of the head, in which the animal organs are contained, and brain itself, which by his nerves give sense and motion to the rest, and is, as it were, a privy counsellor and chancellor to the heart. The second region is the chest, or middle belly, in which the heart as king keeps his court, and by his arteries communicates life to the whole body. The third region is the lower belly, in which the liver resides as a Legat a latere, with the rest of those natural organs, serving for concoction, nourishment, expelling of excrements. This lower region is distinguished from the upper by the midriff, or diaphragma, and is subdivided again by 961some into three concavities or regions, upper, middle, and lower. The upper of the hypocondries, in whose right side is the liver, the left the spleen; from which is denominated hypochondriacal melancholy. The second of the navel and flanks, divided from the first by the rim. The last of the water course, which is again subdivided into three other parts. The Arabians make two parts of this region, Epigastrium and Hypogastrium, upper or lower. Epigastrium they call Mirach, from whence comes Mirachialis Melancholia, sometimes mentioned of them. Of these several regions I will treat in brief apart; and first of the third region, in which the natural organs are contained.

De Anima. — The Lower Region, Natural Organs. But you that are readers in the meantime, “Suppose you were now brought into some sacred temple, or majestical palace” (as 962Melancthon saith), “to behold not the matter only, but the singular art, workmanship, and counsel of this our great Creator. And it is a pleasant and profitable speculation, if it be considered aright.” The parts of this region, which present themselves to your consideration and view, are such as serve to nutrition or generation. Those of nutrition serve to the first or second concoction; as the oesophagus or gullet, which brings meat and drink into the stomach. The ventricle or stomach, which is seated in the midst of that part of the belly beneath the midriff, the kitchen, as it were, of the first concoction, and which turns our meat into chylus. It hath two mouths, one above, another beneath. The upper is sometimes taken for the stomach itself; the lower and nether door (as Wecker calls it) is named Pylorus. This stomach is sustained by a large kell or caul, called omentum; which some will have the same with peritoneum, or rim of the belly. From the stomach to the very fundament are produced the guts, or intestina, which serve a little to alter and distribute the chylus, and convey away the excrements. They are divided into small and great, by reason of their site and substance, slender or thicker: the slender is duodenum, or whole gut, which is next to the stomach, some twelve inches long, saith 963 Fuschius. Jejunum, or empty gut, continuate to the other, which hath many mesaraic veins annexed to it, which take part of the chylus to the liver from it. Ilion the third, which consists of many crinkles, which serves with the rest to receive, keep, and distribute the chylus from the stomach. The thick guts are three, the blind gut, colon, and right gut. The blind is a thick and short gut, having one mouth, in which the ilium and colon meet: it receives the excrements, and conveys them to the colon. This colon hath many windings, that the excrements pass not away too fast: the right gut is straight, and conveys the excrements to the fundament, whose lower part is bound up with certain muscles called sphincters, that the excrements may be the better contained, until such time as a man be willing to go to the stool. In the midst of these guts is situated the mesenterium or midriff, composed of many veins, arteries, and much fat, serving chiefly to sustain the guts. All these parts serve the first concoction. To the second, which is busied either in refining the good nourishment or expelling the bad, is chiefly belonging the liver, like in colour to congealed blood, the shop of blood, situate in the right hypochondry, in figure like to a half-moon, generosum membrum Melancthon styles it, a generous part; it serves to turn the chylus to blood, for the nourishment of the body. The excrements of it are either choleric or watery, which the other subordinate parts convey. The gall placed in the concave of the liver, extracts choler to it: the spleen, melancholy; which is situate on the left side, over against the liver, a spongy matter, that draws this black choler to it by a secret virtue, and feeds upon it, conveying the rest to the bottom of the stomach, to stir up appetite, or else to the guts as an excrement. That watery matter the two kidneys expurgate by those emulgent veins and ureters. The emulgent draw this superfluous moisture from the blood; the two ureters convey it to the bladder, which, by reason of his site in the lower belly, is apt to receive it, having two parts, neck and bottom: the bottom holds the water, the neck is constringed with a muscle, which, as a porter, keeps the water from running out against our will.

Members of generation are common to both sexes, or peculiar to one; which, because they are impertinent to my purpose, I do voluntarily omit.

Middle Region. Next in order is the middle region, or chest, which comprehends the vital faculties and parts; which (as I have said) is separated from the lower belly by the diaphragma or midriff, which is a skin consisting of many nerves, membranes; and amongst other uses it hath, is the instrument of laughing. There is also a certain thin membrane, full of sinews, which covereth the whole chest within, and is called pleura, the seat of the disease called pleurisy, when it is inflamed; some add a third skin, which is termed mediastinus, which divides the chest into two parts, right and left; of this region the principal part is the heart, which is the seat and fountain of life, of heat, of spirits, of pulse and respiration — the sun of our body, the king and sole commander of it — the seat and organ of all passions and affections. Primum vivens, ultimum moriens, it lives first, dies last in all creatures. Of a pyramidical form, and not much unlike to a pineapple; a part worthy of 964 admiration, that can yield such variety of affections, by whose motion it is dilated or contracted, to stir and command the humours in the body. As in sorrow, melancholy; in anger, choler; in joy, to send the blood outwardly; in sorrow, to call it in; moving the humours, as horses do a chariot. This heart, though it be one sole member, yet it may be divided into two creeks right and left. The right is like the moon increasing, bigger than the other part, and receives blood from vena cava, distributing some of it to the lungs to nourish them; the rest to the left side, to engender spirits. The left creek hath the form of a cone, and is the seat of life, which, as a torch doth oil, draws blood unto it, begetting of it spirits and fire; and as fire in a torch, so are spirits in the blood; and by that great artery called aorta, it sends vital spirits over the body, and takes air from the lungs by that artery which is called venosa; so that both creeks have their vessels, the right two veins, the left two arteries, besides those two common anfractuous ears, which serve them both; the one to hold blood, the other air, for several uses. The lungs is a thin spongy part, like an ox hoof, (saith 965Fernelius) the town-clerk or crier, (966one terms it) the instrument of voice, as an orator to a king; annexed to the heart, to express their thoughts by voice. That it is the instrument of voice, is manifest, in that no creature can speak, or utter any voice, which wanteth these lights. It is, besides, the instrument of respiration, or breathing; and its office is to cool the heart, by sending air unto it, by the venosal artery, which vein comes to the lungs by that aspera arteria which consists of many gristles, membranes, nerves, taking in air at the nose and mouth, and by it likewise exhales the fumes of the heart.

In the upper region serving the animal faculties, the chief organ is the brain, which is a soft, marrowish, and white substance, engendered of the purest part of seed and spirits, included by many skins, and seated within the skull or brain pan; and it is the most noble organ under heaven, the dwelling-house and seat of the soul, the habitation of wisdom, memory, judgment, reason, and in which man is most like unto God; and therefore nature hath covered it with a skull of hard bone, and two skins or membranes, whereof the one is called dura mater, or meninx, the other pia mater. The dura mater is next to the skull, above the other, which includes and protects the brain. When this is taken away, the pia mater is to be seen, a thin membrane, the next and immediate cover of the brain, and not covering only, but entering into it. The brain itself is divided into two parts, the fore and hinder part; the fore part is much bigger than the other, which is called the little brain in respect of it. This fore part hath many concavities distinguished by certain ventricles, which are the receptacles of the spirits, brought hither by the arteries from the heart, and are there refined to a more heavenly nature, to perform the actions of the soul. Of these ventricles there are three — right, left, and middle. The right and left answer to their site, and beget animal spirits; if they be any way hurt, sense and motion ceaseth. These ventricles, moreover, are held to be the seat of the common sense. The middle ventricle is a common concourse and cavity of them both, and hath two passages — the one to receive pituita, and the other extends itself to the fourth creek; in this they place imagination and cogitation, and so the three ventricles of the fore part of the brain are used. The fourth creek behind the head is common to the cerebel or little brain, and marrow of the backbone, the last and most solid of all the rest, which receives the animal spirits from the other ventricles, and conveys them to the marrow in the back, and is the place where they say the memory is seated.

960. Anat. lib. 1. c. 19. Celebris est pervulgata partium divisio principes et ignobiles partes.

961. D. Crooke out of Galen and others.

962. Vos vero veluti in templum ac sacrarium quoddam vos duci putetis, &c. Suavis et utilis cognitio.

963. Lib. 1. cap. 12. sect. 5.

964. Haec res est praecipue digna admiratione, quod tanta affectuum varietate cietur cor, quod omnes retristes et laetae statim corda feriunt et movent.

965. Physio. l. 1. c. 8.

966. Ut orator regi: sic pulmo vocis instrumentum annectitur cordi, &c. Melancth.

Subsect. v.

Of the Soul and her Faculties.

According to 967Aristotle, the soul is defined to be ἐντελέχεια, perfectio et actus primus corporis organici, vitam habentis in potentia: the perfection or first act of an organical body, having power of life, which most 968philosophers approve. But many doubts arise about the essence, subject, seat, distinction, and subordinate faculties of it. For the essence and particular knowledge, of all other things it is most hard (be it of man or beast) to discern, as 969Aristotle himself, 970Tully, 971Picus Mirandula, 972Tolet, and other neoteric philosophers confess:— 973“We can understand all things by her, but what she is we cannot apprehend.” Some therefore make one soul, divided into three principal faculties; others, three distinct souls. Which question of late hath been much controverted by Picolomineus and Zabarel. 974 Paracelsus will have four souls, adding to the three grand faculties a spiritual soul: which opinion of his, Campanella, in his book de sensu rerum 975much labours to demonstrate and prove, because carcasses bleed at the sight of the murderer; with many such arguments And 976some again, one soul of all creatures whatsoever, differing only in organs; and that beasts have reason as well as men, though, for some defect of organs, not in such measure. Others make a doubt whether it be all in all, and all in every part; which is amply discussed in Zabarel amongst the rest. The 977common division of the soul is into three principal faculties — vegetal, sensitive, and rational, which make three distinct kinds of living creatures — vegetal plants, sensible beasts, rational men. How these three principal faculties are distinguished and connected, Humano ingenio inaccessum videtur, is beyond human capacity, as 978 Taurellus, Philip, Flavins, and others suppose. The inferior may be alone, but the superior cannot subsist without the other; so sensible includes vegetal, rational both; which are contained in it (saith Aristotle) ut trigonus in tetragono as a triangle in a quadrangle.

Vegetal Soul. Vegetal, the first of the three distinct faculties, is defined to be “a substantial act of an organical body, by which it is nourished, augmented, and begets another like unto itself.” In which definition, three several operations are specified — altrix, auctrix, procreatrix; the first is 979nutrition, whose object is nourishment, meat, drink, and the like; his organ the liver in sensible creatures; in plants, the root or sap. His office is to turn the nutriment into the substance of the body nourished, which he performs by natural heat. This nutritive operation hath four other subordinate functions or powers belonging to it — attraction, retention, digestion, expulsion.

Attraction. 980Attraction is a ministering faculty, which, as a loadstone doth iron, draws meat into the stomach, or as a lamp doth oil; and this attractive power is very necessary in plants, which suck up moisture by the root, as, another mouth, into the sap, as a like stomach.

Retention. Retention keeps it, being attracted unto the stomach, until such time it be concocted; for if it should pass away straight, the body could not be nourished.

Digestion. Digestion is performed by natural heat; for as the flame of a torch consumes oil, wax, tallow, so doth it alter and digest the nutritive matter. Indigestion is opposite unto it, for want of natural heat. Of this digestion there be three differences — maturation, elixation, assation.

Maturation. Maturation is especially observed in the fruits of trees; which are then said to be ripe, when the seeds are fit to be sown again. Crudity is opposed to it, which gluttons, epicures, and idle persons are most subject unto, that use no exercise to stir natural heat, or else choke it, as too much wood puts out a fire.

Elixation. Elixation is the seething of meat in the stomach, by the said natural heat, as meat is boiled in a pot; to which corruption or putrefaction is opposite.

Assation. Assation is a concoction of the inward moisture by heat; his opposite is semiustulation.

Order of Concoction fourfold. Besides these three several operations of digestion, there is a fourfold order of concoction:— mastication, or chewing in the mouth; chilification of this so chewed meat in the stomach; the third is in the liver, to turn this chylus into blood, called sanguification; the last is assimilation, which is in every part.

Expulsion. Expulsion is a power of nutrition, by which it expels all superfluous excrements, and relics of meat and drink, by the guts, bladder, pores; as by purging, vomiting, spitting, sweating, urine, hairs, nails, &c.

Augmentation. As this nutritive faculty serves to nourish the body, so doth the augmenting faculty (the second operation or power of the vegetal faculty) to the increasing of it in quantity, according to all dimensions, long, broad, thick, and to make it grow till it come to his due proportion and perfect shape; which hath his period of augmentation, as of consumption; and that most certain, as the poet observes:—

Stat sua cuique dies, breve et irreparabile tempus

Omnibus est vitae. ———

A term of life is set to every man,

Which is but short, and pass it no one can.

Generation. The last of these vegetal faculties is generation, which begets another by means of seed, like unto itself, to the perpetual preservation of the species. To this faculty they ascribe three subordinate operations:— the first to turn nourishment into seed, &c.

Life and Death concomitants of the Vegetal Faculties. Necessary concomitants or affections of this vegetal faculty are life and his privation, death. To the preservation of life the natural heat is most requisite, though siccity and humidity, and those first qualities, be not excluded. This heat is likewise in plants, as appears by their increasing, fructifying, &c., though not so easily perceived. In all bodies it must have radical 981moisture to preserve it, that it be not consumed; to which preservation our clime, country, temperature, and the good or bad use of those six non-natural things avail much. For as this natural heat and moisture decays, so doth our life itself; and if not prevented before by some violent accident, or interrupted through our own default, is in the end dried up by old age, and extinguished by death for want of matter, as a lamp for defect of oil to maintain it.

967. De anim. c. 1.

968. Scalig. exerc. 307. Tolet. in lib. de anima. cap. 1. &c.

969. l. De anima. cap. 1.

970. Tuscul. quaest.

971. Lib. 6. Doct. Va. Gentil. c. 13. pag. 1216.

972. Aristot.

973. Anima quaeque intelligimus, et tamen quae sit ipsa intelligere non valemus.

974. Spiritualem animam a reliquis distinctam tuetur, etiam in cadavere inhaerentem post mortem per aliquot menses.

975. Lib. 3. cap. 31.

976. Coelius, lib. 2. c. 31. Plutarch, in Grillo Lips. Cen. 1. ep. 50. Jossius de Risu et Fletu, Averroes, Campanella, &c.

977. Phillip. de Anima. ca. 1. Coelius, 20. antiq. cap. 3. Plutarch. de placit. philos.

978. De vit. et mort. part. 2. c. 3, prop. l. de vit. et mort. 2. c. 22.

979. Nutritio est alimenti transmutatio, viro naturalis. Scal. exerc. 101, sec. 17.

980. See more of Attraction in Scal. exer. 343.

981. Vita consistit in calido et humido.

Subsect. vi.

Of the sensible Soul.

Next in order is the sensible faculty, which is as far beyond the other in dignity, as a beast is preferred to a plant, having those vegetal powers included in it. 'Tis defined an “Act of an organical body by which it lives, hath sense, appetite, judgment, breath, and motion.” His object in general is a sensible or passible quality, because the sense is affected with it. The general organ is the brain, from which principally the sensible operations are derived. This sensible soul is divided into two parts, apprehending or moving. By the apprehensive power we perceive the species of sensible things present, or absent, and retain them as wax doth the print of a seal. By the moving, the body is outwardly carried from one place to another; or inwardly moved by spirits and pulse. The apprehensive faculty is subdivided into two parts, inward or outward. Outward, as the five senses, of touching, hearing, seeing, smelling, tasting, to which you may add Scaliger's sixth sense of titillation, if you please; or that of speech, which is the sixth external sense, according to Lullius. Inward are three — common sense, phantasy, memory. Those five outward senses have their object in outward things only, and such as are present, as the eye sees no colour except it be at hand, the ear sound. Three of these senses are of commodity, hearing, sight, and smell; two of necessity, touch, and taste, without which we cannot live. Besides, the sensitive power is active or passive. Active in sight, the eye sees the colour; passive when it is hurt by his object, as the eye by the sunbeams. According to that axiom, visibile forte destruit sensum. 982Or if the object be not pleasing, as a bad sound to the ear, a stinking smell to the nose, &c.

Sight. Of these five senses, sight is held to be most precious, and the best, and that by reason of his object, it sees the whole body at once. By it we learn, and discern all things, a sense most excellent for use: to the sight three things are required; the object, the organ, and the medium. The object in general is visible, or that which is to be seen, as colours, and all shining bodies. The medium is the illumination of the air, which comes from 983light, commonly called diaphanum; for in dark we cannot see. The organ is the eye, and chiefly the apple of it, which by those optic nerves, concurring both in one, conveys the sight to the common sense. Between the organ and object a true distance is required, that it be not too near, or too far off! Many excellent questions appertain to this sense, discussed by philosophers: as whether this sight be caused intra mittendo, vel extra mittendo, &c., by receiving in the visible species, or sending of them out, which 984Plato, 985Plutarch, 986Macrobius, 987Lactantius and others dispute. And, besides, it is the subject of the perspectives, of which Alhazen the Arabian, Vitellio, Roger Bacon, Baptista Porta, Guidus Ubaldus, Aquilonius, &c., have written whole volumes.

Hearing. Hearing, a most excellent outward sense, “by which we learn and get knowledge.” His object is sound, or that which is heard; the medium, air; organ, the ear. To the sound, which is a collision of the air, three things are required; a body to strike, as the hand of a musician; the body struck, which must be solid and able to resist; as a bell, lute-string, not wool, or sponge; the medium, the air; which is inward, or outward; the outward being struck or collided by a solid body, still strikes the next air, until it come to that inward natural air, which as an exquisite organ is contained in a little skin formed like a drum-head, and struck upon by certain small instruments like drum-sticks, conveys the sound by a pair of nerves, appropriated to that use, to the common sense, as to a judge of sounds. There is great variety and much delight in them; for the knowledge of which, consult with Boethius and other musicians.

Smelling. Smelling is an “outward sense, which apprehends by the nostrils drawing in air;” and of all the rest it is the weakest sense in men. The organ in the nose, or two small hollow pieces of flesh a little above it: the medium the air to men, as water to fish: the object, smell, arising from a mixed body resolved, which, whether it be a quality, fume, vapour, or exhalation, I will not now dispute, or of their differences, and how they are caused. This sense is an organ of health, as sight and hearing, saith 988Agellius, are of discipline; and that by avoiding bad smells, as by choosing good, which do as much alter and affect the body many times, as diet itself.

Taste. Taste, a necessary sense, “which perceives all savours by the tongue and palate, and that by means of a thin spittle, or watery juice.” His organ is the tongue with his tasting nerves; the medium, a watery juice; the object, taste, or savour, which is a quality in the juice, arising from the mixture of things tasted. Some make eight species or kinds of savour, bitter, sweet, sharp, salt, &c., all which sick men (as in an ague) cannot discern, by reason of their organs misaffected.

Touching. Touch, the last of the senses, and most ignoble, yet of as great necessity as the other, and of as much pleasure. This sense is exquisite in men, and by his nerves dispersed all over the body, perceives any tactile quality. His organ the nerves; his object those first qualities, hot, dry, moist, cold; and those that follow them, hard, soft, thick, thin, &c. Many delightsome questions are moved by philosophers about these five senses; their organs, objects, mediums, which for brevity I omit.

982. “Too bright an object destroys the organ.”

983. Lumen est actus perspicui. Lumen a luce provenit, lux est in corpore lucido.

984. In Phaedon. (Notes 984-997 appear in the order 986, 984, 987, 985 in the original — KTH.)

985. De pract. Philos. 4.

986. Satur. 7. c. 14.

987. Lac. cap. 8. de opif. Dei, I.

988. Lib. 19. cap. 2.

Subsect. vii.

Of the Inward Senses.

Common Sense. Inner senses are three in number, so called, because they be within the brainpan, as common sense, phantasy, memory. Their objects are not only things present, but they perceive the sensible species of things to come, past, absent, such as were before in the sense. This common sense is the judge or moderator of the rest, by whom we discern all differences of objects; for by mine eye I do not know that I see, or by mine ear that I hear, but by my common sense, who judgeth of sounds and colours: they are but the organs to bring the species to be censured; so that all their objects are his, and all their offices are his. The fore part of the brain is his organ or seat.

Phantasy. Phantasy, or imagination, which some call estimative, or cogitative, (confirmed, saith 989Fernelius, by frequent meditation,) is an inner sense which doth more fully examine the species perceived by common sense, of things present or absent, and keeps them longer, recalling them to mind again, or making new of his own. In time of sleep this faculty is free, and many times conceive strange, stupend, absurd shapes, as in sick men we commonly observe. His organ is the middle cell of the brain; his objects all the species communicated to him by the common sense, by comparison of which he feigns infinite other unto himself. In melancholy men this faculty is most powerful and strong, and often hurts, producing many monstrous and prodigious things, especially if it be stirred up by some terrible object, presented to it from common sense or memory. In poets and painters imagination forcibly works, as appears by their several fictions, antics, images: as Ovid's house of sleep, Psyche's palace in Apuleius, &c. In men it is subject and governed by reason, or at least should be; but in brutes it hath no superior, and is ratio brutorum, all the reason they have.

Memory. Memory lays up all the species which the senses have brought in, and records them as a good register, that they may be forthcoming when they are called for by phantasy and reason. His object is the same with phantasy, his seat and organ the back part of the brain.

Affections of the Senses, sleep and waking.] The affections of these senses are sleep and waking, common to all sensible creatures. “Sleep is a rest or binding of the outward senses, and of the common sense, for the preservation of body and soul” (as Scaliger 990defines it); for when the common sense resteth, the outward senses rest also. The phantasy alone is free, and his commander reason: as appears by those imaginary dreams, which are of divers kinds, natural, divine, demoniacal, &c., which vary according to humours, diet, actions, objects, &c., of which Artemidorus, Cardanus, and Sambucus, with their several interpretators, have written great volumes. This litigation of senses proceeds from an inhibition of spirits, the way being stopped by which they should come; this stopping is caused of vapours arising out of the stomach, filling the nerves, by which the spirits should be conveyed. When these vapours are spent, the passage is open, and the spirits perform their accustomed duties: so that “waking is the action and motion of the senses, which the spirits dispersed over all parts cause.”

989. Phis. l. 5. c. 8.

990. Exercit. 280.

Subsect. viii.

Of the Moving Faculty.

Appetite] This moving faculty is the other power of the sensitive soul, which causeth all those inward and outward animal motions in the body. It is divided into two faculties, the power of appetite, and of moving from place to place. This of appetite is threefold, so some will have it; natural, as it signifies any such inclination, as of a stone to fall downward, and such actions as retention, expulsion, which depend not on sense, but are vegetal, as the appetite of meat and drink; hunger and thirst. Sensitive is common to men and brutes. Voluntary, the third, or intellective, which commands the other two in men, and is a curb unto them, or at least should be, but for the most part is captivated and overruled by them; and men are led like beasts by sense, giving reins to their concupiscence and several lusts. For by this appetite the soul is led or inclined to follow that good which the senses shall approve, or avoid that which they hold evil: his object being good or evil, the one he embraceth, the other he rejecteth; according to that aphorism, Omnia appetunt bonum, all things seek their own good, or at least seeming good. This power is inseparable from sense, for where sense is, there are likewise pleasure and pain. His organ is the same with the common sense, and is divided into two powers, or inclinations, concupiscible or irascible: or (as one 991 translates it) coveting, anger invading, or impugning. Concupiscible covets always pleasant and delightsome things, and abhors that which is distasteful, harsh, and unpleasant. Irascible, quasi 992 aversans per iram et odium, as avoiding it with anger and indignation. All affections and perturbations arise out of these two fountains, which, although the stoics make light of, we hold natural, and not to be resisted. The good affections are caused by some object of the same nature; and if present, they procure joy, which dilates the heart, and preserves the body: if absent, they cause hope, love, desire, and concupiscence. The bad are simple or mixed: simple for some bad object present, as sorrow, which contracts the heart, macerates the soul, subverts the good estate of the body, hindering all the operations of it, causing melancholy, and many times death itself; or future, as fear. Out of these two arise those mixed affections and passions of anger, which is a desire of revenge; hatred, which is inveterate anger; zeal, which is offended with him who hurts that he loves; and ἐπικαιρεκακία, a compound affection of joy and hate, when we rejoice at other men's mischief, and are grieved at their prosperity; pride, self-love, emulation, envy, shame, &c., of which elsewhere.

Moving from place to place, is a faculty necessarily following the other. For in vain were it otherwise to desire and to abhor, if we had not likewise power to prosecute or eschew, by moving the body from place to place: by this faculty therefore we locally move the body, or any part of it, and go from one place to another. To the better performance of which, three things are requisite: that which moves; by what it moves; that which is moved. That which moves, is either the efficient cause, or end. The end is the object, which is desired or eschewed; as in a dog to catch a hare, &c. The efficient cause in man is reason, or his subordinate phantasy, which apprehends good or bad objects: in brutes imagination alone, which moves the appetite, the appetite this faculty, which by an admirable league of nature, and by meditation of the spirit, commands the organ by which it moves: and that consists of nerves, muscles, cords, dispersed through the whole body, contracted and relaxed as the spirits will, which move the muscles, or 993nerves in the midst of them, and draw the cord, and so per consequens the joint, to the place intended. That which is moved, is the body or some member apt to move. The motion of the body is divers, as going, running, leaping, dancing, sitting, and such like, referred to the predicament of situs. Worms creep, birds fly, fishes swim; and so of parts, the chief of which is respiration or breathing, and is thus performed. The outward air is drawn in by the vocal artery, and sent by mediation of the midriff to the lungs, which, dilating themselves as a pair of bellows, reciprocally fetch it in, and send it out to the heart to cool it; and from thence now being hot, convey it again, still taking in fresh. Such a like motion is that of the pulse, of which, because many have written whole books, I will say nothing.

991. T. W. Jesuite, in his Passions of the Minde.

992. Velcurio.

993. Nervi a spiritu moventur, spritus ab anima. Melanct.

Subsect. ix.

Of the Rational Soul.

In the precedent subsections I have anatomised those inferior faculties of the soul; the rational remaineth, “a pleasant, but a doubtful subject” (as 994one terms it), and with the like brevity to be discussed. Many erroneous opinions are about the essence and original of it; whether it be fire, as Zeno held; harmony, as Aristoxenus; number, as Xenocrates; whether it be organical, or inorganical; seated in the brain, heart or blood; mortal or immortal; how it comes into the body. Some hold that it is ex traduce, as Phil. 1. de Anima, Tertullian, Lactantius de opific. Dei, cap. 19. Hugo, lib. de Spiritu et Anima, Vincentius Bellavic. spec. natural. lib. 23. cap. 2. et 11. Hippocrates, Avicenna, and many 995 late writers; that one man begets another, body and soul; or as a candle from a candle, to be produced from the seed: otherwise, say they, a man begets but half a man, and is worse than a beast that begets both matter and form; and, besides, the three faculties of the soul must be together infused, which is most absurd as they hold, because in beasts they are begot, the two inferior I mean, and may not be well separated in men. 996 Galen supposeth the soul crasin esse, to be the temperature itself; Trismegistus, Musaeus, Orpheus, Homer, Pindarus, Phaerecides Syrus, Epictetus, with the Chaldees and Egyptians, affirmed the soul to be immortal, as did those British 997Druids of old. The 998Pythagoreans defend Metempsychosis; and Palingenesia, that souls go from one body to another, epota prius Lethes unda, as men into wolves, bears, dogs, hogs, as they were inclined in their lives, or participated in conditions:

999 ——— inque ferinas

Possumus ire domus, pecudumque in corpora condi.

1000Lucian's cock was first Euphorbus, a captain:

Ille ego (nam memini) Trojani tempore belli,

Panthoides Euphorbus eram,

a horse, a man, a sponge. 1001Julian the Apostate thought Alexander's soul was descended into his body: Plato in Timaeo, and in his Phaedon, (for aught I can perceive,) differs not much from this opinion, that it was from God at first, and knew all, but being enclosed in the body, it forgets, and learns anew, which he calls reminiscentia, or recalling, and that it was put into the body for a punishment; and thence it goes into a beast's, or man's, as appears by his pleasant fiction de sortitione animarum, lib. 10. de rep. and after 1002ten thousand years is to return into the former body again,

1003 ——— post varios annos, per mille figuras,

Rursus ad humanae fertur primordia vitae.

Others deny the immortality of it, which Pomponatus of Padua decided out of Aristotle not long since, Plinias Avunculus, cap. 1. lib. 2, et lib. 7. cap. 55; Seneca, lib. 7. epist. ad Lucilium, epist. 55; Dicearchus in Tull. Tusc. Epicurus, Aratus, Hippocrates, Galen, Lucretius, lib. 1.

(Praeterea gigni pariter cum corpore, et una

Cresere sentimus, pariterque senescere mentem.)1004

Averroes, and I know not how many Neoterics. 1005“This question of the immortality of the soul, is diversely and wonderfully impugned and disputed, especially among the Italians of late,” saith Jab. Colerus, lib. de immort. animae, cap. 1. The popes themselves have doubted of it: Leo Decimus, that Epicurean pope, as 1006some record of him, caused this question to be discussed pro and con before him, and concluded at last, as a profane and atheistical moderator, with that verse of Cornelius Gallus,

Et redit in nihilum, quod fuit ante nihil.

It began of nothing, and in nothing it ends. Zeno and his Stoics, as 1007Austin quotes him, supposed the soul so long to continue, till the body was fully putrified, and resolved into materia prima: but after that, in fumos evanescere, to be extinguished and vanished; and in the meantime, whilst the body was consuming, it wandered all abroad, et e longinquo multa annunciare, and (as that Clazomenian Hermotimus averred) saw pretty visions, and suffered I know not what.

1008Errant exangues sine corpore et ossibus umbrae.

Others grant the immortality thereof, but they make many fabulous fictions in the meantime of it, after the departure from the body: like Plato's Elysian fields, and that Turkey paradise. The souls of good men they deified; the bad (saith 1009Austin) became devils, as they supposed; with many such absurd tenets, which he hath confuted. Hierome, Austin, and other Fathers of the church, hold that the soul is immortal, created of nothing, and so infused into the child or embryo in his mother's womb, six months after the 1010conception; not as those of brutes, which are ex traduce, and dying with them vanish into nothing. To whose divine treatises, and to the Scriptures themselves, I rejourn all such atheistical spirits, as Tully did Atticus, doubting of this point, to Plato's Phaedon. Or if they desire philosophical proofs and demonstrations, I refer them to Niphus, Nic. Faventinus' tracts of this subject. To Fran. and John Picus in digress: sup. 3. de Anima, Tholosanus, Eugubinus, To. Soto, Canas, Thomas, Peresius, Dandinus, Colerus, to that elaborate tract in Zanchius, to Tolet's Sixty Reasons, and Lessius' Twenty-two Arguments, to prove the immortality of the soul. Campanella, lib. de sensu rerum, is large in the same discourse, Albertinus the Schoolman, Jacob. Nactantus, tom. 2. op. handleth it in four questions, Antony Brunus, Aonius Palearius, Marinus Marcennus, with many others. This reasonable soul, which Austin calls a spiritual substance moving itself, is defined by philosophers to be “the first substantial act of a natural, humane, organical body, by which a man lives, perceives, and understands, freely doing all things, and with election.” Out of which definition we may gather, that this rational soul includes the powers, and performs the duties of the two other, which are contained in it, and all three faculties make one soul, which is inorganical of itself, although it be in all parts, and incorporeal, using their organs, and working by them. It is divided into two chief parts, differing in office only, not in essence. The understanding, which is the rational power apprehending; the will, which is the rational power moving: to which two, all the other rational powers are subject and reduced.

994. Velcurio. Jucundum et anceps subjectum.

995. Goclenius in Ψυχολ. pag. 302. Bright in Phys. Scrib. l. 1. David Crusius, Melancthon, Hippius Hernius, Levinus Lemnius, &c.

996. Lib. an mores sequantur, &c.

997. Caesar. 6. com.

998. Read Aeneas Gazeus dial. of the immortality of the Soul.

999. Ovid. Met. 15. “We, who may take up our abode in wild beasts, or be lodged in the breasts of cattle.”

1000. In Gallo. Idem.

1001. Nicephorus, hist. lib. 10. c. 35.

1002. Phaedo.

1003. Claudian, lib. 1. de rap. Proserp.

1004. “Besides, we observe that the mind is born with the body, grows with it, and decays with it.”

1005. Haec quaestio multos per annos varie, ac mirabiliter impugnata, &c.

1006. Colerus, ibid.

1007. De eccles. dog. cap. 16.

1008. Ovid. 4. Met. “The bloodless shades without either body or bones wanter.”

1009. Bonorum lares, malorum vero larvas et lemures.

1010. Some say at three days, some six weeks, others otherwise.

Subsect. x.

Of the Understanding.

“Understanding is a power of the soul, 1011by which we perceive, know, remember, and judge as well singulars, as universals, having certain innate notices or beginnings of arts, a reflecting action, by which it judgeth of his own doings, and examines them.” Out of this definition (besides his chief office, which is to apprehend, judge all that he performs, without the help of any instruments or organs) three differences appear betwixt a man and a beast. As first, the sense only comprehends singularities, the understanding universalities. Secondly, the sense hath no innate notions. Thirdly, brutes cannot reflect upon themselves. Bees indeed make neat and curious works, and many other creatures besides; but when they have done, they cannot judge of them. His object is God, ens, all nature, and whatsoever is to be understood: which successively it apprehends. The object first moving the understanding, is some sensible thing; after by discoursing, the mind finds out the corporeal substance, and from thence the spiritual. His actions (some say) are apprehension, composition, division, discoursing, reasoning, memory, which some include in invention, and judgment. The common divisions are of the understanding, agent, and patient; speculative, and practical; in habit, or in act; simple, or compound. The agent is that which is called the wit of man, acumen or subtlety, sharpness of invention, when he doth invent of himself without a teacher, or learns anew, which abstracts those intelligible species from the phantasy, and transfers them to the passive understanding, 1012 “because there is nothing in the understanding, which was not first in the sense.” That which the imagination hath taken from the sense, this agent judgeth of, whether it be true or false; and being so judged he commits it to the passible to be kept. The agent is a doctor or teacher, the passive a scholar; and his office is to keep and further judge of such things as are committed to his charge; as a bare and rased table at first, capable of all forms and notions. Now these notions are twofold, actions or habits: actions, by which we take notions of, and perceive things; habits, which are durable lights and notions, which we may use when we will. Some reckon up eight kinds of them, sense, experience, intelligence, faith, suspicion, error, opinion, science; to which are added art, prudency, wisdom: as also 1013synteresis, dictamen rationis, conscience; so that in all there be fourteen species of the understanding, of which some are innate, as the three last mentioned; the other are gotten by doctrine, learning, and use. Plato will have all to be innate: Aristotle reckons up but five intellectual habits; two practical, as prudency, whose end is to practise; to fabricate; wisdom to comprehend the use and experiments of all notions and habits whatsoever. Which division of Aristotle (if it be considered aright) is all one with the precedent; for three being innate, and five acquisite, the rest are improper, imperfect, and in a more strict examination excluded. Of all these I should more amply dilate, but my subject will not permit. Three of them I will only point at, as more necessary to my following discourse.

Synteresis, or the purer part of the conscience, is an innate habit, and doth signify “a conversation of the knowledge of the law of God and Nature, to know good or evil.” And (as our divines hold) it is rather in the understanding than in the will. This makes the major proposition in a practical syllogism. The dictamen rationis is that which doth admonish us to do good or evil, and is the minor in the syllogism. The conscience is that which approves good or evil, justifying or condemning our actions, and is the conclusion of the syllogism: as in that familiar example of Regulus the Roman, taken prisoner by the Carthaginians, and suffered to go to Rome, on that condition he should return again, or pay so much for his ransom. The synteresis proposeth the question; his word, oath, promise, is to be religiously kept, although to his enemy, and that by the law of nature. 1014“Do not that to another which thou wouldst not have done to thyself.” Dictamen applies it to him, and dictates this or the like: Regulus, thou wouldst not another man should falsify his oath, or break promise with thee: conscience concludes, therefore, Regulus, thou dost well to perform thy promise, and oughtest to keep thine oath. More of this in Religious Melancholy.

1011. Melancthon.

1012. Nihil in intellectu, quod non prius fuerat in sensu. Velcurio.

1013. The pure part of the conscience.

1014. Quod tibi fieri non vis, alteri ne feceris.

Subsect. xi.

Of the Will.

Will is the other power of the rational soul, 1015“which covets or avoids such things as have been before judged and apprehended by the understanding.” If good, it approves; if evil, it abhors it: so that his object is either good or evil. Aristotle calls this our rational appetite; for as, in the sensitive, we are moved to good or bad by our appetite, ruled and directed by sense; so in this we are carried by reason. Besides, the sensitive appetite hath a particular object, good or bad; this an universal, immaterial: that respects only things delectable and pleasant; this honest. Again, they differ in liberty. The sensual appetite seeing an object, if it be a convenient good, cannot but desire it; if evil, avoid it: but this is free in his essence, 1016“much now depraved, obscured, and fallen from his first perfection; yet in some of his operations still free,” as to go, walk, move at his pleasure, and to choose whether it will do or not do, steal or not steal. Otherwise, in vain were laws, deliberations, exhortations, counsels, precepts, rewards, promises, threats and punishments: and God should be the author of sin. But in 1017 spiritual things we will no good, prone to evil (except we be regenerate, and led by the Spirit), we are egged on by our natural concupiscence, and there is ἀταξία, a confusion in our powers, 1018“our whole will is averse from God and his law,” not in natural things only, as to eat and drink, lust, to which we are led headlong by our temperature and inordinate appetite,

1019Nec nos obniti contra, nec tendere tantum

Sufficimus —

we cannot resist, our concupiscence is originally bad, our heart evil, the seat of our affections captivates and enforceth our will. So that in voluntary things we are averse from God and goodness, bad by nature, by 1020ignorance worse, by art, discipline, custom, we get many bad habits: suffering them to domineer and tyrannise over us; and the devil is still ready at hand with his evil suggestions, to tempt our depraved will to some ill-disposed action, to precipitate us to destruction, except our will be swayed and counterpoised again with some divine precepts, and good motions of the spirit, which many times restrain, hinder and check us, when we are in the full career of our dissolute courses. So David corrected himself, when he had Saul at a vantage. Revenge and malice were as two violent oppugners on the one side; but honesty, religion, fear of God, withheld him on the other.

The actions of the will are velle and nolle, to will and nill: which two words comprehend all, and they are good or bad, accordingly as they are directed, and some of them freely performed by himself; although the stoics absolutely deny it, and will have all things inevitably done by destiny, imposing a fatal necessity upon us, which we may not resist; yet we say that our will is free in respect of us, and things contingent, howsoever in respect of God's determinate counsel, they are inevitable and necessary. Some other actions of the will are performed by the inferior powers, which obey him, as the sensitive and moving appetite; as to open our eyes, to go hither and thither, not to touch a book, to speak fair or foul: but this appetite is many times rebellious in us, and will not be contained within the lists of sobriety and temperance. It was (as I said) once well agreeing with reason, and there was an excellent consent and harmony between them, but that is now dissolved, they often jar, reason is overborne by passion: Fertur equis auriga, nec audit currus habenas, as so many wild horses run away with a chariot, and will not be curbed. We know many times what is good, but will not do it, as she said,

1021Trahit invitum nova vis, aliudque cupido,

Mens aliud suadet ———

Lust counsels one thing, reason another, there is a new reluctancy in men. 1022Odi, nec possum, cupiens non esse, quod odi. We cannot resist, but as Phaedra confessed to her nurse, 1023quae loqueris, vera sunt, sed furor suggerit sequi pejora: she said well and true, she did acknowledge it, but headstrong passion and fury made her to do that which was opposite. So David knew the filthiness of his fact, what a loathsome, foul, crying sin adultery was, yet notwithstanding he would commit murder, and take away another man's wife, enforced against reason, religion, to follow his appetite.

Those natural and vegetal powers are not commanded by will at all; for “who can add one cubit to his stature?” These other may, but are not: and thence come all those headstrong passions, violent perturbations of the mind; and many times vicious habits, customs, feral diseases; because we give so much way to our appetite, and follow our inclination, like so many beasts. The principal habits are two in number, virtue and vice, whose peculiar definitions, descriptions, differences, and kinds, are handled at large in the ethics, and are, indeed, the subject of moral philosophy.

1015. Res ab intellectu monstratas recipit, vel rejicit; approbat, vel improbat, Philip. Ignoti nulla cupido.

1016. Melancthon. Operationes plerumque ferae, etsi libera sit illa in essentia sua.

1017. In civilibus libera, sed non in spiritualibus Osiander.

1018. Tota voluntas aversa a Deo. Omnis homo mendax.

1019. Virg. “We are neither able to contend against them, nor only to make way.”

1020. Vel propter ignorantium, quod bonis studiis non sit instructa mens ut debuit, aut divinis praeceptis exculta.

1021. Med. Ovid.

1022. Ovid.

1023. Seneca, Hipp.

Memb. iii.

Subsect. i.

Definition of Melancholy, Name, Difference.

Having thus briefly anatomised the body and soul of man, as a preparative to the rest; I may now freely proceed to treat of my intended object, to most men's capacity; and after many ambages, perspicuously define what this melancholy is, show his name and differences. The name is imposed from the matter, and disease denominated from the material cause: as Bruel observes, Μελανχολία quasi Μελαιναχόλη, from black choler. And whether it be a cause or an effect, a disease or symptom, let Donatus Altomarus and Salvianus decide; I will not contend about it. It hath several descriptions, notations, and definitions. 1024Fracastorius, in his second book of intellect, calls those melancholy, “whom abundance of that same depraved humour of black choler hath so misaffected, that they become mad thence, and dote in most things, or in all, belonging to election, will, or other manifest operations of the understanding.” 1025 Melanelius out of Galen, Ruffus, Aetius, describe it to be “a bad and peevish disease, which makes men degenerate into beasts:” Galen, “a privation or infection of the middle cell of the head, &c.” defining it from the part affected, which 1026Hercules de Saxonia approves, lib. 1. cap. 16. calling it “a depravation of the principal function:” Fuschius, lib. 1. cap. 23. Arnoldus Breviar. lib. 1. cap. 18. Guianerius, and others: “By reason of black choler,” Paulus adds. Halyabbas simply calls it a “commotion of the mind.” Aretaeus, 1027“a perpetual anguish of the soul, fastened on one thing, without an ague;” which definition of his, Mercurialis de affect. cap. lib. 1. cap. 10. taxeth: but Aelianus Montaltus defends, lib. de morb. cap. 1. de Melan. for sufficient and good. The common sort define it to be “a kind of dotage without a fever, having for his ordinary companions, fear and sadness, without any apparent occasion.” So doth Laurentius, cap. 4. Piso. lib. 1. cap. 43. Donatus Altomarus, cap. 7. art. medic. Jacchinus, in com. in lib. 9. Rhasis ad Almansor, cap. 15. Valesius, exerc. 17. Fuschius, institut. 3. sec. 1. c. 11. &c. which common definition, howsoever approved by most, 1028Hercules de Saxonia will not allow of, nor David Crucius, Theat. morb. Herm. lib. 2. cap. 6. he holds it insufficient: as 1029rather showing what it is not, than what it is: as omitting the specific difference, the phantasy and brain: but I descend to particulars. The summum genus is “dotage, or anguish of the mind,” saith Aretaeus; “of the principal parts,” Hercules de Saxonia adds, to distinguish it from cramp and palsy, and such diseases as belong to the outward sense and motions [depraved] 1030to distinguish it from folly and madness (which Montaltus makes angor animi, to separate) in which those functions are not depraved, but rather abolished; [without an ague] is added by all, to sever it from frenzy, and that melancholy which is in a pestilent fever. (Fear and sorrow) make it differ from madness: [without a cause] is lastly inserted, to specify it from all other ordinary passions of [fear and sorrow.] We properly call that dotage, as 1031Laurentius interprets it, “when some one principal faculty of the mind, as imagination, or reason, is corrupted, as all melancholy persons have.” It is without a fever, because the humour is most part cold and dry, contrary to putrefaction. Fear and sorrow are the true characters and inseparable companions of most melancholy, not all, as Her. de Saxonia, Tract. de posthumo de Melancholia, cap. 2. well excepts; for to some it is most pleasant, as to such as laugh most part; some are bold again, and free from all manner of fear and grief, as hereafter shall be declared.

1024. Melancholicos vocamus, quos exuperantia vel pravitas Melancholiae ita male habet, ut inde insaniant vel in omnibus, vel in pluribus iisque manifestis sive ad rectam rationem, voluntate pertinent, vel electionem, vel intellectus operationes.

1025. Pessimum et pertinacissimum morbum qui homines in bruta degenerare cogit.

1026. Panth. Med.

1027. Angor animi in una contentione defixus, absque febre.

1028. Cap. 16. l. 1.

1029. Eorum definitio morbus quid non sit potius quam quid sit, explicat.

1030. Animae functiones imminuuntur in fatuitate, tolluntur in mania, depravantur solum in melancholia. Herc. de Sax. cap. 1. tract. de Melanch.

1031. Cap. 4. de mel.

Subsect. ii.

Of the part affected. Affection. Parties affected.

Some difference I find amongst writers, about the principal part affected in this disease, whether it be the brain, or heart, or some other member. Most are of opinion that it is the brain: for being a kind of dotage, it cannot otherwise be but that the brain must be affected, as a similar part, be it by 1032consent or essence, not in his ventricles, or any obstructions in them, for then it would be an apoplexy, or epilepsy, as 1033Laurentius well observes, but in a cold, dry distemperature of it in his substance, which is corrupt and become too cold, or too dry, or else too hot, as in madmen, and such as are inclined to it: and this 1034 Hippocrates confirms, Galen, the Arabians, and most of our new writers. Marcus de Oddis (in a consultation of his, quoted by 1035Hildesheim) and five others there cited are of the contrary part; because fear and sorrow, which are passions, be seated in the heart. But this objection is sufficiently answered by 1036Montaltus, who doth not deny that the heart is affected (as 1037Melanelius proves out of Galen) by reason of his vicinity, and so is the midriff and many other parts. They do compati, and have a fellow feeling by the law of nature: but forasmuch as this malady is caused by precedent imagination, with the appetite, to whom spirits obey, and are subject to those principal parts, the brain must needs primarily be misaffected, as the seat of reason; and then the heart, as the seat of affection. 1038Capivaccius and Mercurialis have copiously discussed this question, and both conclude the subject is the inner brain, and from thence it is communicated to the heart and other inferior parts, which sympathise and are much troubled, especially when it comes by consent, and is caused by reason of the stomach, or mirach, as the Arabians term it, whole body, liver, or 1039spleen, which are seldom free, pylorus, mesaraic veins, &c. For our body is like a clock, if one wheel be amiss, all the rest are disordered; the whole fabric suffers: with such admirable art and harmony is a man composed, such excellent proportion, as Ludovicus Vives in his Fable of Man hath elegantly declared.

As many doubts almost arise about the 1040affection, whether it be imagination or reason alone, or both, Hercules de Saxonia proves it out of Galen, Aetius, and Altomarus, that the sole fault is in 1041imagination. Bruel is of the same mind: Montaltus in his 2 cap. of Melancholy confutes this tenet of theirs, and illustrates the contrary by many examples: as of him that thought himself a shellfish, of a nun, and of a desperate monk that would not be persuaded but that he was damned; reason was in fault as well as imagination, which did not correct this error: they make away themselves oftentimes, and suppose many absurd and ridiculous things. Why doth not reason detect the fallacy, settle and persuade, if she be free? 1042Avicenna therefore holds both corrupt, to whom most Arabians subscribe. The same is maintained by 1043Areteus, 1044Gorgonius, Guianerius, &c. To end the controversy, no man doubts of imagination, but that it is hurt and misaffected here; for the other I determine with 1045 Albertinus Bottonus, a doctor of Padua, that it is first in “imagination, and afterwards in reason; if the disease be inveterate, or as it is more or less of continuance;” but by accident, as 1046Herc. de Saxonia adds; “faith, opinion, discourse, ratiocination, are all accidentally depraved by the default of imagination.”

Parties affected.] To the part affected, I may here add the parties, which shall be more opportunely spoken of elsewhere, now only signified. Such as have the moon, Saturn, Mercury misaffected in their genitures, such as live in over cold or over hot climes: such as are born of melancholy parents; as offend in those six non-natural things, are black, or of a high sanguine complexion, 1047that have little heads, that have a hot heart, moist brain, hot liver and cold stomach, have been long sick: such as are solitary by nature, great students, given to much contemplation, lead a life out of action, are most subject to melancholy. Of sexes both, but men more often; yet 1048women misaffected are far more violent, and grievously troubled. Of seasons of the year, the autumn is most melancholy. Of peculiar times: old age, from which natural melancholy is almost an inseparable accident; but this artificial malady is more frequent in such as are of a 1049middle age. Some assign 40 years, Gariopontus 30. Jubertus excepts neither young nor old from this adventitious. Daniel Sennertus involves all of all sorts, out of common experience, 1050in omnibus omnino corporibus cujuscunque constitutionis dominatar. Aetius and Aretius 1051ascribe into the number “not only 1052discontented, passionate, and miserable persons, swarthy, black; but such as are most merry and pleasant, scoffers, and high coloured.” “Generally,” saith Rhasis, 1053“the finest wits and most generous spirits, are before other obnoxious to it;” I cannot except any complexion, any condition, sex, or age, but 1054fools and stoics, which, according to 1055Synesius, are never troubled with any manner of passion, but as Anacreon's cicada, sine sanguine et dolore; similes fere diis sunt. Erasmus vindicates fools from this melancholy catalogue, because they have most part moist brains and light hearts; 1056they are free from ambition, envy, shame and fear; they are neither troubled in conscience, nor macerated with cares, to which our whole life is most subject.

1032. Per consensum sive per essentiam.

1033. Cap. 4. de mel.

1034. Sec. 7. de mor. vulgar. lib. 6.

1035. Spicel. de melancholia.

1036. Cap. 3. de mel. Pars affecta cerebrum sive per consensum, sive per cerebrum contingat, et procerum auctoritate et ratione stabilitur.

1037. Lib. de mel. Cor vero vicinitatis ratione una afficitur, acceptum transversum ac stomachus cum dorsali spina, &c.

1038. Lib. 1. cap. 10. Subjectum est cerebrum interius.

1039. Raro quisquam tumorem effugit lienis, qui hoc morbo afficitur, Piso. Quis affectus.

1040. See Donat. ab Altomar.

1041. Facultas imaginandi, non cogitandi, nec memorandi laesa hic.

1042. Lib. 3. Fen. 1. Tract. 4. cap. 8.

1043. Lib. 3. cap. 5.

1044. Lib. Med. cap. 19. part. 2. Tract. 15. cap. 2.

1045. Hildesheim, spicel. 2 de Melanc. fol. 207, et fol. 127. Quandoque etiam rationalis si affectus inveteratus sit.

1046. Lib. posthumo de Melanc. edit. 1620. Deprivatur fides, discursus, opinio, &c. per vitium Imaginationes, ex Accidenti.

1047. Qui parvum caput habent, insensati plerique sunt. Arist. in physiognomia.

1048. Areteus, lib. 3. cap. 5.

1049. Qui prope statum sunt. Aret. Mediis convenit aetatibus, Piso.

1050. De quartano.

1051. Lib. 1. part. 2. cap. 11.

1052. Primus ad Melancholiam non tam moestus sed et hilares, jocosi, cachinnantes, irrisores, et, qui plerumque praerubri sunt.

1053. Qui sunt subtilis ingenii, et multae perspicacitatis de facili incidunt in Melancholiam, lib. 1. cont. tract. 9.

1054. Nunquam sanitate mentis excidit aut dolore capitur. Erasm.

1055. In laud. calvit.

1056. Vacant conscientiae carnificina, nec pudefiunt, nec verentur, nec dilacerantur millibus curarum, quibus tota vita obnoxia est.

Subsect. iii.

Of the Matter of Melancholy.

Of the matter of melancholy, there is much question betwixt Avicen and Galen, as you may read in 1057Cardan's Contradictions, 1058Valesius' Controversies, Montanus, Prosper Calenus, Capivaccius, 1059Bright, 1060Ficinus, that have written either whole tracts, or copiously of it, in their several treatises of this subject. 1061“What this humour is, or whence it proceeds, how it is engendered in the body, neither Galen, nor any old writer hath sufficiently discussed,” as Jacchinus thinks: the Neoterics cannot agree. Montanus, in his Consultations, holds melancholy to be material or immaterial: and so doth Arculanus: the material is one of the four humours before mentioned, and natural. The immaterial or adventitious, acquisite, redundant, unnatural, artificial; which 1062 Hercules de Saxonia will have reside in the spirits alone, and to proceed from a “hot, cold, dry, moist distemperature, which, without matter, alter the brain and functions of it.” Paracelsus wholly rejects and derides this division of four humours and complexions, but our Galenists generally approve of it, subscribing to this opinion of Montanus.

This material melancholy is either simple or mixed; offending in quantity or quality, varying according to his place, where it settleth, as brain, spleen, mesaraic veins, heart, womb, and stomach; or differing according to the mixture of those natural humours amongst themselves, or four unnatural adust humours, as they are diversely tempered and mingled. If natural melancholy abound in the body, which is cold and dry, “so that it be more 1063than the body is well able to bear, it must needs be distempered,” saith Faventius, “and diseased;” and so the other, if it be depraved, whether it arise from that other melancholy of choler adust, or from blood, produceth the like effects, and is, as Montaltus contends, if it come by adustion of humours, most part hot and dry. Some difference I find, whether this melancholy matter may be engendered of all four humours, about the colour and temper of it. Galen holds it may be engendered of three alone, excluding phlegm, or pituita, whose true assertion 1064Valesius and Menardus stiffly maintain, and so doth 1065Fuschius, Montaltus, 1066 Montanus. How (say they) can white become black? But Hercules de Saxonia, lib. post. de mela. c. 8, and 1067Cardan are of the opposite part (it may be engendered of phlegm, etsi raro contingat, though it seldom come to pass), so is 1068Guianerius and Laurentius, c. 1. with Melanct. in his book de Anima, and Chap. of Humours; he calls it asininam, dull, swinish melancholy, and saith that he was an eyewitness of it: so is 1069Wecker. From melancholy adust ariseth one kind; from choler another, which is most brutish; another from phlegm, which is dull; and the last from blood, which is best. Of these some are cold and dry, others hot and dry, 1070varying according to their mixtures, as they are intended, and remitted. And indeed as Rodericus a Fons. cons. 12. l. 1. determines, ichors, and those serous matters being thickened become phlegm, and phlegm degenerates into choler, choler adust becomes aeruginosa melancholia, as vinegar out of purest wine putrified or by exhalation of purer spirits is so made, and becomes sour and sharp; and from the sharpness of this humour proceeds much waking, troublesome thoughts and dreams, &c. so that I conclude as before. If the humour be cold, it is, saith 1071Faventinus, “a cause of dotage, and produceth milder symptoms: if hot, they are rash, raving mad, or inclining to it.” If the brain be hot, the animal spirits are hot; much madness follows, with violent actions: if cold, fatuity and sottishness, 1072Capivaccius. 1073“The colour of this mixture varies likewise according to the mixture, be it hot or cold; 'tis sometimes black, sometimes not,” Altomarus. The same 1074Melanelius proves out of Galen; and Hippocrates in his Book of Melancholy (if at least it be his), giving instance in a burning coal, “which when it is hot, shines; when it is cold, looks black; and so doth the humour.” This diversity of melancholy matter produceth diversity of effects. If it be within the 1075body, and not putrified, it causeth black jaundice; if putrified, a quartan ague; if it break out to the skin, leprosy; if to parts, several maladies, as scurvy, &c. If it trouble the mind; as it is diversely mixed, it produceth several kinds of madness and dotage: of which in their place.

1057. Lib. 1. tract. 3. contradic. 18.

1058. Lib. 1. cont. 21.

1059. Bright, ca. 16.

1060. Lib. 1. cap. 6. de sanit. tuenda.

1061. Quisve aut qualis sit humor aut quae istius differentiae, et quomodo gignantur in corpore, scrutandum, hac enim re multi veterum laboraverunt, nec facile accipere ex Galeno sententiam ob loquendi varietatem. Leon. Jacch. com. in 9. Rhasis, cap. 15. cap. 16. in 9. Rhasis.

1062. Lib. postum. de Melan. edit. Venetiis, 1620. cap. 7 et 8. Ab intemperie calida, humida, &c.

1063. Secundum magis aut minus si in corpore fuerit, ad intemperiem plusquam corpus salubriter ferre poterit: inde corpus morbosum effitur.

1064. Lib. 1. controvers. cap. 21.

1065. Lib. 1. sect. 4, cap. 4.

1066. Concil. 26.

1067. Lib. 2. contradic. cap. 11.

1068. De feb. tract. diff. 2. cap. 1. Non est negandum ex hac fieri Melancholicos.

1069. In Syntax.

1070. Varie aduritur, et miscetur, unde variae amentium species, Melanct.

1071. Humor frigidus delirii causa, furoris calidus, &c.

1072. Lib. 1. cap. 10. de affect. cap.

1073. Nigrescit hic humor, aliquando supercalefactus, aliquando super frigefactus, ca. 7.

1074. Humor hic niger aliquando praeter modum calefactus, et alias refrigeratus evadit: nam recentibus carbonibus ei quid simile accidit, qui durante flamma pellucidissime candent, ea extincta prorsus nigrescunt. Hippocrates.

1075. Guianerius, diff. 2. cap. 7.

Subsect. iv.

Of the species or kinds of Melancholy.

When the matter is divers and confused, how should it otherwise be, but that the species should be divers and confused? Many new and old writers have spoken confusedly of it, confounding melancholy and madness, as 1076 Heurnius, Guianerius, Gordonius, Salustius Salvianus, Jason Pratensis, Savanarola, that will have madness no other than melancholy in extent, differing (as I have said) in degrees. Some make two distinct species, as Ruffus Ephesius, an old writer, Constantinus Africanus, Aretaeus, 1077 Aurelianus, 1078Paulus Aegineta: others acknowledge a multitude of kinds, and leave them indefinite, as Aetius in his Tetrabiblos, 1079Avicenna, lib. 3. Fen. 1. Tract. 4. cap. 18. Arculanus, cap. 16. in 9. Rasis. Montanus, med. part. 1. 1080“If natural melancholy be adust, it maketh one kind; if blood, another; if choler, a third, differing from the first; and so many several opinions there are about the kinds, as there be men themselves.” 1081Hercules de Saxonia sets down two kinds, “material and immaterial; one from spirits alone, the other from humours and spirits.” Savanarola, Rub. 11. Tract. 6. cap. 1. de aegritud. capitis, will have the kinds to be infinite; one from the mirach, called myrachialis of the Arabians; another stomachalis, from the stomach; another from the liver, heart, womb, haemorrhoids, 1082“one beginning, another consummate.” Melancthon seconds him, 1083“as the humour is diversely adust and mixed, so are the species divers;” but what these men speak of species I think ought to be understood of symptoms; and so doth 1084 Arculanus interpret himself: infinite species, id est, symptoms; and in that sense, as Jo. Gorrheus acknowledgeth in his medicinal definitions, the species are infinite, but they may be reduced to three kinds by reason of their seat; head, body, and hypochrondries. This threefold division is approved by Hippocrates in his Book of Melancholy, (if it be his, which some suspect) by Galen, lib. 3. de loc. affectis, cap. 6. by Alexander, lib. 1. cap. 16. Rasis, lib. 1. Continent. Tract. 9. lib. 1. cap. 16. Avicenna and most of our new writers. Th. Erastus makes two kinds; one perpetual, which is head melancholy; the other interrupt, which comes and goes by fits, which he subdivides into the other two kinds, so that all comes to the same pass. Some again make four or five kinds, with Rodericus a Castro, de morbis mulier. lib. 2. cap. 3. and Lod. Mercatus, who in his second book de mulier. affect. cap. 4. will have that melancholy of nuns, widows, and more ancient maids, to be a peculiar species of melancholy differing from the rest: some will reduce enthusiasts, ecstatical and demoniacal persons to this rank, adding 1085 love melancholy to the first, and lycanthropia. The most received division is into three kinds. The first proceeds from the sole fault of the brain, and is called head melancholy; the second sympathetically proceeds from the whole body, when the whole temperature is melancholy: the third ariseth from the bowels, liver, spleen, or membrane, called mesenterium, named hypochondriacal or windy melancholy, which 1086Laurentius subdivides into three parts, from those three members, hepatic, splenetic, mesaraic. Love melancholy, which Avicenna calls ilishi: and Lycanthropia, which he calls cucubuthe, are commonly included in head melancholy; but of this last, which Gerardus de Solo calls amoreus, and most knight melancholy, with that of religious melancholy, virginum et viduarum, maintained by Rod. a Castro and Mercatus, and the other kinds of love melancholy, I will speak of apart by themselves in my third partition. The three precedent species are the subject of my present discourse, which I will anatomise and treat of through all their causes, symptoms, cures, together and apart; that every man that is in any measure affected with this malady, may know how to examine it in himself, and apply remedies unto it.

It is a hard matter, I confess, to distinguish these three species one from the other, to express their several causes, symptoms, cures, being that they are so often confounded amongst themselves, having such affinity, that they can scarce be discerned by the most accurate physicians; and so often intermixed with other diseases, that the best experienced have been plunged. Montanus consil. 26, names a patient that had this disease of melancholy and caninus appetitus both together; and consil. 23, with vertigo, 1087Julius Caesar Claudinus with stone, gout, jaundice. Trincavellius with an ague, jaundice, caninus appetitus, &c. 1088Paulus Regoline, a great doctor in his time, consulted in this case, was so confounded with a confusion of symptoms, that he knew not to what kind of melancholy to refer it. 1089Trincavellius, Fallopius, and Francanzanus, famous doctors in Italy, all three conferred with about one party, at the same time, gave three different opinions. And in another place, Trincavellius being demanded what he thought of a melancholy young man to whom he was sent for, ingenuously confessed that he was indeed melancholy, but he knew not to what kind to reduce it. In his seventeenth consultation there is the like disagreement about a melancholy monk. Those symptoms, which others ascribe to misaffected parts and humours, 1090Herc. de Saxonia attributes wholly to distempered spirits, and those immaterial, as I have said. Sometimes they cannot well discern this disease from others. In Reinerus Solenander's counsels, (Sect, consil. 5,) he and Dr. Brande both agreed, that the patient's disease was hypochondriacal melancholy. Dr. Matholdus said it was asthma, and nothing else. 1091Solenander and Guarionius, lately sent for to the melancholy Duke of Cleve, with others, could not define what species it was, or agree amongst themselves. The species are so confounded, as in Caesar Claudinus his forty-fourth consultation for a Polonian Count, in his judgment 1092“he laboured of head melancholy, and that which proceeds from the whole temperature both at once.” I could give instance of some that have had all three kinds semel et simul, and some successively. So that I conclude of our melancholy species, as 1093many politicians do of their pure forms of commonwealths, monarchies, aristocracies, democracies, are most famous in contemplation, but in practice they are temperate and usually mixed, (so 1094Polybius informeth us) as the Lacedaemonian, the Roman of old, German now, and many others. What physicians say of distinct species in their books it much matters not, since that in their patients' bodies they are commonly mixed. In such obscurity, therefore, variety and confused mixture of symptoms, causes, how difficult a thing is it to treat of several kinds apart; to make any certainty or distinction among so many casualties, distractions, when seldom two men shall be like effected per omnia? 'Tis hard, I confess, yet nevertheless I will adventure through the midst of these perplexities, and, led by the clue or thread of the best writers, extricate myself out of a labyrinth of doubts and errors, and so proceed to the causes.

1076. Non est mania, nisi extensa melancholia.

1077. Cap. 6. lib. 1.

1078. 2 Ser. 2. cap. 9. Morbus hic est omnifarius.

1079. Species indefinitae sunt.

1080. Si aduratur naturalis melancholia, alia fit species, si sanguis, alia, si flavibilis alia, diversa a primis: maxima est inter has differentia, et tot Doctorum sententiae, quot ipsi numero sunt.

1081. Tract. de mel. cap. 7.

1082. Quaedam incipiens quaedam consummata.

1083. Cap. de humor. lib. de anima. Varie aduritur et miscetur ipsa melancholia, unde variae amentium species.

1084. Cap. 16. in. 9. Rasis.

1085. Laurentius, cap. 4. de mel.

1086. Cap. 13.

1087. 480. et 116. consult. consil. 12.

1088. Hildesheim. spicil. 2. fol. 166.

1089. Trincavellius, tom. 2. consil. 15 et 16.

1090. Cap. 13, tract. posth. de melan.

1091. Guarion. cons. med. 2.

1092. Laboravit per essentiam et a toto corpore.

1093. Machiavel, &c. Smithus de rep. Angl. cap. 8. lib. 1. Buscoldus, discur. polit. discurs. 5. cap. 7. Arist. l. 3. polit. cap. ult. Keckerm. alii, &c.

1094. Lib. 6.

Sect. ii. Memb. i.

Subsect. i.

Causes of Melancholy. God a cause.

“It is in vain to speak of cures, or think of remedies, until such time as we have considered of the causes,” so 1095Galen prescribes Glauco: and the common experience of others confirms that those cures must be imperfect, lame, and to no purpose, wherein the causes have not first been searched, as 1096Prosper Calenius well observes in his tract de atra bile to Cardinal Caesius. Insomuch that 1097“Fernelius puts a kind of necessity in the knowledge of the causes, and without which it is impossible to cure or prevent any manner of disease.” Empirics may ease, and sometimes help, but not thoroughly root out; sublata causa tollitur effectus as the saying is, if the cause be removed, the effect is likewise vanquished. It is a most difficult thing (I confess) to be able to discern these causes whence they are, and in such 1098variety to say what the beginning was. 1099He is happy that can perform it aright. I will adventure to guess as near as I can, and rip them all up, from the first to the last, general and particular, to every species, that so they may the better be described.

General causes, are either supernatural, or natural. “Supernatural are from God and his angels, or by God's permission from the devil” and his ministers. That God himself is a cause for the punishment of sin, and satisfaction of his justice, many examples and testimonies of holy Scriptures make evident unto us, Ps. cvii, 17. “Foolish men are plagued for their offence, and by reason of their wickedness.” Gehazi was stricken with leprosy, 2 Reg. v. 27. Jehoram with dysentery and flux, and great diseases of the bowels, 2 Chron. xxi. 15. David plagued for numbering his people, 1 Par. 21. Sodom and Gomorrah swallowed up. And this disease is peculiarly specified, Psalm cxxvii. 12. “He brought down their heart through heaviness.” Deut. xxviii. 28. “He struck them with madness, blindness, and astonishment of heart.” 1100“An evil spirit was sent by the Lord upon Saul, to vex him.” 1101Nebuchadnezzar did eat grass like an ox, and his “heart was made like the beasts of the field.” Heathen stories are full of such punishments. Lycurgus, because he cut down the vines in the country, was by Bacchus driven into madness: so was Pentheus and his mother Agave for neglecting their sacrifice. 1102Censor Fulvius ran mad for untiling Juno's temple, to cover a new one of his own, which he had dedicated to Fortune, 1103“and was confounded to death with grief and sorrow of heart.” When Xerxes would have spoiled 1104Apollo's temple at Delphos of those infinite riches it possessed, a terrible thunder came from heaven and struck four thousand men dead, the rest ran mad. 1105A little after, the like happened to Brennus, lightning, thunder, earthquakes, upon such a sacrilegious occasion. If we may believe our pontifical writers, they will relate unto us many strange and prodigious punishments in this kind, inflicted by their saints. How 1106Clodoveus, sometime king of France, the son of Dagobert, lost his wits for uncovering the body of St. Denis: and how a 1107sacrilegious Frenchman, that would have stolen a silver image of St. John, at Birgburge, became frantic on a sudden, raging, and tyrannising over his own flesh: of a 1108Lord of Rhadnor, that coming from hunting late at night, put his dogs into St. Avan's church, (Llan Avan they called it) and rising betimes next morning, as hunters use to do, found all his dogs mad, himself being suddenly strucken blind. Of Tyridates an 1109Armenian king, for violating some holy nuns, that was punished in like sort, with loss of his wits. But poets and papists may go together for fabulous tales; let them free their own credits: howsoever they feign of their Nemesis, and of their saints, or by the devil's means may be deluded; we find it true, that ultor a tergo Deus, 1110“He is God the avenger,” as David styles him; and that it is our crying sins that pull this and many other maladies on our own heads. That he can by his angels, which are his ministers, strike and heal (saith 1111Dionysius) whom he will; that he can plague us by his creatures, sun, moon, and stars, which he useth as his instruments, as a husbandman (saith Zanchius) doth a hatchet: hail, snow, winds, &c. 1112Et conjurati veniunt in classica venti: as in Joshua's time, as in Pharaoh's reign in Egypt; they are but as so many executioners of his justice. He can make the proudest spirits stoop, and cry out with Julian the Apostate, Vicisti Galilaee: or with Apollo's priest in 1113Chrysostom, O coelum! o terra! unde hostis hic? What an enemy is this? And pray with David, acknowledging his power, “I am weakened and sore broken, I roar for the grief of mine heart, mine heart panteth,” &c. Psalm xxxviii. 8. “O Lord, rebuke me not in thine anger, neither chastise me in thy wrath,” Psalm xxxviii. 1. “Make me to hear joy and gladness, that the bones which thou hast broken, may rejoice,” Psalm li. 8. and verse 12. “Restore to me the joy of thy salvation, and stablish me with thy free spirit.” For these causes belike 1114Hippocrates would have a physician take special notice whether the disease come not from a divine supernatural cause, or whether it follow the course of nature. But this is farther discussed by Fran. Valesius, de sacr. philos. cap. 8. 1115 Fernelius, and 1116J. Caesar Claudinus, to whom I refer you, how this place of Hippocrates is to be understood. Paracelsus is of opinion, that such spiritual diseases (for so he calls them) are spiritually to be cured, and not otherwise. Ordinary means in such cases will not avail: Non est reluctandum cum Deo (we must not struggle with God.) When that monster-taming Hercules overcame all in the Olympics, Jupiter at last in an unknown shape wrestled with him; the victory was uncertain, till at length Jupiter descried himself, and Hercules yielded. No striving with supreme powers. Nil juvat immensos Cratero promittere montes, physicians and physic can do no good, 1117“we must submit ourselves unto the mighty hand of God,” acknowledge our offences, call to him for mercy. If he strike us una eademque manus vulnus opemque feret, as it is with them that are wounded with the spear of Achilles, he alone must help; otherwise our diseases are incurable, and we not to be relieved.

1095. Primo artis curitivae.

1096. Nostri primum sit propositi affectionum causas indagare; res ipsa hortari videtur, nam alioqui earum curatio, manca et inutilis esset.

1097. Path. lib. 1. cap. 11. Rerum cognoscere causas, medicis imprimis necessarium, sine qua nec morbum curare, nec praecavere licet.

1098. Tanta enim morbi varietas ac differentia ut non facile dignoscatur, unde initium morbus sumpserit. Melanelius e Galeno.

1099. Felix qui potuit rerum cognoscere causas.

1100. 1 Sam. xvi. 14.

1101. Dan. v. 21.

1102. Lactant. instit. lib. 2. cap. 8.

1103. Mente captus, et summo animi moerore consumptus.

1104. Munster cosmog. lib. 4. cap. 43. De coelo substernebantur, tanquam insani de saxis praecipitati, &c.

1105. Livius lib. 38.

1106. Gaguin. l. 3. c. 4. Quod Dionysii corpus discooperuerat, in insanam incidit.

1107. Idem lib. 9. sub. Carol. 6. Sacrorum contemptor, templi foribus effractis, dum D. Johannis argenteum simulacrum rapere contendit, simulacrum aversa facie dorsum ei versat, nec mora sacrilegus mentis inops, atque in semet insaniens in proprios artus desaevit.

1108. Giraldus Cambrensis, lib 1. c. 1. Itinerar. Cambriae.

1109. Delrio, tom. 3. lib. 6. sect. 3. quaest. 3.

1110. Psal. xlvi. 1.

1111. Lib. 8. cap. de Hierar.

1112. Claudian.

1113. De Babila Martyre.

1114. Lib. cap. 5. prog.

1115. Lib. 1. de Abditis rerum causis.

1116. Respons. med. 12. resp.

1117. 1 Pet. v. 6.

Subsect. ii.

A Digression of the nature of Spirits, bad Angels, or Devils, and how they cause Melancholy.

How far the power of spirits and devils doth extend, and whether they can cause this, or any other disease, is a serious question, and worthy to be considered: for the better understanding of which, I will make a brief digression of the nature of spirits. And although the question be very obscure, according to 1118Postellus, “full of controversy and ambiguity,” beyond the reach of human capacity, fateor excedere vires intentionis meae, saith 1119Austin, I confess I am not able to understand it, finitum de infinito non potest statuere, we can sooner determine with Tully, de nat. deorum, quid non sint, quam quid sint, our subtle schoolmen, Cardans, Scaligers, profound Thomists, Fracastoriana and Ferneliana acies, are weak, dry, obscure, defective in these mysteries, and all our quickest wits, as an owl's eyes at the sun's light, wax dull, and are not sufficient to apprehend them; yet, as in the rest, I will adventure to say something to this point. In former times, as we read, Acts xxiii., the Sadducees denied that there were any such spirits, devils, or angels. So did Galen the physician, the Peripatetics, even Aristotle himself, as Pomponatius stoutly maintains, and Scaliger in some sort grants. Though Dandinus the Jesuit, com. in lib. 2. de anima, stiffly denies it; substantiae separatae and intelligences, are the same which Christians call angels, and Platonists devils, for they name all the spirits, daemones, be they good or bad angels, as Julius Pollux Onomasticon, lib. 1. cap. 1. observes. Epicures and atheists are of the same mind in general, because they never saw them. Plato, Plotinus, Porphyrius, Jamblichus, Proclus, insisting in the steps of Trismegistus, Pythagoras and Socrates, make no doubt of it: nor Stoics, but that there are such spirits, though much erring from the truth. Concerning the first beginning of them, the 1120Talmudists say that Adam had a wife called Lilis, before he married Eve, and of her he begat nothing but devils. The Turks' 1121Alcoran is altogether as absurd and ridiculous in this point: but the Scripture informs us Christians, how Lucifer, the chief of them, with his associates, 1122fell from heaven for his pride and ambition; created of God, placed in heaven, and sometimes an angel of light, now cast down into the lower aerial sublunary parts, or into hell, “and delivered into chains of darkness (2 Pet. ii. 4.) to be kept unto damnation.”

Nature of Devils.] There is a foolish opinion which some hold, that they are the souls of men departed, good and more noble were deified, the baser grovelled on the ground, or in the lower parts, and were devils, the which with Tertullian, Porphyrius the philosopher, M. Tyrius, ser. 27 maintains. “These spirits,” he 1123saith, “which we call angels and devils, are nought but souls of men departed, which either through love and pity of their friends yet living, help and assist them, or else persecute their enemies, whom they hated,” as Dido threatened to persecute Aeneas:

Omnibus umbra locis adero: dabis improbe poenas.

My angry ghost arising from the deep,

Shall haunt thee waking, and disturb thy sleep;

At least my shade thy punishment shall know,

And Fame shall spread the pleasing news below.

They are (as others suppose) appointed by those higher powers to keep men from their nativity, and to protect or punish them as they see cause: and are called boni et mali Genii by the Romans. Heroes, lares, if good, lemures or larvae if bad, by the stoics, governors of countries, men, cities, saith 1124Apuleius, Deos appellant qui ex hominum numero juste ac prudenter vitae curriculo gubernato, pro numine, postea ab hominibus praediti fanis et ceremoniis vulgo admittuntur, ut in Aegypto Osyris, &c. Praestites, Capella calls them, “which protected particular men as well as princes,” Socrates had his Daemonium Saturninum et ignium, which of all spirits is best, ad sublimes cogitationes animum erigentem, as the Platonists supposed; Plotinus his, and we Christians our assisting angel, as Andreas Victorellus, a copious writer of this subject, Lodovicus de La-Cerda, the Jesuit, in his voluminous tract de Angelo Custode, Zanchius, and some divines think. But this absurd tenet of Tyreus, Proclus confutes at large in his book de Anima et daemone.

Psellus 1125, a Christian, and sometimes tutor (saith Cuspinian) to Michael Parapinatius, Emperor of Greece, a great observer of the nature of devils, holds they are corporeal 1126, and have “aerial bodies, that they are mortal, live and die,” (which Martianus Capella likewise maintains, but our Christian philosophers explode) “that they 1127are nourished and have excrements, they feel pain if they be hurt” (which Cardan confirms, and Scaliger justly laughs him to scorn for; Si pascantur aere, cur non pugnant ob puriorem aera? &c.) “or stroken:” and if their bodies be cut, with admirable celerity they come together again. Austin, in Gen. lib. iii. lib. arbit., approves as much, mutata casu corpora in deteriorem qualitatem aeris spissioris, so doth Hierome. Comment. in epist. ad Ephes. cap. 3, Origen, Tertullian, Lactantius, and many ancient Fathers of the Church: that in their fall their bodies were changed into a more aerial and gross substance. Bodine, lib. 4, Theatri Naturae and David Crusius, Hermeticae Philosophiae, lib. 1. cap. 4, by several arguments proves angels and spirits to be corporeal: quicquid continetur in loco corporeum est; At spiritus continetur in loco, ergo. 1128Si spiritus sunt quanti, erunt corporei: At sunt quanti, ergo. sunt finiti, ergo. quanti, &c. Bodine 1129goes farther yet, and will have these, Animae separatae genii, spirits, angels, devils, and so likewise souls of men departed, if corporeal (which he most eagerly contends) to be of some shape, and that absolutely round, like Sun and Moon, because that is the most perfect form, quae nihil habet asperitatis, nihil angulis incisum, nihil anfractibus involutem, nihil eminens, sed inter corpora perfecta est perfectissimum; 1130therefore all spirits are corporeal he concludes, and in their proper shapes round. That they can assume other aerial bodies, all manner of shapes at their pleasures, appear in what likeness they will themselves, that they are most swift in motion, can pass many miles in an instant, and so likewise 1131transform bodies of others into what shape they please, and with admirable celerity remove them from place to place; (as the Angel did Habakkuk to Daniel, and as Philip the deacon was carried away by the Spirit, when he had baptised the eunuch; so did Pythagoras and Apollonius remove themselves and others, with many such feats) that they can represent castles in the air, palaces, armies, spectrums, prodigies, and such strange objects to mortal men's eyes, 1132cause smells, savours, &c., deceive all the senses; most writers of this subject credibly believe; and that they can foretell future events, and do many strange miracles. Juno's image spake to Camillus, and Fortune's statue to the Roman matrons, with many such. Zanchius, Bodine, Spondanus, and others, are of opinion that they cause a true metamorphosis, as Nebuchadnezzar was really translated into a beast, Lot's wife into a pillar of salt; Ulysses' companions into hogs and dogs, by Circe's charms; turn themselves and others, as they do witches into cats, dogs, hares, crows, &c. Strozzius Cicogna hath many examples, lib. iii. omnif. mag. cap. 4 and 5, which he there confutes, as Austin likewise doth, de civ. Dei lib. xviii. That they can be seen when and in what shape, and to whom they will, saith Psellus, Tametsi nil tale viderim, nec optem videre, though he himself never saw them nor desired it; and use sometimes carnal copulation (as elsewhere I shall 1133prove more at large) with women and men. Many will not believe they can be seen, and if any man shall say, swear, and stiffly maintain, though he be discreet and wise, judicious and learned, that he hath seen them, they account him a timorous fool, a melancholy dizzard, a weak fellow, a dreamer, a sick or a mad man, they contemn him, laugh him to scorn, and yet Marcus of his credit told Psellus that he had often seen them. And Leo Suavius, a Frenchman, c. 8, in Commentar. l. 1. Paracelsi de vita longa, out of some Platonists, will have the air to be as full of them as snow falling in the skies, and that they may be seen, and withal sets down the means how men may see them; Si irreverberatus oculis sole splendente versus caelum continuaverint obtutus, &c., 1134and saith moreover he tried it, praemissorum feci experimentum, and it was true, that the Platonists said. Paracelsus confesseth that he saw them divers times, and conferred with them, and so doth Alexander ab 1135Alexandro, “that he so found it by experience, when as before he doubted of it.” Many deny it, saith Lavater, de spectris, part 1. c. 2, and part 2. c. 11, “because they never saw them themselves;” but as he reports at large all over his book, especially c. 19. part 1, they are often seen and heard, and familiarly converse with men, as Lod. Vives assureth us, innumerable records, histories, and testimonies evince in all ages, times, places, and 1136all travellers besides; in the West Indies and our northern climes, Nihil familiarius quam in agris et urbibus spiritus videre, audire qui vetent, jubeant, &c. Hieronymus vita Pauli, Basil ser. 40, Nicephorus, Eusebius, Socrates, Sozomenus, 1137Jacobus Boissardus in his tract de spirituum apparitionibus, Petrus Loyerus l. de spectris, Wierus l. 1. have infinite variety of such examples of apparitions of spirits, for him to read that farther doubts, to his ample satisfaction. One alone I will briefly insert. A nobleman in Germany was sent ambassador to the King of Sweden (for his name, the time, and such circumstances, I refer you to Boissardus, mine 1138Author). After he had done his business, he sailed to Livonia, on set purpose to see those familiar spirits, which are there said to be conversant with men, and do their drudgery works. Amongst other matters, one of them told him where his wife was, in what room, in what clothes, what doing, and brought him a ring from her, which at his return, non sine omnium admiratione, he found to be true; and so believed that ever after, which before he doubted of. Cardan, l. 19. de subtil, relates of his father, Facius Cardan, that after the accustomed solemnities, An. 1491, 13 August, he conjured up seven devils, in Greek apparel, about forty years of age, some ruddy of complexion, and some pale, as he thought; he asked them many questions, and they made ready answer, that they were aerial devils, that they lived and died as men did, save that they were far longer lived (700 or 800 1139years); they did as much excel men in dignity as we do juments, and were as far excelled again of those that were above them; our 1140governors and keepers they are moreover, which 1141Plato in Critias delivered of old, and subordinate to one another, Ut enim homo homini sic daemon daemoni dominatur, they rule themselves as well as us, and the spirits of the meaner sort had commonly such offices, as we make horse-keepers, neat-herds, and the basest of us, overseers of our cattle; and that we can no more apprehend their natures and functions, than a horse a man's. They knew all things, but might not reveal them to men; and ruled and domineered over us, as we do over our horses; the best kings amongst us, and the most generous spirits, were not comparable to the basest of them. Sometimes they did instruct men, and communicate their skill, reward and cherish, and sometimes, again, terrify and punish, to keep them in awe, as they thought fit, Nihil magis cupientes (saith Lysius, Phis. Stoicorum) quam adorationem hominum. 1142The same Author, Cardan, in his Hyperchen, out of the doctrine of Stoics, will have some of these genii (for so he calls them) to be 1143desirous of men's company, very affable and familiar with them, as dogs are; others, again, to abhor as serpents, and care not for them. The same belike Tritemius calls Ignios et sublunares, qui nunquam demergunt ad inferiora, aut vix ullum habent in terris commercium: 1144“Generally they far excel men in worth, as a man the meanest worm; though some of them are inferior to those of their own rank in worth, as the blackguard in a prince's court, and to men again, as some degenerate, base, rational creatures, are excelled of brute beasts.”

That they are mortal, besides these testimonies of Cardan, Martianus, &c., many other divines and philosophers hold, post prolixum tempus moriuntur omnes; The 1145Platonists, and some Rabbins, Porphyrius and Plutarch, as appears by that relation of Thamus: 1146“The great God Pan is dead; Apollo Pythius ceased; and so the rest.” St. Hierome, in the life of Paul the Hermit, tells a story how one of them appeared to St. Anthony in the wilderness, and told him as much. 1147Paracelsus of our late writers stiffly maintains that they are mortal, live and die as other creatures do. Zozimus, l. 2, farther adds, that religion and policy dies and alters with them. The 1148Gentiles' gods, he saith, were expelled by Constantine, and together with them. Imperii Romani majestas, et fortuna interiit, et profligata est; The fortune and majesty of the Roman Empire decayed and vanished, as that heathen in 1149Minutius formerly bragged, when the Jews were overcome by the Romans, the Jew's God was likewise captivated by that of Rome; and Rabsakeh to the Israelites, no God should deliver them out of the hands of the Assyrians. But these paradoxes of their power, corporeity, mortality, taking of shapes, transposing bodies, and carnal copulations, are sufficiently confuted by Zanch. c. 10, l. 4. Pererius in his comment, and Tostatus questions on the 6th of Gen. Th. Aquin., St. Austin, Wierus, Th. Erastus, Delrio, tom. 2, l. 2, quaest. 29; Sebastian Michaelis, c. 2, de spiritibus, D. Reinolds Lect. 47. They may deceive the eyes of men, yet not take true bodies, or make a real metamorphosis; but as Cicogna proves at large, they are 1150Illusoriae, et praestigiatrices transformationes, omnif. mag. lib. 4. cap. 4, mere illusions and cozenings, like that tale of Pasetis obulus in Suidas, or that of Autolicus, Mercury's son, that dwelt in Parnassus, who got so much treasure by cozenage and stealth. His father Mercury, because he could leave him no wealth, taught him many fine tricks to get means, 1151for he could drive away men's cattle, and if any pursued him, turn them into what shapes he would, and so did mightily enrich himself, hoc astu maximam praedam est adsecutus. This, no doubt, is as true as the rest; yet thus much in general. Thomas, Durand, and others, grant that they have understanding far beyond men, can probably conjecture and 1152foretell many things; they can cause and cure most diseases, deceive our senses; they have excellent skill in all Arts and Sciences; and that the most illiterate devil is Quovis homine scientior (more knowing than any man), as 1153Cicogna maintains out of others. They know the virtues of herbs, plants, stones, minerals, &c.; of all creatures, birds, beasts, the four elements, stars, planets, can aptly apply and make use of them as they see good; perceiving the causes of all meteors, and the like: Dant se coloribus (as 1154 Austin hath it) accommodant se figuris, adhaerent sonis, subjiciunt se odoribus, infundunt se saporibus, omnes sensus etiam ipsam intelligentiam daemones fallunt, they deceive all our senses, even our understanding itself at once. 1155They can produce miraculous alterations in the air, and most wonderful effects, conquer armies, give victories, help, further, hurt, cross and alter human attempts and projects (Dei permissu) as they see good themselves. 1156When Charles the Great intended to make a channel betwixt the Rhine and the Danube, look what his workmen did in the day, these spirits flung down in the night, Ut conatu Rex desisteret, pervicere. Such feats can they do. But that which Bodine, l. 4, Theat. nat. thinks (following Tyrius belike, and the Platonists,) they can tell the secrets of a man's heart, aut cogitationes hominum, is most false; his reasons are weak, and sufficiently confuted by Zanch. lib. 4, cap. 9. Hierom. lib. 2, com. in Mat. ad cap. 15, Athanasius quaest. 27, ad Antiochum Principem, and others.

Orders. As for those orders of good and bad devils, which the Platonists hold, is altogether erroneous, and those Ethnics boni et mali Genii, are to be exploded: these heathen writers agree not in this point among themselves, as Dandinus notes, An sint 1157mali non conveniunt, some will have all spirits good or bad to us by a mistake, as if an Ox or Horse could discourse, he would say the Butcher was his enemy because he killed him, the grazier his friend because he fed him; a hunter preserves and yet kills his game, and is hated nevertheless of his game; nec piscatorem piscis amare potest, &c. But Jamblichus, Psellus, Plutarch, and most Platonists acknowledge bad, et ab eorum maleficiis cavendum, and we should beware of their wickedness, for they are enemies of mankind, and this Plato learned in Egypt, that they quarrelled with Jupiter, and were driven by him down to hell. 1158That which 1159Apuleius, Xenophon, and Plato contend of Socrates Daemonium, is most absurd: That which Plotinus of his, that he had likewise Deum pro Daemonio; and that which Porphyry concludes of them all in general, if they be neglected in their sacrifice they are angry; nay more, as Cardan in his Hipperchen will, they feed on men's souls, Elementa sunt plantis elementum, animalibus plantae, hominibus animalia, erunt et homines aliis, non autem diis, nimis enim remota est eorum natura a nostra, quapropter daemonibus: and so belike that we have so many battles fought in all ages, countries, is to make them a feast, and their sole delight: but to return to that I said before, if displeased they fret and chafe, (for they feed belike on the souls of beasts, as we do on their bodies) and send many plagues amongst us; but if pleased, then they do much good; is as vain as the rest and confuted by Austin, l. 9. c. 8. de Civ. Dei. Euseb. l. 4. praepar. Evang. c. 6. and others. Yet thus much I find, that our schoolmen and other 1160divines make nine kinds of bad spirits, as Dionysius hath done of angels. In the first rank are those false gods of the gentiles, which were adored heretofore in several idols, and gave oracles at Delphos, and elsewhere; whose prince is Beelzebub. The second rank is of liars and equivocators, as Apollo, Pythius, and the like. The third are those vessels of anger, inventors of all mischief; as that Theutus in Plato; Esay calls them 1161vessels of fury; their prince is Belial. The fourth are malicious revenging devils; and their prince is Asmodaeus. The fifth kind are cozeners, such as belong to magicians and witches; their prince is Satan. The sixth are those aerial devils that 1162corrupt the air and cause plagues, thunders, fires, &c.; spoken of in the Apocalypse, and Paul to the Ephesians names them the princes of the air; Meresin is their prince. The seventh is a destroyer, captain of the furies, causing wars, tumults, combustions, uproars, mentioned in the Apocalypse; and called Abaddon. The eighth is that accusing or calumniating devil, whom the Greeks call Διαβολος, that drives men to despair. The ninth are those tempters in several kinds, and their prince is Mammon. Psellus makes six kinds, yet none above the Moon: Wierus in his Pseudo-monarchia Daemonis, out of an old book, makes many more divisions and subordinations, with their several names, numbers, offices, &c., but Gazaeus cited by 1163Lipsius will have all places full of angels, spirits, and devils, above and beneath the Moon,1164ethereal and aerial, which Austin cites out of Varro l. 7. de Civ. Dei, c. 6. “The celestial devils above, and aerial beneath,” or, as some will, gods above, Semi-dei or half gods beneath, Lares, Heroes, Genii, which climb higher, if they lived well, as the Stoics held; but grovel on the ground as they were baser in their lives, nearer to the earth: and are Manes, Lemures, Lamiae, &c. 1165They will have no place but all full of spirits, devils, or some other inhabitants; Plenum Caelum, aer, aqua terra, et omnia sub terra, saith 1166Gazaeus; though Anthony Rusca in his book de Inferno, lib. v. cap. 7. would confine them to the middle region, yet they will have them everywhere. “Not so much as a hair-breadth empty in heaven, earth, or waters, above or under the earth.” The air is not so full of flies in summer, as it is at all times of invisible devils: this 1167Paracelsus stiffly maintains, and that they have every one their several chaos, others will have infinite worlds, and each world his peculiar spirits, gods, angels, and devils to govern and punish it.

Singula 1168nonnulli credunt quoque sidera posse

Dici orbes, terramque appellant sidus opacum,

Cui minimus divum praesit. ———

Some persons believe each star to be a world, and this earth an opaque star, over which the least of the gods presides.

1169Gregorius Tholsanus makes seven kinds of ethereal spirits or angels, according to the number of the seven planets, Saturnine, Jovial, Martial, of which Cardan discourseth lib. 20. de subtil. he calls them substantias primas, Olympicos daemones Tritemius, qui praesunt Zodiaco, &c., and will have them to be good angels above, devils beneath the Moon, their several names and offices he there sets down, and which Dionysius of Angels, will have several spirits for several countries, men, offices, &c., which live about them, and as so many assisting powers cause their operations, will have in a word, innumerable, as many of them as there be stars in the skies. 1170Marcilius Ficinus seems to second this opinion, out of Plato, or from himself, I know not, (still ruling their inferiors, as they do those under them again, all subordinate, and the nearest to the earth rule us, whom we subdivide into good and bad angels, call gods or devils, as they help or hurt us, and so adore, love or hate) but it is most likely from Plato, for he relying wholly on Socrates, quem mori potius quam mentiri voluisse scribit, whom he says would rather die than tell a falsehood, out of Socrates' authority alone, made nine kinds of them: which opinion belike Socrates took from Pythagoras, and he from Trismegistus, he from Zoroastes, first God, second idea, 3. Intelligences, 4. Arch-Angels, 5. Angels, 6. Devils, 7. Heroes, 8. Principalities, 9. Princes: of which some were absolutely good, as gods, some bad, some indifferent inter deos et homines, as heroes and daemons, which ruled men, and were called genii, or as 1171Proclus and Jamblichus will, the middle betwixt God and men. Principalities and princes, which commanded and swayed kings and countries; and had several places in the spheres perhaps, for as every sphere is higher, so hath it more excellent inhabitants: which belike is that Galilaeus a Galileo and Kepler aims at in his nuncio Syderio, when he will have 1172Saturnine and Jovial inhabitants: and which Tycho Brahe doth in some sort touch or insinuate in one of his epistles: but these things 1173Zanchius justly explodes, cap. 3. lib. 4. P. Martyr, in 4. Sam. 28.

So that according to these men the number of ethereal spirits must needs be infinite: for if that be true that some of our mathematicians say: if a stone could fall from the starry heaven, or eighth sphere, and should pass every hour an hundred miles, it would be 65 years, or more, before it would come to ground, by reason of the great distance of heaven from earth, which contains as some say 170 millions 800 miles, besides those other heavens, whether they be crystalline or watery which Maginus adds, which peradventure holds as much more, how many such spirits may it contain? And yet for all this 1174Thomas Albertus, and most hold that there be far more angels than devils.

Sublunary devils, and their kinds.] But be they more or less, Quod supra nos nihil ad nos (what is beyond our comprehension does not concern us). Howsoever as Martianus foolishly supposeth, Aetherii Daemones non curant res humanas, they care not for us, do not attend our actions, or look for us, those ethereal spirits have other worlds to reign in belike or business to follow. We are only now to speak in brief of these sublunary spirits or devils: for the rest, our divines determine that the devil had no power over stars, or heavens; 1175Carminibus coelo possunt deducere lunam, &C., (by their charms (verses) they can seduce the moon from the heavens). Those are poetical fictions, and that they can 1176sistere aquam fluviis, et vertere sidera retro, &c., (stop rivers and turn the stars backward in their courses) as Canadia in Horace, 'tis all false. 1177 They are confined until the day of judgment to this sublunary world, and can work no farther than the four elements, and as God permits them. Wherefore of these sublunary devils, though others divide them otherwise according to their several places and offices, Psellus makes six kinds, fiery, aerial, terrestrial, watery, and subterranean devils, besides those fairies, satyrs, nymphs, &c.

Fiery spirits or devils are such as commonly work by blazing stars, fire-drakes, or ignes fatui; which lead men often in flumina aut praecipitia, saith Bodine, lib. 2. Theat. Naturae, fol. 221. Quos inquit arcere si volunt viatores, clara voce Deum appellare aut pronam facie terram contingente adorare oportet, et hoc amuletum majoribus nostris acceptum ferre debemus, &c., (whom if travellers wish to keep off they must pronounce the name of God with a clear voice, or adore him with their faces in contact with the ground, &c.); likewise they counterfeit suns and moons, stars oftentimes, and sit on ship masts: In navigiorum summitatibus visuntur; and are called dioscuri, as Eusebius l. contra Philosophos, c. xlviii. informeth us, out of the authority of Zenophanes; or little clouds, ad motum nescio quem volantes; which never appear, saith Cardan, but they signify some mischief or other to come unto men, though some again will have them to pretend good, and victory to that side they come towards in sea fights, St. Elmo's fires they commonly call them, and they do likely appear after a sea storm; Radzivilius, the Polonian duke, calls this apparition, Sancti Germani sidus; and saith moreover that he saw the same after in a storm, as he was sailing, 1582, from Alexandria to Rhodes. 1178Our stories are full of such apparitions in all kinds. Some think they keep their residence in that Hecla, a mountain in Iceland, Aetna in Sicily, Lipari, Vesuvius, &c. These devils were worshipped heretofore by that superstitious Pyromanteia 1179and the like.

Aerial spirits or devils, are such as keep quarter most part in the 1180 air, cause many tempests, thunder, and lightnings, tear oaks, fire steeples, houses, strike men and beasts, make it rain stones, as in Livy's time, wool, frogs, &c. Counterfeit armies in the air, strange noises, swords, &c., as at Vienna before the coming of the Turks, and many times in Rome, as Scheretzius l. de spect. c. 1. part 1. Lavater de spect. part. 1. c. 17. Julius Obsequens, an old Roman, in his book of prodigies, ab urb. cond. 505. 1181Machiavel hath illustrated by many examples, and Josephus, in his book de bello Judaico, before the destruction of Jerusalem. All which Guil. Postellus, in his first book, c. 7, de orbis concordia, useth as an effectual argument (as indeed it is) to persuade them that will not believe there be spirits or devils. They cause whirlwinds on a sudden, and tempestuous storms; which though our meteorologists generally refer to natural causes, yet I am of Bodine's mind, Theat. Nat. l. 2. they are more often caused by those aerial devils, in their several quarters; for Tempestatibus se ingerunt, saith 1182 Rich. Argentine; as when a desperate man makes away with himself, which by hanging or drowning they frequently do, as Kommanus observes, de mirac. mort. part. 7, c. 76. tripudium agentes, dancing and rejoicing at the death of a sinner. These can corrupt the air, and cause plagues, sickness, storms, shipwrecks, fires, inundations. At Mons Draconis in Italy, there is a most memorable example in 1183Jovianus Pontanus: and nothing so familiar (if we may believe those relations of Saxo Grammaticus, Olaus Magnus, Damianus A. Goes) as for witches and sorcerers, in Lapland, Lithuania, and all over Scandia, to sell winds to mariners, and cause tempests, which Marcus Paulus the Venetian relates likewise of the Tartars. These kind of devils are much 1184delighted in sacrifices (saith Porphyry), held all the world in awe, and had several names, idols, sacrifices, in Rome, Greece, Egypt, and at this day tyrannise over, and deceive those Ethnics and Indians, being adored and worshipped for 1185 gods. For the Gentiles' gods were devils (as 1186Trismegistus confesseth in his Asclepius), and he himself could make them come to their images by magic spells: and are now as much “respected by our papists” (saith 1187 Pictorius) “under the name of saints.” These are they which Cardan thinks desire so much carnal copulation with witches (Incubi and Succubi), transform bodies, and are so very cold, if they be touched; and that serve magicians. His father had one of them (as he is not ashamed to relate), 1188an aerial devil, bound to him for twenty and eight years. As Agrippa's dog had a devil tied to his collar; some think that Paracelsus (or else Erastus belies him) had one confined to his sword pummel; others wear them in rings, &c. Jannes and Jambres did many things of old by their help; Simon Magus, Cinops, Apollonius Tianeus, Jamblichus, and Tritemius of late, that showed Maximilian the emperor his wife, after she was dead; Et verrucam in collo ejus (saith 1189Godolman) so much as the wart in her neck. Delrio, lib. 2. hath divers examples of their feats: Cicogna, lib. 3. cap. 3. and Wierus in his book de praestig. daemonum. Boissardus de magis et veneficis.

Water-devils are those Naiads or water nymphs which have been heretofore conversant about waters and rivers. The water (as Paracelsus thinks) is their chaos, wherein they live; some call them fairies, and say that Habundia is their queen; these cause inundations, many times shipwrecks, and deceive men divers ways, as Succuba, or otherwise, appearing most part (saith Tritemius) in women's shapes. 1190Paracelsus hath several stories of them that have lived and been married to mortal men, and so continued for certain years with them, and after, upon some dislike, have forsaken them. Such a one as Aegeria, with whom Numa was so familiar, Diana, Ceres, &c. 1191Olaus Magnus hath a long narration of one Hotherus, a king of Sweden, that having lost his company, as he was hunting one day, met with these water nymphs or fairies, and was feasted by them; and Hector Boethius, or Macbeth, and Banquo, two Scottish lords, that as they were wandering in the woods, had their fortunes told them by three strange women. To these, heretofore, they did use to sacrifice, by that ὑδρομαντέια, or divination by waters.

Terrestrial devils are those 1192Lares, genii, fauns, satyrs, 1193 wood-nymphs, foliots, fairies, Robin Goodfellows, trulli, &c., which as they are most conversant with men, so they do them most harm. Some think it was they alone that kept the heathen people in awe of old, and had so many idols and temples erected to them. Of this range was Dagon amongst the Philistines, Bel amongst the Babylonians, Astartes amongst the Sidonians, Baal amongst the Samaritans, Isis and Osiris amongst the Egyptians, &c.; some put our 1194fairies into this rank, which have been in former times adored with much superstition, with sweeping their houses, and setting of a pail of clean water, good victuals, and the like, and then they should not be pinched, but find money in their shoes, and be fortunate in their enterprises. These are they that dance on heaths and greens, as 1195 Lavater thinks with Tritemius, and as 1196Olaus Magnus adds, leave that green circle, which we commonly find in plain fields, which others hold to proceed from a meteor falling, or some accidental rankness of the ground, so nature sports herself; they are sometimes seen by old women and children. Hierom. Pauli, in his description of the city of Bercino in Spain, relates how they have been familiarly seen near that town, about fountains and hills; Nonnunquam (saith Tritemius) in sua latibula montium simpliciores homines ducant, stupenda mirantibus ostentes miracula, nolarum sonitus, spectacula, &c. 1197Giraldus Cambrensis gives instance in a monk of Wales that was so deluded. 1198Paracelsus reckons up many places in Germany, where they do usually walk in little coats, some two feet long. A bigger kind there is of them called with us hobgoblins, and Robin Goodfellows, that would in those superstitious times grind corn for a mess of milk, cut wood, or do any manner of drudgery work. They would mend old irons in those Aeolian isles of Lipari, in former ages, and have been often seen and heard. 1199Tholosanus calls them trullos and Getulos, and saith, that in his days they were common in many places of France. Dithmarus Bleskenius, in his description of Iceland, reports for a certainty, that almost in every family they have yet some such familiar spirits; and Felix Malleolus, in his book de crudel. daemon. affirms as much, that these trolli or telchines are very common in Norway, “and 1200 seen to do drudgery work;” to draw water, saith Wierus, lib. 1. cap. 22, dress meat, or any such thing. Another sort of these there are, which frequent forlorn 1201houses, which the Italians call foliots, most part innoxious, 1202Cardan holds; “They will make strange noises in the night, howl sometimes pitifully, and then laugh again, cause great flame and sudden lights, fling stones, rattle chains, shave men, open doors and shut them, fling down platters, stools, chests, sometimes appear in the likeness of hares, crows, black dogs,” &c. of which read 1203Pet Thyraeus the Jesuit, in his Tract, de locis infestis, part. 1. et cap. 4, who will have them to be devils or the souls of damned men that seek revenge, or else souls out of purgatory that seek ease; for such examples peruse 1204 Sigismundus Scheretzius, lib. de spectris, part 1. c. 1. which he saith he took out of Luther most part; there be many instances. 1205Plinius Secundus remembers such a house at Athens, which Athenodorus the philosopher hired, which no man durst inhabit for fear of devils. Austin, de Civ. Dei. lib. 22, cap. 1. relates as much of Hesperius the Tribune's house, at Zubeda, near their city of Hippos, vexed with evil spirits, to his great hindrance, Cum afflictione animalium et servorum suorum. Many such instances are to be read in Niderius Formicar, lib. 5. cap. xii. 3. &c. Whether I may call these Zim and Ochim, which Isaiah, cap. xiii. 21. speaks of, I make a doubt. See more of these in the said Scheretz. lib. 1. de spect. cap. 4. he is full of examples. These kind of devils many times appear to men, and affright them out of their wits, sometimes walking at 1206noonday, sometimes at nights, counterfeiting dead men's ghosts, as that of Caligula, which (saith Suetonius) was seen to walk in Lavinia's garden, where his body was buried, spirits haunted, and the house where he died, 1207Nulla nox sine terrore transacta, donec incendio consumpta; every night this happened, there was no quietness, till the house was burned. About Hecla, in Iceland, ghosts commonly walk, animas mortuorum simulantes, saith Joh. Anan, lib. 3. de nat. daem. Olaus. lib. 2. cap. 2. Natal Tallopid. lib. de apparit. spir. Kornmannus de mirac. mort. part. 1. cap. 44. such sights are frequently seen circa sepulchra et monasteria, saith Lavat. lib. 1. cap. 19. in monasteries and about churchyards, loca paludinosa, ampla aedificia, solitaria, et caede hominum notata, &c. (marshes, great buildings, solitary places, or remarkable as the scene of some murder.) Thyreus adds, ubi gravius peccatum est commissum, impii, pauperum oppressores et nequiter insignes habitant (where some very heinous crime was committed, there the impious and infamous generally dwell). These spirits often foretell men's deaths by several signs, as knocking, groanings, &c. 1208though Rich. Argentine, c. 18. de praestigiis daemonum, will ascribe these predictions to good angels, out of the authority of Ficinus and others; prodigia in obitu principum saepius contingunt, &c. (prodigies frequently occur at the deaths of illustrious men), as in the Lateran church in 1209Rome, the popes' deaths are foretold by Sylvester's tomb. Near Rupes Nova in Finland, in the kingdom of Sweden, there is a lake, in which, before the governor of the castle dies, a spectrum, in the habit of Arion with his harp, appears, and makes excellent music, like those blocks in Cheshire, which (they say) presage death to the master of the family; or that 1210oak in Lanthadran park in Cornwall, which foreshows as much. Many families in Europe are so put in mind of their last by such predictions, and many men are forewarned (if we may believe Paracelsus) by familiar spirits in divers shapes, as cocks, crows, owls, which often hover about sick men's chambers, vel quia morientium foeditatem sentiunt, as 1211Baracellus conjectures, et ideo super tectum infirmorum crocitant, because they smell a corse; or for that (as 1212Bernardinus de Bustis thinketh) God permits the devil to appear in the form of crows, and such like creatures, to scare such as live wickedly here on earth. A little before Tully's death (saith Plutarch) the crows made a mighty noise about him, tumultuose perstrepentes, they pulled the pillow from under his head. Rob. Gaguinus, hist. Franc. lib. 8, telleth such another wonderful story at the death of Johannes de Monteforti, a French lord, anno 1345, tanta corvorum multitudo aedibus morientis insedit, quantam esse in Gallia nemo judicasset (a multitude of crows alighted on the house of the dying man, such as no one imagined existed in France). Such prodigies are very frequent in authors. See more of these in the said Lavater, Thyreus de locis infestis, part 3, cap. 58. Pictorius, Delrio, Cicogna, lib. 3, cap. 9. Necromancers take upon them to raise and lay them at their pleasures: and so likewise, those which Mizaldus calls ambulones, that walk about midnight on great heaths and desert places, which (saith 1213Lavater) “draw men out of the way, and lead them all night a byway, or quite bar them of their way;” these have several names in several places; we commonly call them Pucks. In the deserts of Lop, in Asia, such illusions of walking spirits are often perceived, as you may read in M. Paulus the Venetian his travels; if one lose his company by chance, these devils will call him by his name, and counterfeit voices of his companions to seduce him. Hieronym. Pauli, in his book of the hills of Spain, relates of a great 1214mount in Cantabria, where such spectrums are to be seen; Lavater and Cicogna have variety of examples of spirits and walking devils in this kind. Sometimes they sit by the highway side, to give men falls, and make their horses stumble and start as they ride (if you will believe the relation of that holy man Ketellus in 1215Nubrigensis), that had an especial grace to see devils, Gratiam divinitus collatam, and talk with them, Et impavidus cum spiritibus sermonem miscere, without offence, and if a man curse or spur his horse for stumbling, they do heartily rejoice at it; with many such pretty feats.

Subterranean devils are as common as the rest, and do as much harm. Olaus Magnus, lib. 6, cap. 19, make six kinds of them; some bigger, some less. These (saith 1216Munster) are commonly seen about mines of metals, and are some of them noxious; some again do no harm. The metal-men in many places account it good luck, a sign of treasure and rich ore when they see them. Georgius Agricola, in his book de subterraneis animantibus, cap. 37, reckons two more notable kinds of them, which he calls 1217getuli and cobali, both “are clothed after the manner of metal-men, and will many times imitate their works.” Their office, as Pictorius and Paracelsus think, is to keep treasure in the earth, that it be not all at once revealed; and besides, 1218Cicogna avers that they are the frequent causes of those horrible earthquakes “which often swallow up, not only houses, but whole islands and cities;” in his third book, cap. 11, he gives many instances.

The last are conversant about the centre of the earth to torture the souls of damned men to the day of judgment; their egress and regress some suppose to be about Etna, Lipari, Mons Hecla in Iceland, Vesuvius, Terra del Fuego, &c., because many shrieks and fearful cries are continually heard thereabouts, and familiar apparitions of dead men, ghosts and goblins.

Their Offices, Operations, Study. Thus the devil reigns, and in a thousand several shapes, “as a roaring lion still seeks whom he may devour,” 1 Pet. v., by sea, land, air, as yet unconfined, though 1219 some will have his proper place the air; all that space between us and the moon for them that transgressed least, and hell for the wickedest of them, Hic velut in carcere ad finem mundi, tunc in locum funestiorum trudendi, as Austin holds de Civit. Dei, c. 22, lib. 14, cap. 3 et 23; but be where he will, he rageth while he may to comfort himself, as 1220 Lactantius thinks, with other men's falls, he labours all he can to bring them into the same pit of perdition with him. For 1221“men's miseries, calamities, and ruins are the devil's banqueting dishes.” By many temptations and several engines, he seeks to captivate our souls. The Lord of Lies, saith 1222Austin, “as he was deceived himself, he seeks to deceive others,” the ringleader to all naughtiness, as he did by Eve and Cain, Sodom and Gomorrah, so would he do by all the world. Sometimes he tempts by covetousness, drunkenness, pleasure, pride, &c., errs, dejects, saves, kills, protects, and rides some men, as they do their horses. He studies our overthrow, and generally seeks our destruction; and although he pretend many times human good, and vindicate himself for a god by curing of several diseases, aegris sanitatem, et caecis luminis usum restituendo, as Austin declares, lib. 10, de civit Dei, cap. 6, as Apollo, Aesculapius, Isis, of old have done; divert plagues, assist them in wars, pretend their happiness, yet nihil his impurius, scelestius, nihil humano generi infestius, nothing so impure, nothing so pernicious, as may well appear by their tyrannical and bloody sacrifices of men to Saturn and Moloch, which are still in use among those barbarous Indians, their several deceits and cozenings to keep men in obedience, their false oracles, sacrifices, their superstitious impositions of fasts, penury, &c. Heresies, superstitious observations of meats, times, &c., by which they 1223 crucify the souls of mortal men, as shall be showed in our Treatise of Religious Melancholy. Modico adhuc tempore sinitur malignari, as 1224 Bernard expresseth it, by God's permission he rageth a while, hereafter to be confined to hell and darkness, “which is prepared for him and his angels,” Mat. xxv.

How far their power doth extend it is hard to determine; what the ancients held of their effects, force and operations, I will briefly show you: Plato in Critias, and after him his followers, gave out that these spirits or devils, “were men's governors and keepers, our lords and masters, as we are of our cattle.” 1225“They govern provinces and kingdoms by oracles, auguries,” dreams, rewards and punishments, prophecies, inspirations, sacrifices, and religious superstitions, varied in as many forms as there be diversity of spirits; they send wars, plagues, peace, sickness, health, dearth, plenty, 1226Adstantes hic jam nobis, spectantes, et arbitrantes, &c. as appears by those histories of Thucydides, Livius, Dionysius Halicarnassus, with many others that are full of their wonderful stratagems, and were therefore by those Roman and Greek commonwealths adored and worshipped for gods with prayers and sacrifices, &c. 1227In a word, Nihil magis quaerunt quam metum et admirationem hominum; 1228and as another hath it, Dici non potest, quam impotenti ardore in homines dominium, et Divinos cultus maligni spiritus affectent. 1229Tritemius in his book de septem secundis, assigns names to such angels as are governors of particular provinces, by what authority I know not, and gives them several jurisdictions. Asclepiades a Grecian, Rabbi Achiba the Jew, Abraham Avenezra, and Rabbi Azariel, Arabians, (as I find them cited by 1230Cicogna) farther add, that they are not our governors only, Sed ex eorum concordia et discordia, boni et mali affectus promanant, but as they agree, so do we and our princes, or disagree; stand or fall. Juno was a bitter enemy to Troy, Apollo a good friend, Jupiter indifferent, Aequa Venus Teucris, Pallas iniqua fuit; some are for us still, some against us, Premente Deo, fert Deus alter opem. Religion, policy, public and private quarrels, wars are procured by them, and they are 1231delighted perhaps to see men fight, as men are with cocks, bulls and dogs, bears, &c., plagues, dearths depend on them, our bene and male esse, and almost all our other peculiar actions, (for as Anthony Rusea contends, lib. 5, cap. 18, every man hath a good and a bad angel attending on him in particular, all his life long, which Jamblichus calls daemonem,) preferments, losses, weddings, deaths, rewards and punishments, and as 1232Proclus will, all offices whatsoever, alii genetricem, alii opificem potestatem habent, &c. and several names they give them according to their offices, as Lares, Indegites, Praestites, &c. When the Arcades in that battle at Cheronae, which was fought against King Philip for the liberty of Greece, had deceitfully carried themselves, long after, in the very same place, Diis Graeciae, ultoribus (saith mine author) they were miserably slain by Metellus the Roman: so likewise, in smaller matters, they will have things fall out, as these boni and mali genii favour or dislike us: Saturni non conveniunt Jovialibus, &c. He that is Saturninus shall never likely be preferred. 1233That base fellows are often advanced, undeserving Gnathoes, and vicious parasites, whereas discreet, wise, virtuous and worthy men are neglected and unrewarded; they refer to those domineering spirits, or subordinate Genii; as they are inclined, or favour men, so they thrive, are ruled and overcome; for as 1234Libanius supposeth in our ordinary conflicts and contentions, Genius Genio cedit et obtemperat, one genius yields and is overcome by another. All particular events almost they refer to these private spirits; and (as Paracelsus adds) they direct, teach, inspire, and instruct men. Never was any man extraordinary famous in any art, action, or great commander, that had not familiarem daemonem to inform him, as Numa, Socrates, and many such, as Cardan illustrates, cap. 128, Arcanis prudentiae civilis, 1235 Speciali siquidem gratia, se a Deo donari asserunt magi, a Geniis caelestibus instrui, ab iis doceri. But these are most erroneous paradoxes, ineptae et fabulosae nugae, rejected by our divines and Christian churches. 'Tis true they have, by God's permission, power over us, and we find by experience, that they can 1236hurt not our fields only, cattle, goods, but our bodies and minds. At Hammel in Saxony, An. 1484. 20 Junii, the devil, in likeness of a pied piper, carried away 130 children that were never after seen. Many times men are 1237affrighted out of their wits, carried away quite, as Scheretzius illustrates, lib. 1, c. iv., and severally molested by his means, Plotinus the Platonist, lib. 14, advers. Gnos. laughs them to scorn, that hold the devil or spirits can cause any such diseases. Many think he can work upon the body, but not upon the mind. But experience pronounceth otherwise, that he can work both upon body and mind. Tertullian is of this opinion, c. 22. 1238“That he can cause both sickness and health,” and that secretly. 1239Taurellus adds “by clancular poisons he can infect the bodies, and hinder the operations of the bowels, though we perceive it not, closely creeping into them,” saith 1240Lipsius, and so crucify our souls: Et nociva melancholia furiosos efficit. For being a spiritual body, he struggles with our spirits, saith Rogers, and suggests (according to 1241Cardan, verba sine voce, species sine visu, envy, lust, anger, &c.) as he sees men inclined.

The manner how he performs it, Biarmannus in his Oration against Bodine, sufficiently declares. 1242“He begins first with the phantasy, and moves that so strongly, that no reason is able to resist.” Now the phantasy he moves by mediation of humours; although many physicians are of opinion, that the devil can alter the mind, and produce this disease of himself. Quibusdam medicorum visum, saith 1243Avicenna, quod Melancholia contingat a daemonio. Of the same mind is Psellus and Rhasis the Arab. lib. 1. Tract. 9. Cont. 1244“That this disease proceeds especially from the devil, and from him alone.” Arculanus, cap. 6. in 9. Rhasis, Aelianus Montaltus, in his 9. cap. Daniel Sennertus, lib. 1. part. 2. cap. 11. confirm as much, that the devil can cause this disease; by reason many times that the parties affected prophesy, speak strange language, but non sine interventu humoris, not without the humour, as he interprets himself; no more doth Avicenna, si contingat a daemonio, sufficit nobis ut convertat complexionem ad choleram nigram, et sit causa ejus propinqua cholera nigra; the immediate cause is choler adust, which 1245 Pomponatius likewise labours to make good: Galgerandus of Mantua, a famous physician, so cured a demoniacal woman in his time, that spake all languages, by purging black choler, and thereupon belike this humour of melancholy is called balneum diaboli, the devil's bath; the devil spying his opportunity of such humours drives them many times to despair, fury, rage, &c., mingling himself among these humours. This is that which Tertullian avers, Corporibus infligunt acerbos casus, animaeque repentinos, membra distorquent, occulte repentes, &c. and which Lemnius goes about to prove, Immiscent se mali Genii pravis humoribus, atque atrae, bili, &c. And 1246Jason Pratensis, “that the devil, being a slender incomprehensible spirit, can easily insinuate and wind himself into human bodies, and cunningly couched in our bowels vitiate our healths, terrify our souls with fearful dreams, and shake our minds with furies.” And in another place, “These unclean spirits settled in our bodies, and now mixed with our melancholy humours, do triumph as it were, and sport themselves as in another heaven.” Thus he argues, and that they go in and out of our bodies, as bees do in a hive, and so provoke and tempt us as they perceive our temperature inclined of itself, and most apt to be deluded. 1247 Agrippa and 1248Lavater are persuaded, that this humour invites the devil to it, wheresoever it is in extremity, and of all other, melancholy persons are most subject to diabolical temptations and illusions, and most apt to entertain them, and the Devil best able to work upon them. But whether by obsession, or possession, or otherwise, I will not determine; 'tis a difficult question. Delrio the Jesuit, Tom. 3. lib. 6. Springer and his colleague, mall. malef. Pet. Thyreus the Jesuit, lib. de daemoniacis, de locis infestis, de Terrificationibus nocturnis, Hieronymus Mengus Flagel. daem. and others of that rank of pontifical writers, it seems, by their exorcisms and conjurations approve of it, having forged many stories to that purpose. A nun did eat a lettuce 1249without grace, or signing it with the sign of the cross, and was instantly possessed. Durand. lib. 6. Rationall. c. 86. numb. 8. relates that he saw a wench possessed in Bononia with two devils, by eating an unhallowed pomegranate, as she did afterwards confess, when she was cured by exorcisms. And therefore our Papists do sign themselves so often with the sign of the cross, Ne daemon ingredi ausit, and exorcise all manner of meats, as being unclean or accursed otherwise, as Bellarmine defends. Many such stories I find amongst pontifical writers, to prove their assertions, let them free their own credits; some few I will recite in this kind out of most approved physicians. Cornelius Gemma, lib. 2. de nat. mirac. c. 4. relates of a young maid, called Katherine Gualter, a cooper's daughter, an. 1571. that had such strange passions and convulsions, three men could not sometimes hold her; she purged a live eel, which he saw, a foot and a half long, and touched it himself; but the eel afterwards vanished; she vomited some twenty-four pounds of fulsome stuff of all colours, twice a day for fourteen days; and after that she voided great balls of hair, pieces of wood, pigeon's dung, parchment, goose dung, coals; and after them two pounds of pure blood, and then again coals and stones, or which some had inscriptions bigger than a walnut, some of them pieces of glass, brass, &c. besides paroxysms of laughing, weeping and ecstasies, &c. Et hoc (inquit) cum horore vidi, this I saw with horror. They could do no good on her by physic, but left her to the clergy. Marcellus Donatus, lib. 2. c. 1. de med. mirab. hath such another story of a country fellow, that had four knives in his belly, Instar serrae dentatos, indented like a saw, every one a span long, and a wreath of hair like a globe, with much baggage of like sort, wonderful to behold: how it should come into his guts, he concludes, Certe non alio quam daemonis astutia et dolo, (could assuredly only have been through the artifice of the devil). Langius, Epist. med. lib. 1. Epist. 38. hath many relations to this effect, and so hath Christophorus a Vega: Wierus, Skenkius, Scribanius, all agree that they are done by the subtlety and illusion of the devil. If you shall ask a reason of this, 'tis to exercise our patience; for as 1250Tertullian holds, Virtus non est virtus, nisi comparem habet aliquem, in quo superando vim suam ostendat 'tis to try us and our faith, 'tis for our offences, and for the punishment of our sins, by God's permission they do it, Carnifices vindictae justae Dei, as 1251Tolosanus styles them, Executioners of his will; or rather as David, Ps. 78. ver. 49. “He cast upon them the fierceness of his anger, indignation, wrath, and vexation, by sending out of evil angels:” so did he afflict Job, Saul, the Lunatics and demoniacal persons whom Christ cured, Mat. iv. 8. Luke iv. 11. Luke xiii. Mark ix. Tobit. viii. 3. &c. This, I say, happeneth for a punishment of sin, for their want of faith, incredulity, weakness, distrust, &c.

1118. Lib. 1. c. 7. de orbis concordia. In nulla re major fuit altercatio, major obscuritas, minor opinionum concordia, quam de daemonibus et substantiis separatis.

1119. Lib. 3. de Trinit. cap. 1.

1120. Pererius in Genesin. lib. 4. in cap. 3. v. 23.

1121. See Strozzius Cicogna omnifariae. Mag. lib. 2. c. 15. Jo. Aubanus, Bredenbachius.

1122. Angelus per superbiam separatus a Deo, qui in veritate non stetit. Austin.

1123. Nihil aliud sunt Daemones quam nudae animae quae corpore deposito priorem miserati vitam, cognatis succurrunt commoti misericordia, &c.

1124. De Deo Socratis. All those mortals are called Gods, who, the course of life being prudently guided and governed, are honoured by men with temples and sacrifices, as Osiris in Aegypt, &c.

1125. He lived 500 years since.

1126. Apuleius: spiritus animalia sunt animo passibilia, mente rationalia, corpore aeria, tempore sempiterna.

1127. Nutriuntur, et excrementa habent, quod pulsata doleant solido percussa corpore.

1128. Whatever occupies space is corporeal:— spirit occupies space, therefore, &c. &c.

1129. 4 lib. 4. Theol. nat. fol. 535.

1130. Which has no roughness, angles, fractures, prominences, but is the most perfect amongst perfect bodies.

1131. Cyprianus in Epist. montes etiam et animalia transferri possunt: as the devil did Christ to the top of the pinnacle; and witches are often translated. See more in Strozzius Cicogna, lib. 3. cap. 4. omnif. mag. Per aera subducere et in sublime corpora ferre possunt, Biarmanus. Percussi dolent et uruntur in conspicuos cineres. Agrippa, lib. 3. cap. de occul. Philos.

1132. Agrippa, de occult. Philos. lib. 3. cap. 18.

1133. Part. 3. Sect. 2. Mem. 1. Subs. 1. Love Melancholy.

1134. “By gazing steadfastly on the sun illuminated with his brightest rays.”

1135. Genial. dierum. Ita sibi visum et compertum quum prius an essent ambigeret Fidem suam liberet.

1136. Lib. 1. de verit. Fidei. Benzo, &c.

1137. Lib. de Divinatione et magia.

1138. Cap. 8. Transportavit in Livoniam cupiditate videndi, &c.

1139. Sic Hesiodus de Nymphis vivere dicit. 10. aetates phaenicum vel. 9. 7. 20.

1140. Custodes hominum et provinciarum, &c. tanto meliores hominibus, quanto hi brutis animantibus.

1141. Praesides Pastores, Gubernatores hominum, et illi animalium.

1142. “Coveting nothing more than the admiration of mankind.”

1143. Natura familiares ut canes hominibus multi aversantur et abhorrent.

1144. Ab nomine plus distant quam homo ab ignobilissimo verne, et tamen quidam ex his ab hominibus superantur ut homines a feris, &c.

1145. Cibo et potu uti et venere cum hominibus ac tandem mori, Cicogna. l. part. lib. 2. c. 3.

1146. Plutarch. de defect. oraculorum.

1147. Lib. de Zilphis et Pigmeis.

1148. Dii gentium a Constantio prostigati sunt, &c.

1149. Octovian. dial. Judaeorum deum fuisse Romanorum numinibus una cum gente captivum.

1150. Omnia spiritibus plena, et ex eorum concordia et discordia omnes boni et mali effectus promanant, omnia humana reguntur: paradoxa veterum de quo Cicogna. omnif. mag. l. 2. c. 3.

1151. Oves quas abacturus erat in quascunque formas vertebat Pausanias, Hyginus.

1152. Austin in l. 2. de Gen. ad literam cap. 17. Partim quia subtilioris sensus acumine, partim scientia calidiore vigent et experientia propter magnam longitudinem vitae, partim ab Angelis discunt, &c.

1153. Lib. 3. omnif. mag. cap. 3.

1154. L. 18. quest.

1155. Quum tanti sit et tam profunda spiritum scientia, mirum non est tot tantasque res visu admirabiles ab ipsis patrari, et quidem rerum naturalium ope quas multo melius intelligunt, multoque peritius suis locis et temporibus applicare norunt, quam homo, Cicogna.

1156. Aventinus, quicquid interdiu exhauriebatur, noctu explebatur. Inde pavefacti cura tores, &c.

1157. In lib. 2. de Anima text 29. Homerus discriminatim omnes spiritus daemones vocat.

1158. A Jove ad inferos pulsi, &c.

1159. De Deo Socratis adest mihi divina sorte Daemonium quoddam a prima pueritia me secutum, saepe dissuadet, impellit nonnunquam instar ovis, Plato.

1160. Agrippa lib. 3. de occul. ph. c. 18. Zancb. Pictorus, Pererius Cicogna. l. 3. cap. 1.

1161. Vasa irae. c. 13.

1162. Quibus datum est nocere terrae et mari, &c.

1163. Physiol. Stoicorum e Senec. lib. 1. cap. 28.

1164. Usque ad lunam animas esse aethereas vocarique heroas, lares, genios.

1165. Mart. Capella.

1166. Nihil vacuum ab his ubi vel capillum in aere vel aqua jaceas.

1167. Lib. de Zilp.

1168. Palingenius.

1169. Lib. 7. cap. 34 et 5. Syntax. art. mirab.

1170. Comment in dial. Plat. de amore, cap. 5. Ut sphaera quaelibet super nos, ita praestantiores habent habitatores suae sphaerae consortes, ut habet nostra.

1171. Lib. de Amica. et daemone med. inter deos et homines, dica ad nos et nostra aequaliter ad deos ferunt.

1172. Saturninas et Joviales accolas.

1173. In loca detrusi sunt infra caelestes orbes in aerem scilicet et infra ubi Judicio generali reservantur.

1174. q. 36. art. 9.

1175. Virg. 8. Eg.

1176. Aen. 4.

1177. Austin: hoc dixi, ne quis existimet habitare ibimala daemonia ubi Solem et Lunam et Stellas Deus ordinavit, et alibi nemo arbitraretur Daemonom coelis habitare cum Angelis suis unde lapsum credimus. Idem. Zanch. l. 4. c. 3. de Angel. mails. Pererius in Gen. cap. 6. lib. 8. in ver. 2.

1178. Perigram. Hierosol.

1179. Fire worship, or divination by fire.

1180. Domus Diruunt, muros dejiciunt, immiscent se turbinibus et procellis et pulverem instar columnae evehunt. Cicogna l. 5. c. 5.

1181. Quest. in Liv.

1182. De praestigiis daemonum. c. 16. Convelli culmina videmus, prosterni sata, &c.

1183. De bello Neapolitano, lib. 5.

1184. Suffitibus gaudent. Idem Just. Mart. Apol. pro Christianis.

1185. In Dei imitationem, saith Eusebius.

1186. Dii gentium Daemonia, &c. ego in eorum statuas pellexi.

1187. Et nunc sub divorum nomine coluntur a Pontificiis.

1188. Lib. 11. de rerum ver.

1189. Lib. 3. cap. 3. De magis et veneficis, &c. Nereides.

1190. Lib. de Zilphis.

1191. Lib. 3.

1192. Pro salute hominum excubare se simulant, sed in eorum perniciem omnia moliuntur. Aust.

1193. Dryades, Oriades, Hamadryades.

1194. Elvas Olaus voc. at lib. 3.

1195. Part 1. cap. 19.

1196. Lib. 3. cap. 11. Elvarum choreas Olaus lib. 3. vocat saltum adeo profunde in terras imprimunt, ut locus insigni deinceps virore orbicularis sit, et gramen non pereat.

1197. Sometimes they seduce too simple men into their mountain retreats, where they exhibit wonderful sights to their marvelling eyes, and astonish their ears by the sound of bells, &c.

1198. Lib. de Zilph. et Pigmaeus Olaus lib. 3.

1199. Lib. 7. cap. 14. Qui et in famulitio viris et feminis inserviunt, conclavia scopis purgant, patinas mundant, ligna portant, equos curant, &c.

1200. Ad ministeria utuntur.

1201. Where treasure is hid (as some think) or some murder, or such like villainy committed.

1202. Lib. 16. de rerum varietat.

1203. Vel spiritus sunt hujusmodi damnatorum, vel e purgatorio, vel ipsi daemones, c. 4.

1204. Quidam lemures domesticis instrumentis noctu ludunt: patinas, ollas, cantharas, et alia vasa dejiciunt, et quidam voces emittunt, ejulant, risum emittunt, &c. ut canes nigri, feles, variis formis, &c.

1205. Epist. lib. 7.

1206. Meridionales Daemones Cicogna calls them, or Alastores, l. 3. cap. 9.

1207. Sueton. c. 69. in Caligula.

1208. Strozzius Cicogna. lib. 3. mag. cap. 5.

1209. Idem. c. 18.

1210. M. Carew. Survey of Cornwall, lib. 2. folio 140.

1211. Horto Geniali, folio 137.

1212. Part 1. c. 19. Abducunt eos a recta via, et viam iter facientibus intercludunt.

1213. Lib. 1. cap. 44. Daemonum cernuntur et audiuntur ibi frequentes illusiones, unde viatoribus cavendum ne ce dissocient, aut a tergo maneant, voces enim fingunt sociorum, ut a recto itinere abducant, &c.

1214. Mons sterilis et nivosus, ubi intempesta nocte umbrae apparent.

1215. Lib. 2. cap. 21. Offendicula faciunt transeuntibus in via et petulanter ridet cum vel hominem vel jumentum ejus pedes atterere faciant, et maxime si homo maledictus et calcaribus saevint.

1216. In Cosmogr.

1217. Vestiti more metallicorum, gestus et opera eorum imitantur.

1218. Immisso in terrae carceres vento horribiles terrae motus efficiunt, quibus saepe non domus modo et turres, sed civitates integrae et insulae haustae sunt.

1219. Hierom. in 3. Ephes. Idem Michaelis. c. 4. de spiritibus. Idem Thyreus de locis infestis.

1220. Lactantius 2. de origins erroris cap. 15. hi maligni spiritus per omnem terram vagantur, et solatium perditionis suae perdendis hominibus operantur.

1221. Mortalium calamitates epulae sunt malorum daemonum, Synesius.

1222. Daminus mendacii a seipso deceptus, alios decipere cupit, adversarius humani generis, Inventor mortis, superbiae institutor, radix malitiae, scelerum caput, princeps omnium vitiorum, fuit inde in Dei contumeliam, hominum perniciem: de horum conatibus et operationibus lege Epiphanium. 2. Tom. lib. 2. Dionysium. c. 4. Ambros. Epistol. lib. 10. ep. et 84. August. de civ. Dei lib. 5. c. 9., lib. 8. cap. 22. lib. 9. 18. lib. 10. 21. Theophil. in 12. Mat. Pasil. ep. 141. Leonem Ser. Theodoret. in 11. Cor. ep. 22. Chrys. hom. 53. in 12. Gen. Greg. in 1. c. John. Barthol. de prop. l. 2. c. 20. Zanch. l. 4. de malis angelis. Perer. in Gen. l. 8. in c. 6. 2. Origen. saepe praeliis intersunt, itinera et negotia nostra quaecumque dirigunt, clandestinis subsidiis optatos saepe praebent successus, Pet. Mar. in Sam. &c. Ruscam de Inferno.

1223. Et velut mancipia circumfert Psellus.

1224. Lib. de trans. mut. Malac. ep.

1225. Custodes sunt hominum, et eorum, ut nos animalium: tum et provinciis praepositi regunt auguriis, somniis, oraculis, pramiis, &c.

1226. Lipsius, Physiol. Stoic, lib. 1. cap. 19.

1227. Leo Suavis. idem et Tritemius.

1228. “They seek nothing more earnestly than the fear and admiration of men.”

1229. “It is scarcely possible to describe the impotent ardour with which these malignant spirits aspire to the honour of being divinely worshipped.”

1230. Omnif. mag. lib. 2. cap. 23.

1231. Ludus deorum sumus.

1232. Lib. de anima et daemone.

1233. Quoties sit, ut Principes novitium aulicum divitiis et dignitatibus pene obruant, et multorum annorum ministrum, qui non semel pro hero periculum subiit, ne teruntio donent, &c. Idem. Quod Philosophi non remunerentur, cum scurra et ineptus ob insulsum jocum saepe praemium reportet, inde fit, &c.

1234. Lib de cruelt. Cadaver.

1235. Boissardus, c. 6 magia.

1236. Godelmanus, cap. 3. lib. 1 de Magis. idem Zanchius, lib. 4. cap. 10 et 11. de malis angelis.

1237. Nociva Melancholia furiosos efficit, et quandoque penitus interficit. G. Picolominens Idemque Zanch. cap. 10. lib. 4. si Deus permittat, corpora nostra movere possunt, alterare, quovis morborum et malorum genere afficere, imo et in ipsa penetrare et saevire.

1238. Inducere potest morbos et sanitates.

1239. Viscerum actiones potest inhibere latenter, et venenis nobis ignotis corpus inficere.

1240. Irrepentes corporibus occulto morbos fingunt, mentes terrent, membra distorquent. Lips. Phil. Stoic. l. 1. c. 19.

1241. De rerum ver. l. 16. c. 93.

1242. Quum mens immediate decipi nequit, premum movit phantasiam, et ita obfirmat vanis conceptibus aut ut ne quem facultati aestimativae rationi locum relinquat. Spiritus malus invadit animam, turbat sensus, in furorem conjicit. Austin. de vit. Beat.

1243. Lib. 3. Fen. 1. Tract. 4. c. 18.

1244. A Daemone maxime proficisci, et saepe solo.

1245. Lib. de incant.

1246. Caep. de mania lib. de morbis cerebri; Daemones, quum sint tenues et incomprehensibiles spiritus, se insinuare corporibus humanis possunt, et occulte in viscerribus operti, valetudinem vitiare, somniis animas terrere et mentes furoribus quatere. Insinuant se melancholicorum penetralibus, intus ibique considunt et deliciantur tanquam in regione clarissimorum siderum, coguntque animum furere.

1247. Lib. 1. cap. 6. occult. Philos. part 1. cap. 1. de spectris.

1248. Sine cruce et sanctificatione sic & daemone obsessa. dial.

1249. Greg. pag. c. 9.

1250. Penult. de opific. Dei.

1251. Lib. 28. cap. 26. tom. 9.

Subsect. iii.

Of Witches and Magicians, how they cause Melancholy.

You have heard what the devil can do of himself, now you shall hear what he can perform by his instruments, who are many times worse (if it be possible) than he himself, and to satisfy their revenge and lust cause more mischief, Multa enim mala non egisset daemon, nisi provocatus a sagis, as 1252Erastus thinks; much harm had never been done, had he not been provoked by witches to it. He had not appeared in Samuel's shape, if the Witch of Endor had let him alone; or represented those serpents in Pharaoh's presence, had not the magicians urged him unto it; Nec morbos vel hominibus, vel brutis infligeret (Erastus maintains) si sagae quiescerent; men and cattle might go free, if the witches would let him alone. Many deny witches at all, or if there be any they can do no harm; of this opinion is Wierus, lib. 3. cap. 53. de praestig. daem. Austin Lerchemer a Dutch writer, Biarmanus, Ewichius, Euwaldus, our countryman Scot; with him in Horace,

Somnia, terrores Magicos, miracula, sagas,

Nocturnos Lemures, portentaque Thessala risu

Excipiunt. ———

Say, can you laugh indignant at the schemes

Of magic terrors, visionary dreams,

Portentous wonders, witching imps of Hell,

The nightly goblin, and enchanting spell?

They laugh at all such stories; but on the contrary are most lawyers, divines, physicians, philosophers, Austin, Hemingius, Danaeus, Chytraeus, Zanchius, Aretius, &c. Delrio, Springer, 1253Niderius, lib. 5. Fornicar. Guiatius, Bartolus, consil. 6. tom. 1. Bodine, daemoniant. lib 2. cap. 8. Godelman, Damhoderius, &c. Paracelsus, Erastus, Scribanius, Camerarius, &c. The parties by whom the devil deals, may be reduced to these two, such as command him in show at least, as conjurors, and magicians, whose detestable and horrid mysteries are contained in their book called 1254Arbatell; daemonis enim advocati praesto sunt, seque exorcismis et conjurationibus quasi cogi patiuntur, ut miserum magorum genus, in impietate detineant. Or such as are commanded, as witches, that deal ex parte implicite, or explicite, as the 1255king hath well defined; many subdivisions there are, and many several species of sorcerers, witches, enchanters, charmers, &c. They have been tolerated heretofore some of them; and magic hath been publicly professed in former times, in 1256Salamanca, 1257Krakow, and other places, though after censured by several 1258Universities, and now generally contradicted, though practised by some still, maintained and excused, Tanquam res secreta quae non nisi viris magnis et peculiari beneficio de Coelo instructis communicatur (I use 1259Boesartus his words) and so far approved by some princes, Ut nihil ausi aggredi in politicis, in sacris, in consiliis, sine eorum arbitrio; they consult still with them, and dare indeed do nothing without their advice. Nero and Heliogabalus, Maxentius, and Julianus Apostata, were never so much addicted to magic of old, as some of our modern princes and popes themselves are nowadays. Erricus, King of Sweden, had an 1260enchanted cap, by virtue of which, and some magical murmur or whispering terms, he could command spirits, trouble the air, and make the wind stand which way he would, insomuch that when there was any great wind or storm, the common people were wont to say, the king now had on his conjuring cap. But such examples are infinite. That which they can do, is as much almost as the devil himself, who is still ready to satisfy their desires, to oblige them the more unto him. They can cause tempests, storms, which is familiarly practised by witches in Norway, Iceland, as I have proved. They can make friends enemies, and enemies friends by philters; 1261Turpes amores conciliare, enforce love, tell any man where his friends are, about what employed, though in the most remote places; and if they will, 1262“bring their sweethearts to them by night, upon a goat's back flying in the air.” Sigismund Scheretzius, part. 1. cap. 9. de spect. reports confidently, that he conferred with sundry such, that had been so carried many miles, and that he heard witches themselves confess as much; hurt and infect men and beasts, vines, corn, cattle, plants, make women abortive, not to conceive, 1263barren, men and women unapt and unable, married and unmarried, fifty several ways, saith Bodine, lib. 2. c. 2. fly in the air, meet when and where they will, as Cicogna proves, and Lavat. de spec. part. 2. c. 17. “steal young children out of their cradles, ministerio daemonum, and put deformed in their rooms, which we call changelings,” saith 1264Scheretzius, part. 1. c. 6. make men victorious, fortunate, eloquent; and therefore in those ancient monomachies and combats they were searched of old, 1265they had no magical charms; they can make 1266stick frees, such as shall endure a rapier's point, musket shot, and never be wounded: of which read more in Boissardus, cap. 6. de Magia, the manner of the adjuration, and by whom 'tis made, where and how to be used in expeditionibus bellicis, praeliis, duellis, &c., with many peculiar instances and examples; they can walk in fiery furnaces, make men feel no pain on the rack, aut alias torturas sentire; they can stanch blood, 1267represent dead men's shapes, alter and turn themselves and others into several forms, at their pleasures. 1268Agaberta, a famous witch in Lapland, would do as much publicly to all spectators, Modo Pusilla, modo anus, modo procera ut quercus, modo vacca, avis, coluber, &c. Now young, now old, high, low, like a cow, like a bird, a snake, and what not? She could represent to others what forms they most desired to see, show them friends absent, reveal secrets, maxima omnium admiratione, &c. And yet for all this subtlety of theirs, as Lipsius well observes, Physiolog. Stoicor. lib. 1. cap. 17. neither these magicians nor devils themselves can take away gold or letters out of mine or Crassus' chest, et Clientelis suis largiri, for they are base, poor, contemptible fellows most part; as 1269Bodine notes, they can do nothing in Judicum decreta aut poenas, in regum concilia vel arcana, nihil in rem nummariam aut thesauros, they cannot give money to their clients, alter judges' decrees, or councils of kings, these minuti Genii cannot do it, altiores Genii hoc sibi adservarunt, the higher powers reserve these things to themselves. Now and then peradventure there may be some more famous magicians like Simon Magus, 1270Apollonius Tyaneus, Pasetes, Jamblichus, 1271Odo de Stellis, that for a time can build castles in the air, represent armies, &c., as they are 1272said to have done, command wealth and treasure, feed thousands with all variety of meats upon a sudden, protect themselves and their followers from all princes' persecutions, by removing from place to place in an instant, reveal secrets, future events, tell what is done in far countries, make them appear that died long since, and do many such miracles, to the world's terror, admiration and opinion of deity to themselves, yet the devil forsakes them at last, they come to wicked ends, and raro aut nunquam such impostors are to be found. The vulgar sort of them can work no such feats. But to my purpose, they can, last of all, cure and cause most diseases to such as they love or hate, and this of 1273melancholy amongst the rest. Paracelsus, Tom. 4. de morbis amentium, Tract. 1. in express words affirms; Multi fascinantur in melancholiam, many are bewitched into melancholy, out of his experience. The same saith Danaeus, lib. 3. de sortiariis. Vidi, inquit, qui Melancholicos morbos gravissimos induxerunt: I have seen those that have caused melancholy in the most grievous manner, 1274dried up women's paps, cured gout, palsy; this and apoplexy, falling sickness, which no physic could help, solu tactu, by touch alone. Ruland in his 3 Cent. Cura 91. gives an instance of one David Helde, a young man, who by eating cakes which a witch gave him, mox delirare coepit, began to dote on a sudden, and was instantly mad: F. H. D. in 1275Hildesheim, consulted about a melancholy man, thought his disease was partly magical, and partly natural, because he vomited pieces of iron and lead, and spake such languages as he had never been taught; but such examples are common in Scribanius, Hercules de Saxonia, and others. The means by which they work are usually charms, images, as that in Hector Boethius of King Duffe; characters stamped of sundry metals, and at such and such constellations, knots, amulets, words, philters, &c., which generally make the parties affected, melancholy; as 1276Monavius discourseth at large in an epistle of his to Acolsius, giving instance in a Bohemian baron that was so troubled by a philter taken. Not that there is any power at all in those spells, charms, characters, and barbarous words; but that the devil doth use such means to delude them. Ut fideles inde magos (saith 1277Libanius) in officio retineat, tum in consortium malefactorum vocet.

1252. De Lamiis.

1253. Et quomodo venefici fiant enarrat.

1254. De quo plura legas in Boissardo, lib. 1. de praestig.

1255. Rex Jacobus, Daemonol. l. 1. c. 3.

1256. An university in Spain in old Castile.

1257. The chief town in Poland.

1258. Oxford and Paris, see finem P. Lombardi.

1259. Praefat. de magis et veneficis.

1260. Rotatum Pileum habebat, quo ventos violentos cieret, aerem turbaret, et in quam partem, &c.

1261. Erastus.

1262. Ministerio hirci nocturni.

1263. Steriles nuptos et inhabiles, vide Petrum de Pallude, lib. 4. distinct. 34. Paulum Guiclandum.

1264. Infantes matribus suffurantur, aliis suppositivis in locum verorum conjectis.

1265. Milles.

1266. D. Luther, in primum praeceptum, et Leon. Varius, lib. 1. de Fascino.

1267. Lavat. Cicog.

1268. Boissardus de Magis.

1269. Daemon. lib. 3. cap. 3.

1270. Vide Philostratum, vita ejus; Boissardum de Magis.

1271. Nubrigenses lege lib. 1. c. 19. Vide Suidam de Paset. De Cruent. Cadaver.

1272. Erastus. Adolphus Scribanius.

1273. Virg. Aeneid. 4. Incantatricem describens: Haec se carminibus promittit solvere mentes. Quas velit, ast aliis duras immittere curas.

1274. Godelmanus, cap. 7. lib. 1. Nutricum mammas praesiccant, solo tactu podagram, Apoplexiam, Paralysin, et alios morbos, quos medicina curare non poterat.

1275. Factus inde Maniacus, spic. 2. fol. 147.

1276. Omnia philtra etsi inter se differant, hoc habent commune, quod hominem efficiant melancholicum. epist. 231. Scholtzii.

1277. De cruent. Cadaver.

Subsect. iv.

Stars a cause. Signs from Physiognomy, Metoposcopy, Chiromancy.

Natural causes are either primary and universal, or secondary and more particular. Primary causes are the heavens, planets, stars, &c., by their influence (as our astrologers hold) producing this and such like effects. I will not here stand to discuss obiter, whether stars be causes, or signs; or to apologise for judical astrology. If either Sextus Empericus, Picus Mirandula, Sextus ab Heminga, Pererius, Erastus, Chambers, &c., have so far prevailed with any man, that he will attribute no virtue at all to the heavens, or to sun, or moon, more than he doth to their signs at an innkeeper's post, or tradesman's shop, or generally condemn all such astrological aphorisms approved by experience: I refer him to Bellantius, Pirovanus, Marascallerus, Goclenius, Sir Christopher Heidon, &c. If thou shalt ask me what I think, I must answer, nam et doctis hisce erroribus versatus sum, (for I am conversant with these learned errors,) they do incline, but not compel; no necessity at all: 1278agunt non cogunt: and so gently incline, that a wise man may resist them; sapiens dominabitur astris: they rule us, but God rules them. All this (methinks) 1279Joh. de Indagine hath comprised in brief, Quaeris a me quantum in nobis operantur astra? &c. “Wilt thou know how far the stars work upon us? I say they do but incline, and that so gently, that if we will be ruled by reason, they have no power over us; but if we follow our own nature, and be led by sense, they do as much in us as in brute beasts, and we are no better.” So that, I hope, I may justly conclude with 1280Cajetan, Coelum est vehiculum divinae virtutis, &c., that the heaven is God's instrument, by mediation of which he governs and disposeth these elementary bodies; or a great book, whose letters are the stars, (as one calls it,) wherein are written many strange things for such as can read, 1281“or an excellent harp, made by an eminent workman, on which, he that can but play, will make most admirable music.” But to the purpose.

1282Paracelsus is of opinion, “that a physician without the knowledge of stars can neither understand the cause or cure of any disease, either of this or gout, not so much as toothache; except he see the peculiar geniture and scheme of the party effected.” And for this proper malady, he will have the principal and primary cause of it proceed from the heaven, ascribing more to stars than humours, 1283“and that the constellation alone many times produceth melancholy, all other causes set apart.” He gives instance in lunatic persons, that are deprived of their wits by the moon's motion; and in another place refers all to the ascendant, and will have the true and chief cause of it to be sought from the stars. Neither is it his opinion only, but of many Galenists and philosophers, though they do not so peremptorily maintain as much. “This variety of melancholy symptoms proceeds from the stars,” saith 1284Melancthon: the most generous melancholy, as that of Augustus, comes from the conjunction of Saturn and Jupiter in Libra: the bad, as that of Catiline's, from the meeting of Saturn and the moon in Scorpio. Jovianus Pontanus, in his tenth book, and thirteenth chapter de rebus coelestibus, discourseth to this purpose at large, Ex atra bile varii generantur morbi, &c., 1285“many diseases proceed from black choler, as it shall be hot or cold; and though it be cold in its own nature, yet it is apt to be heated, as water may be made to boil, and burn as bad as fire; or made cold as ice: and thence proceed such variety of symptoms, some mad, some solitary, some laugh, some rage,” &c. The cause of all which intemperance he will have chiefly and primarily proceed from the heavens, 1286“from the position of Mars, Saturn, and Mercury.” His aphorisms be these, 1287“Mercury in any geniture, if he shall be found in Virgo, or Pisces his opposite sign, and that in the horoscope, irradiated by those quartile aspects of Saturn or Mars, the child shall be mad or melancholy.” Again, 1288“He that shall have Saturn and Mars, the one culminating, the other in the fourth house, when he shall be born, shall be melancholy, of which he shall be cured in time, if Mercury behold them. 1289If the moon be in conjunction or opposition at the birth time with the sun, Saturn or Mars, or in a quartile aspect with them,” (e malo coeli loco, Leovitius adds,) “many diseases are signified, especially the head and brain is like to be misaffected with pernicious humours, to be melancholy, lunatic, or mad,” Cardan adds, quarta luna natos, eclipses, earthquakes. Garcaeus and Leovitius will have the chief judgment to be taken from the lord of the geniture, or where there is an aspect between the moon and Mercury, and neither behold the horoscope, or Saturn and Mars shall be lord of the present conjunction or opposition in Sagittarius or Pisces, of the sun or moon, such persons are commonly epileptic, dote, demoniacal, melancholy: but see more of these aphorisms in the above-named Pontanus. Garcaeus, cap. 23. de Jud. genitur. Schoner. lib. 1. cap. 8, which he hath gathered out of 1290Ptolemy, Albubater, and some other Arabians, Junctine, Ranzovius, Lindhout, Origen, &c. But these men you will reject peradventure, as astrologers, and therefore partial judges; then hear the testimony of physicians, Galenists themselves. 1291Carto confesseth the influence of stars to have a great hand to this peculiar disease, so doth Jason Pratensis, Lonicerius praefat. de Apoplexia, Ficinus, Fernelius, &c. 1292P. Cnemander acknowledgeth the stars an universal cause, the particular from parents, and the use of the six non-natural things. Baptista Port. mag. l. 1. c. 10, 12, 15, will have them causes to every particular individium. Instances and examples, to evince the truth of those aphorisms, are common amongst those astrologian treatises. Cardan, in his thirty-seventh geniture, gives instance in Matth. Bolognius. Camerar. hor. natalit. centur. 7. genit. 6. et 7. of Daniel Gare, and others; but see Garcaeus, cap. 33. Luc. Gauricus, Tract. 6. de Azemenis, &c. The time of this melancholy is, when the significators of any geniture are directed according to art, as the hor: moon, hylech, &c. to the hostile beams or terms of &♄ and ♂ especially, or any fixed star of their nature, or if &♄ by his revolution or transitus, shall offend any of those radical promissors in the geniture.

Other signs there are taken from physiognomy, metoposcopy, chiromancy, which because Joh. de Indagine, and Rotman, the landgrave of Hesse his mathematician, not long since in his Chiromancy; Baptista Porta, in his celestial Physiognomy, have proved to hold great affinity with astrology, to satisfy the curious, I am the more willing to insert.

The general notions 1293physiognomers give, be these; “black colour argues natural melancholy; so doth leanness, hirsuteness, broad veins, much hair on the brows,” saith 1294Gratanarolus, cap. 7, and a little head, out of Aristotle, high sanguine, red colour, shows head melancholy; they that stutter and are bald, will be soonest melancholy, (as Avicenna supposeth,) by reason of the dryness of their brains; but he that will know more of the several signs of humour and wits out of physiognomy, let him consult with old Adamantus and Polemus, that comment, or rather paraphrase upon Aristotle's Physiognomy, Baptista Porta's four pleasant books, Michael Scot de secretis naturae, John de Indagine, Montaltus, Antony Zara. anat. ingeniorum, sect. 1. memb. 13. et lib. 4.

Chiromancy hath these aphorisms to foretell melancholy, Tasneir. lib. 5. cap. 2, who hath comprehended the sum of John de Indagine: Tricassus, Corvinus, and others in his book, thus hath it; 1295“The Saturnine line going from the rascetta through the hand, to Saturn's mount, and there intersected by certain little lines, argues melancholy; so if the vital and natural make an acute angle, Aphorism 100. The saturnine, hepatic, and natural lines, making a gross triangle in the hand, argue as much;” which Goclenius, cap. 5. Chiros. repeats verbatim out of him. In general they conclude all, that if Saturn's mount be full of many small lines and intersections, 1296“such men are most part melancholy, miserable and full of disquietness, care and trouble, continually vexed with anxious and bitter thoughts, always sorrowful, fearful, suspicious; they delight in husbandry, buildings, pools, marshes, springs, woods, walks,” &c. Thaddaeus Haggesius, in his Metoposcopia, hath certain aphorisms derived from Saturn's lines in the forehead, by which he collects a melancholy disposition; and 1297Baptista Porta makes observations from those other parts of the body, as if a spot be over the spleen; 1298“or in the nails; if it appear black, it signifieth much care, grief, contention, and melancholy;” the reason he refers to the humours, and gives instance in himself, that for seven years space he had such black spots in his nails, and all that while was in perpetual lawsuits, controversies for his inheritance, fear, loss of honour, banishment, grief, care, &c. and when his miseries ended, the black spots vanished. Cardan, in his book de libris propriis, tells such a story of his own person, that a little before his son's death, he had a black spot, which appeared in one of his nails; and dilated itself as he came nearer to his end. But I am over tedious in these toys, which howsoever, in some men's too severe censures, they may be held absurd and ridiculous, I am the bolder to insert, as not borrowed from circumforanean rogues and gipsies, but out of the writings of worthy philosophers and physicians, yet living some of them, and religious professors in famous universities, who are able to patronise that which they have said, and vindicate themselves from all cavillers and ignorant persons.

1278. Astra regunt homines, et regit astra Deus.

1279. Chirom. lib. Quaeris a me quantum operantur astra? dico, in nos nihil astra urgere, sed animos praeclives trahere: qui sic tamen liberi sunt, ut si ducem sequantur rationem, nihil efficiant, sin vero naturam, id agere quod in brutis fere.

1280. Coelum vehiculum divinae virtutis, cujus mediante motu, lumine et influentia, Deus! elementaria corpora ordinat et disponit Th. de Vio. Cajetanus in Psa. 104.

1281. Mundus iste quasi lyra ab excellentissimo quodam artifice concinnata, quem qui norit mirabiles eliciet harmonias. J. Dee. Aphorismo 11.

1282. Medicus sine coeli peritia nihil est, &c. nisi genesim sciverit, ne tantillum poterit. lib. de podag.

1283. Constellatio in causa est; et influentia coeli morbum hunc movet, interdum omnibus aliis amotis. Et alibi. Origo ejus a Coelo petenda est. Tr. de morbis amentium.

1284. Lib. de anima, cap. de humorib. Ea varietas in Melancholia, habet caelestes causas ☌ ♄ et ♃ in □ ☌ ♂ et ☾ in ♏.

1285. Ex atra bile varii generantur morbi perinde ut ipse multum calidi aut frigidi in se habuerit, quum utrique suscipiendo quam aptissima sit, tametsi suapte natura frigida sit. Annon aqua sic afficitur a calore ut ardeat; et a frigore, ut in glaciem concrescat? et haec varietas distinctionum, alii flent, rident, &c.

1286. Hanc ad intemperantiam gignendam plurimum confert ♂ et ♄ positus, &c.

1287. ☿ Quoties alicujus genitura in ♏ et ♓ adverso signo positus, horoscopum partiliter tenueret atque etiam a ♂ vel ♄ □ radio percussus fuerit, natus ab insania vexabitur.

1288. Qui ♄ et ♂ habet, alterum in culmine, alterum imo coelo, cum in lucem venerit, melancholicus erit, a qua sanebitur, si ☿ illos irradiarit.

1289. Hac configuratione natus, Aut Lunaticus, aut mente captus.

1290. Ptolomaeus centiloquio, et quadripartito tribuit omnium melancholicorum symptoma siderum influentis.

1291. Arte Medica. accedunt ad has causas affectiones siderum. Plurimum incitant et provocant influentiae caelestes. Velcurio, lib. 4. cap. 15.

1292. Hildesheim, spicel. 2. de mel.

1293. Joh. de Indag. cap. 9. Montaltus, cap. 22.

1294. Caput parvum qui habent cerebrum et spiritus plerumque angustos, facile incident in Melancholiam rubicundi. Aetius. Idem Montaltus, c. 21. e Galeno.

1295. Saturnina a Rascetta per mediam manum decurrens, usque ad radicem montis Saturni, a parvis lineis intersecta, arguit melancholicos. Aphoris. 78.

1296. Agitantur miseriis, continuis inquietudinibus, neque unquam a solitudine liberi sunt, anxie affiguntur amarissimis intra cogitationibus, semper tristes, suspitiosi, meticulosi: cogitationes sunt, velle agrum colere, stagna amant et paludes, &c. Jo. de Indagine, lib. 1.

1297. Caelestis Physiognom. lib. 10.

1298. Cap. 14. lib. 5. Idem maculae in ungulis nigrae, lites, rixas, melancholiam significant, ab humore in corde tali.

Subsect. v.

Old age a cause.

Secondary peculiar causes efficient, so called in respect of the other precedent, are either congenitae, internae, innatae, as they term them, inward, innate, inbred; or else outward and adventitious, which happen to us after we are born: congenite or born with us, are either natural, as old age, or praeter naturam (as 1299Fernelius calls it) that distemperature, which we have from our parent's seed, it being an hereditary disease. The first of these, which is natural to all, and which no man living can avoid, is 1300old age, which being cold and dry, and of the same quality as melancholy is, must needs cause it, by diminution of spirits and substance, and increasing of adust humours; therefore 1301 Melancthon avers out of Aristotle, as an undoubted truth, Senes plerunque delirasse in senecta, that old men familiarly dote, ob atram bilem, for black choler, which is then superabundant in them: and Rhasis, that Arabian physician, in his Cont. lib. 1. cap. 9, calls it 1302“a necessary and inseparable accident,” to all old and decrepit persons. After seventy years (as the Psalmist saith) 1303“all is trouble and sorrow;” and common experience confirms the truth of it in weak and old persons, especially such as have lived in action all their lives, had great employment, much business, much command, and many servants to oversee, and leave off ex abrupto; as 1304Charles the Fifth did to King Philip, resign up all on a sudden; they are overcome with melancholy in an instant: or if they do continue in such courses, they dote at last, (senex bis puer,) and are not able to manage their estates through common infirmities incident in their age; full of ache, sorrow and grief, children again, dizzards, they carl many times as they sit, and talk to themselves, they are angry, waspish, displeased with every thing, “suspicious of all, wayward, covetous, hard” (saith Tully,) “self-willed, superstitious, self-conceited, braggers and admirers of themselves,” as 1305Balthazar Castilio hath truly noted of them.1306This natural infirmity is most eminent in old women, and such as are poor, solitary, live in most base esteem and beggary, or such as are witches; insomuch that Wierus, Baptista Porta, Ulricus Molitor, Edwicus, do refer all that witches are said to do, to imagination alone, and this humour of melancholy. And whereas it is controverted, whether they can bewitch cattle to death, ride in the air upon a cowl-staff out of a chimney-top, transform themselves into cats, dogs, &c., translate bodies from place to place, meet in companies, and dance, as they do, or have carnal copulation with the devil, they ascribe all to this redundant melancholy, which domineers in them, to 1307 somniferous potions, and natural causes, the devil's policy. Non laedunt omnino (saith Wierus) aut quid mirum faciunt, (de Lamiis, lib. 3. cap. 36), ut putatur, solam vitiatam habent phantasiam; they do no such wonders at all, only their 1308brains are crazed. 1309“They think they are witches, and can do hurt, but do not.” But this opinion Bodine, Erastus, Danaeus, Scribanius, Sebastian Michaelis, Campanella de Sensu rerum, lib. 4. cap. 9. 1310Dandinus the Jesuit, lib. 2. de Animae explode; 1311Cicogna confutes at large. That witches are melancholy, they deny not, but not out of corrupt phantasy alone, so to delude themselves and others, or to produce such effects.

1299. Lib. 1. Path. cap. 11.

1300. Venit enim properata malis inopina senectus: et dolor aetatem jussit inesse meam. Boethius, met. 1. de consol. Philos.

1301. Cap. de humoribus, lib. de Anima.

1302. Necessarium accidens decrepitis, et inseparabile.

1303. Psal. xc. 10.

1304. Meteran. Belg. hist. lib. 1.

1305. Sunt morosi anxii, et iracundi et difficiles senes, si quaerimus, etiam avari, Tull. de senectute.

1306. Lib. 2. de Aulico. Senes avari, morosi, jactabundi, philauti, deliri, superstitiosi, auspiciosi, &c. Lib. 3. de Lamiis, cap. 17. et 18.

1307. Solarium, opium lupiadeps, lacr. asini, &c. sanguis infantum, &c.

1308. Corrupta est iis ab humore Melancholico phantasia. Nymanus.

1309. Putant se laedere quando non laedunt.

1310. Qui haec in imaginationis vim referre conati sunt, atrae bilis, inanem prorsus laborem susceperunt.

1311. Lib. 3. cap. 4. omnif. mag.

Subsect. vi.

Parents a cause by Propagation.

That other inward inbred cause of Melancholy is our temperature, in whole or part, which we receive from our parents, which 1312Fernelius calls Praeter naturam, or unnatural, it being an hereditary disease; for as he justifies 1313Quale parentum maxime patris semen obtigerit, tales evadunt similares spermaticaeque paries, quocunque etiam morbo Pater quum generat tenetur, cum semine transfert, in Prolem; such as the temperature of the father is, such is the son's, and look what disease the father had when he begot him, his son will have after him; 1314“and is as well inheritor of his infirmities, as of his lands. And where the complexion and constitution of the father is corrupt, there (1315saith Roger Bacon) the complexion and constitution of the son must needs be corrupt, and so the corruption is derived from the father to the son.” Now this doth not so much appear in the composition of the body, according to that of Hippocrates, 1316“in habit, proportion, scars, and other lineaments; but in manners and conditions of the mind,” Et patrum in natos abeunt cum semine mores.

Seleucus had an anchor on his thigh, so had his posterity, as Trogus records, lib. 15. Lepidus, in Pliny l. 7. c. 17, was purblind, so was his son. That famous family of Aenobarbi were known of old, and so surnamed from their red beards; the Austrian lip, and those Indian flat noses are propagated, the Bavarian chin, and goggle eyes amongst the Jews, as 1317 Buxtorfius observes; their voice, pace, gesture, looks, are likewise derived with all the rest of their conditions and infirmities; such a mother, such a daughter; their very 1318affections Lemnius contends “to follow their seed, and the malice and bad conditions of children are many times wholly to be imputed to their parents;” I need not therefore make any doubt of Melancholy, but that it is an hereditary disease. 1319 Paracelsus in express words affirms it, lib. de morb. amentium to. 4. tr. 1; so doth 1320Crato in an Epistle of his to Monavius. So doth Bruno Seidelius in his book de morbo incurab. Montaltus proves, cap. 11, out of Hippocrates and Plutarch, that such hereditary dispositions are frequent, et hanc (inquit) fieri reor ob participatam melancholicam intemperantiam (speaking of a patient) I think he became so by participation of Melancholy. Daniel Sennertus, lib. 1. part 2. cap. 9, will have his melancholy constitution derived not only from the father to the son, but to the whole family sometimes; Quandoque totis familiis hereditativam, 1321Forestus, in his medicinal observations, illustrates this point, with an example of a merchant, his patient, that had this infirmity by inheritance; so doth Rodericus a Fonseca, tom. 1. consul. 69, by an instance of a young man that was so affected ex matre melancholica, had a melancholy mother, et victu melancholico, and bad diet together. Ludovicus Mercatus, a Spanish physician, in that excellent Tract which he hath lately written of hereditary diseases, tom. 2. oper. lib. 5, reckons up leprosy, as those 1322Galbots in Gascony, hereditary lepers, pox, stone, gout, epilepsy, &c. Amongst the rest, this and madness after a set time comes to many, which he calls a miraculous thing in nature, and sticks for ever to them as an incurable habit. And that which is more to be wondered at, it skips in some families the father, and goes to the son, 1323“or takes every other, and sometimes every third in a lineal descent, and doth not always produce the same, but some like, and a symbolizing disease.” These secondary causes hence derived, are commonly so powerful, that (as 1324Wolfius holds) saepe mutant decreta siderum, they do often alter the primary causes, and decrees of the heavens. For these reasons, belike, the Church and commonwealth, human and Divine laws, have conspired to avoid hereditary diseases, forbidding such marriages as are any whit allied; and as Mercatus adviseth all families to take such, si fieri possit quae maxime distant natura, and to make choice of those that are most differing in complexion from them; if they love their own, and respect the common good. And sure, I think, it hath been ordered by God's especial providence, that in all ages there should be (as usually there is) once in 1325600 years, a transmigration of nations, to amend and purify their blood, as we alter seed upon our land, and that there should be as it were an inundation of those northern Goths and Vandals, and many such like people which came out of that continent of Scandia and Sarmatia (as some suppose) and overran, as a deluge, most part of Europe and Africa, to alter for our good, our complexions, which were much defaced with hereditary infirmities, which by our lust and intemperance we had contracted. A sound generation of strong and able men were sent amongst us, as those northern men usually are, innocuous, free from riot, and free from diseases; to qualify and make us as those poor naked Indians are generally at this day; and those about Brazil (as a late 1326writer observes), in the Isle of Maragnan, free from all hereditary diseases, or other contagion, whereas without help of physic they live commonly 120 years or more, as in the Orcades and many other places. Such are the common effects of temperance and intemperance, but I will descend to particular, and show by what means, and by whom especially, this infirmity is derived unto us.

Filii ex senibus nati, raro sunt firmi temperamenti, old men's children are seldom of a good temperament, as Scoltzius supposeth, consult. 177, and therefore most apt to this disease; and as 1327Levinus Lemnius farther adds, old men beget most part wayward, peevish, sad, melancholy sons, and seldom merry. He that begets a child on a full stomach, will either have a sick child, or a crazed son (as 1328Cardan thinks), contradict. med. lib. 1. contradict. 18, or if the parents be sick, or have any great pain of the head, or megrim, headache, (Hieronymus Wolfius 1329doth instance in a child of Sebastian Castalio's); if a drunken man get a child, it will never likely have a good brain, as Gellius argues, lib. 12. cap. 1. Ebrii gignunt Ebrios, one drunkard begets another, saith 1330Plutarch, symp. lib. 1. quest. 5, whose sentence 1331Lemnius approves, l. 1. c. 4. Alsarius Crutius, Gen. de qui sit med. cent. 3. fol. 182. Macrobius, lib. 1. Avicenna, lib. 3. Fen. 21. Tract 1. cap. 8, and Aristotle himself, sect. 2. prob. 4, foolish, drunken, or hair-brain women, most part bring forth children like unto themselves, morosos et languidos, and so likewise he that lies with a menstruous woman. Intemperantia veneris, quam in nautis praesertim insectatur 1332 Lemnius, qui uxores ineunt, nulla menstrui decursus ratione habita nec observato interlunio, praecipua causa est, noxia, pernitiosa, concubitum hunc exitialem ideo, et pestiferum vocat. 1333Rodoricus a Castro Lucitanus, detestantur ad unum omnes medici, tum et quarta luna concepti, infelices plerumque et amentes, deliri, stolidi, morbosi, impuri, invalidi, tetra lue sordidi minime vitales, omnibus bonis corporis atque animi destituti: ad laborem nati, si seniores, inquit Eustathius, ut Hercules, et alii. 1334Judaei maxime insectantur foedum hunc, et immundum apud Christianas Concubitum, ut illicitum abhorrent, et apud suos prohibent; et quod Christiani toties leprosi, amentes, tot morbili, impetigines, alphi, psorae, cutis et faciei decolorationes, tam multi morbi epidemici, acerbi, et venenosi sint, in hunc immundum concubitum rejiciunt, et crudeles in pignora vocant, qui quarta, luna profluente hac mensium illuvie concubitum hunc non perhorrescunt. Damnavit olim divina Lex et morte mulctavit hujusmodi homines, Lev. 18, 20, et inde nati, siqui deformes aut mutili, pater dilapidatus, quod non contineret ab 1335 immunda muliere. Gregorius Magnus, petenti Augustino nunquid apud 1336Britannos hujusmodi concubitum toleraret, severe prohibuit viris suis tum misceri foeminas in consuetis suis menstruis, &c. I spare to English this which I have said. Another cause some give, inordinate diet, as if a man eat garlic, onions, fast overmuch, study too hard, be over-sorrowful, dull, heavy, dejected in mind, perplexed in his thoughts, fearful, &c., “their children” (saith 1337Cardan subtil. lib. 18) “will be much subject to madness and melancholy; for if the spirits of the brain be fuzzled, or misaffected by such means, at such a time, their children will be fuzzled in the brain: they will be dull, heavy, timorous, discontented all their lives.” Some are of opinion, and maintain that paradox or problem, that wise men beget commonly fools; Suidas gives instance in Aristarchus the Grammarian, duos reliquit Filios Aristarchum et Aristachorum, ambos stultos; and which 1338Erasmus urgeth in his Moria, fools beget wise men. Card. subt. l. 12, gives this cause, Quoniam spiritus sapientum ob studium resolvuntur, et in cerebrum feruntur a corde: because their natural spirits are resolved by study, and turned into animal; drawn from the heart, and those other parts to the brain. Lemnius subscribes to that of Cardan, and assigns this reason, Quod persolvant debitum languide, et obscitanter, unde foetus a parentum generositate desciscit: they pay their debt (as Paul calls it) to their wives remissly, by which means their children are weaklings, and many times idiots and fools.

Some other causes are given, which properly pertain, and do proceed from the mother: if she be over-dull, heavy, angry, peevish, discontented, and melancholy, not only at the time of conception, but even all the while she carries the child in her womb (saith Fernelius, path. l. 1, 11) her son will be so likewise affected, and worse, as 1339Lemnius adds, l. 4. c. 7, if she grieve overmuch, be disquieted, or by any casualty be affrighted and terrified by some fearful object, heard or seen, she endangers her child, and spoils the temperature of it; for the strange imagination of a woman works effectually upon her infant, that as Baptista Porta proves, Physiog. caelestis l. 5. c. 2, she leaves a mark upon it, which is most especially seen in such as prodigiously long for such and such meats, the child will love those meats, saith Fernelius, and be addicted to like humours: 1340“if a great-bellied woman see a hare, her child will often have a harelip,” as we call it. Garcaeus, de Judiciis geniturarum, cap. 33, hath a memorable example of one Thomas Nickell, born in the city of Brandeburg, 1551, 1341“that went reeling and staggering all the days of his life, as if he would fall to the ground, because his mother being great with child saw a drunken man reeling in the street.” Such another I find in Martin Wenrichius, com. de ortu monstrorum, c. 17, I saw (saith he) at Wittenberg, in Germany, a citizen that looked like a carcass; I asked him the cause, he replied, 1342“His mother, when she bore him in her womb, saw a carcass by chance, and was so sore affrighted with it, that ex eo foetus ei assimilatus, from a ghastly impression the child was like it.”

So many several ways are we plagued and punished for our father's defaults; insomuch that as Fernelius truly saith, 1343“It is the greatest part of our felicity to be well born, and it were happy for human kind, if only such parents as are sound of body and mind should be suffered to marry.” An husbandman will sow none but the best and choicest seed upon his land, he will not rear a bull or a horse, except he be right shapen in all parts, or permit him to cover a mare, except he be well assured of his breed; we make choice of the best rams for our sheep, rear the neatest kine, and keep the best dogs, Quanto id diligentius in procreandis liberis observandum? And how careful then should we be in begetting of our children? In former times some 1344countries have been so chary in this behalf, so stern, that if a child were crooked or deformed in body or mind, they made him away; so did the Indians of old by the relation of Curtius, and many other well-governed commonwealths, according to the discipline of those times. Heretofore in Scotland, saith 1345Hect. Boethius, “if any were visited with the falling sickness, madness, gout, leprosy, or any such dangerous disease, which was likely to be propagated from the father to the son, he was instantly gelded; a woman kept from all company of men; and if by chance having some such disease, she were found to be with child, she with her brood were buried alive:” and this was done for the common good, lest the whole nation should be injured or corrupted. A severe doom you will say, and not to be used amongst Christians, yet more to be looked into than it is. For now by our too much facility in this kind, in giving way for all to marry that will, too much liberty and indulgence in tolerating all sorts, there is a vast confusion of hereditary diseases, no family secure, no man almost free from some grievous infirmity or other, when no choice is had, but still the eldest must marry, as so many stallions of the race; or if rich, be they fools or dizzards, lame or maimed, unable, intemperate, dissolute, exhaust through riot, as he said, 1346jura haereditario sapere jubentur; they must be wise and able by inheritance: it comes to pass that our generation is corrupt, we have many weak persons, both in body and mind, many feral diseases raging amongst us, crazed families, parentes, peremptores; our fathers bad, and we are like to be worse.

1312. Lib. 1. cap. 11. path.

1313. Ut arthritici Epilep. &c.

1314. Ut filii non tam possessionum quam morborum baeredes sint.

1315. Epist. de secretis artis et naturae, c. 7. Nam in hoc quod patres corrupti sunt, generant filios corruptae complexionis, et compositionis, et filii eorum eadem de causa se corrumpunt, et sic derivatur corruptio a patribus ad filios.

1316. Non tam (inquit Hippocrates) gibbos et cicatrices oris et corporis habitum agnoscis ex iis, sed verum incessum gestus, mores, morbos, &c.

1317. Synagog. Jud.

1318. Affectus parentum in foetus transeunt, et puerorum malicia parentibus imputanda, lib. 4. cap. 3. de occult, nat. mirae.

1319. Ex pituitosis pituitosi, ex biliosis biliosi, ex lienosis et melancholicis melancholici.

1320. Epist. 174. in Scoltz. Nascitur nobiscum illa aliturque et una cum parentibus habemus malum hunc assem. Jo. Pelesius, lib. 2. de cura humanorum affectuum.

1321. Lib. 10. observat.

1322. Maginus Geog.

1323. Saepe non eundem, sed similem producit effectum, et illaeso parente transit. in nepotem.

1324. Dial. praefix. genituris Leovitii.

1325. Bodin. de rep. cap. de periodis reip.

1326. Claudius Abaville, Capuchion, in his voyage to Maragnan. 1614. cap. 45. Nemo fere aegrotus, sano omnes et robusto corpore, vivunt annos. 120, 140. sine Medicina. Idem Hector Boethius de insulis Orchad. et Damianus a Goes de Scandia.

1327. Lib. 4. c. 3. de occult. nat. mir. Tetricos plerumque filios senes progenerant et tristes, rarios exhilaratos.

1328. Coitus super repletionem pessimus, et filii qui tum gignuntur, aut morbosi sunt, aut stolidi.

1329. dial, praefix. Leovito.

1330. L. de ed. liberis.

1331. De occult. nat. mir. temulentae et stolidae mulieres liberos plerumque producunt sibi similes.

1332. Lib. 2, c. 8. de occult, nat. mir. Good Master Schoolmaster do not English this.

1333. De nat. mul. lib. 3. cap. 4.

1334. Buxdorphius, c. 31. Synag. Jud. Ezek. 18.

1335. Drusius obs. lib. 3. cap. 20.

1336. Beda. Eccl. hist. lib. 1. c. 27. respons. 10.

1337. Nam spiritus cerebri si tum male afficiantur, tales procreant, et quales fuerint affectus, tales filiorum: ex tristibus tristes, ex jucundis jucundi nascuntur, &c.

1338. Fol. 129. mer. Socrates' children were fools. Sabel.

1339. De occul. nat. mir. Pica morbus mulierum.

1340. Baptista Porta, loco praed. Ex leporum intuitu plerique infantes edunt bifido superiore labello.

1341. Quasi mox in terram collapsurus, per omne vitam incedebat cum mater gravia ebrium hominem sic incedentem viderat.

1342. Civem facie cadaverosa, qui dixit, &c.

1343. Optimum bene nasci, maxima para felicitatis nostrae bene nasci; quamobrem praeclere humano generi consultam videretur, si solis parentis bene habiti et sani, liberis operam darent.

1344. Infantes infirmi praecipitio necati. Bohemus, lib. 3. c. 3. Apud Lacones olim. Lipsius, epist. 85. cent. ad Belgas, Dionysio Villerio, si quos aliqua membrorum parte inutiles notaverint, necari jubent.

1345. Lib. 1. De veterum Scotorum moribus. Morbo comitiali, dementia, mania, lepra, &c. aut simila labe, quae facile in prolem transmittitur, laborantes inter eos, ingenti facta indagine, inventos, ne gens foeda contagione laederetur, ex iis nata, castraverunt, mulieres hujusmodi procul a virorum consortio abregarunt, quod si harum aliqua concepisse inveniebatur, simul cum foetu nondum edito, defodiebatur viva.

1346. Euphormio Satyr.

Memb. ii.

Subsect. i.

Bad Diet a cause. Substance. Quality of Meats.

According to my proposed method, having opened hitherto these secondary causes, which are inbred with us, I must now proceed to the outward and adventitious, which happen unto us after we are born. And those are either evident, remote, or inward, antecedent, and the nearest: continent causes some call them. These outward, remote, precedent causes are subdivided again into necessary and not necessary. Necessary (because we cannot avoid them, but they will alter us, as they are used, or abused) are those six non-natural things, so much spoken of amongst physicians, which are principal causes of this disease. For almost in every consultation, whereas they shall come to speak of the causes, the fault is found, and this most part objected to the patient; Peccavit circa res sex non naturales: he hath still offended in one of those six. Montanus, consil. 22, consulted about a melancholy Jew, gives that sentence, so did Frisemelica in the same place; and in his 244 counsel, censuring a melancholy soldier, assigns that reason of his malady, 1347“he offended in all those six non-natural things, which were the outward causes, from which came those inward obstructions;” and so in the rest.

These six non-natural things are diet, retention and evacuation, which are more material than the other because they make new matter, or else are conversant in keeping or expelling of it. The other four are air, exercise, sleeping, waking, and perturbations of the mind, which only alter the matter. The first of these is diet, which consists in meat and drink, and causeth melancholy, as it offends in substance, or accidents, that is, quantity, quality, or the like. And well it may be called a material cause, since that, as 1348Fernelius holds, “it hath such a power in begetting of diseases, and yields the matter and sustenance of them; for neither air, nor perturbations, nor any of those other evident causes take place, or work this effect, except the constitution of body, and preparation of humours, do concur. That a man may say, this diet is the mother of diseases, let the father be what he will, and from this alone, melancholy and frequent other maladies arise.” Many physicians, I confess, have written copious volumes of this one subject, of the nature and qualities of all manner of meats; as namely, Galen, Isaac the Jew, Halyabbas, Avicenna, Mesue, also four Arabians, Gordonius, Villanovanus, Wecker, Johannes Bruerinus, sitologia de Esculentis et Poculentis, Michael Savanarola, Tract 2. c. 8, Anthony Fumanellus, lib. de regimine senum, Curio in his comment on Schola Salerna, Godefridus Steckius arte med., Marcilius Cognatus, Ficinus, Ranzovius, Fonseca, Lessius, Magninus, regim. sanitatis, Frietagius, Hugo Fridevallius, &c., besides many other in 1349English, and almost every peculiar physician, discourseth at large of all peculiar meats in his chapter of melancholy: yet because these books are not at hand to every man, I will briefly touch what kind of meats engender this humour, through their several species, and which are to be avoided. How they alter and change the matter, spirits first, and after humours, by which we are preserved, and the constitution of our body, Fernelius and others will show you. I hasten to the thing itself: and first of such diet as offends in substance.

Beef.] Beef, a strong and hearty meat (cold in the first degree, dry in the second, saith Gal. l. 3. c. 1. de alim. fac.) is condemned by him and all succeeding Authors, to breed gross melancholy blood: good for such as are sound, and of a strong constitution, for labouring men if ordered aright, corned, young, of an ox (for all gelded meats in every species are held best), or if old, 1350such as have been tired out with labour, are preferred. Aubanus and Sabellicus commend Portugal beef to be the most savoury, best and easiest of digestion; we commend ours: but all is rejected, and unfit for such as lead a resty life, any ways inclined to melancholy, or dry of complexion: Tales (Galen thinks) de facile melancholicis aegritudinibus capiuntur.

Pork.] Pork, of all meats, is most nutritive in his own nature, 1351 but altogether unfit for such as live at ease, are any ways unsound of body or mind: too moist, full of humours, and therefore noxia delicatis, saith Savanarola, ex earum usu ut dubitetur an febris quartana generetur: naught for queasy stomachs, insomuch that frequent use of it may breed a quartan ague.

Goat.] Savanarola discommends goat's flesh, and so doth 1352Bruerinus, l. 13. c. 19, calling it a filthy beast, and rammish: and therefore supposeth it will breed rank and filthy substance; yet kid, such as are young and tender, Isaac accepts, Bruerinus and Galen, l. 1. c. 1. de alimentorum facultatibus.

Hart.] Hart and red deer 1353hath an evil name: it yields gross nutriment: a strong and great grained meat, next unto a horse. Which although some countries eat, as Tartars, and they of China; yet 1354 Galen condemns. Young foals are as commonly eaten in Spain as red deer, and to furnish their navies, about Malaga especially, often used; but such meats ask long baking, or seething, to qualify them, and yet all will not serve.

Venison, Fallow Deer.] All venison is melancholy, and begets bad blood; a pleasant meat: in great esteem with us (for we have more parks in England than there are in all Europe besides) in our solemn feasts. 'Tis somewhat better hunted than otherwise, and well prepared by cookery; but generally bad, and seldom to be used.

Hare.] Hare, a black meat, melancholy, and hard of digestion, it breeds incubus, often eaten, and causeth fearful dreams, so doth all venison, and is condemned by a jury of physicians. Mizaldus and some others say, that hare is a merry meat, and that it will make one fair, as Martial's epigram testifies to Gellia; but this is per accidens, because of the good sport it makes, merry company and good discourse that is commonly at the eating of it, and not otherwise to be understood.

Conies.] 1355Conies are of the nature of hares. Magninus compares them to beef, pig, and goat, Reg. sanit. part. 3. c. 17; yet young rabbits by all men are approved to be good.

Generally, all such meats as are hard of digestion breed melancholy. Areteus, lib. 7. cap. 5, reckons up heads and feet, 1356bowels, brains, entrails, marrow, fat, blood, skins, and those inward parts, as heart, lungs, liver, spleen, &c. They are rejected by Isaac, lib. 2. part. 3, Magninus, part. 3. cap. 17, Bruerinus, lib. 12, Savanarola, Rub. 32. Tract. 2.

Milk.] Milk, and all that comes of milk, as butter and cheese, curds, &c., increase melancholy (whey only excepted, which is most wholesome): 1357some except asses' milk. The rest, to such as are sound, is nutritive and good, especially for young children, but because soon turned to corruption, 1358not good for those that have unclean stomachs, are subject to headache, or have green wounds, stone, &c. Of all cheeses, I take that kind which we call Banbury cheese to be the best, ex vetustis pessimus, the older, stronger, and harder, the worst, as Langius discourseth in his Epistle to Melancthon, cited by Mizaldus, Isaac, p. 5. Gal. 3. de cibis boni succi. &c.

Fowl.] Amongst fowl, 1359peacocks and pigeons, all fenny fowl are forbidden, as ducks, geese, swans, herons, cranes, coots, didappers, water-hens, with all those teals, curs, sheldrakes, and peckled fowls, that come hither in winter out of Scandia, Muscovy, Greenland, Friesland, which half the year are covered all over with snow, and frozen up. Though these be fair in feathers, pleasant in taste, and have a good outside, like hypocrites, white in plumes, and soft, their flesh is hard, black, unwholesome, dangerous, melancholy meat; Gravant et putrefaciant stomachum, saith Isaac, part. 5. de vol., their young ones are more tolerable, but young pigeons he quite disapproves.

Fishes.] Rhasis and 1360Magninus discommend all fish, and say, they breed viscosities, slimy nutriment, little and humorous nourishment. Savanarola adds, cold, moist: and phlegmatic, Isaac; and therefore unwholesome for all cold and melancholy complexions: others make a difference, rejecting only amongst freshwater fish, eel, tench, lamprey, crawfish (which Bright approves, cap. 6), and such as are bred in muddy and standing waters, and have a taste of mud, as Franciscus Bonsuetus poetically defines, Lib. de aquatilibus.

Nam pisces omnes, qui stagna, lacusque frequentant,

Semper plus succi deterioris habent.

All fish, that standing pools, and lakes frequent,

Do ever yield bad juice and nourishment.

Lampreys, Paulus Jovius, c. 34. de piscibus fluvial., highly magnifies, and saith, None speak against them, but inepti et scrupulosi, some scrupulous persons; but 1361eels, c. 33, “he abhorreth in all places, at all times, all physicians detest them, especially about the solstice.” Gomesius, lib. 1. c. 22, de sale, doth immoderately extol sea-fish, which others as much vilify, and above the rest, dried, soused, indurate fish, as ling, fumados, red-herrings, sprats, stock-fish, haberdine, poor-John, all shellfish. 1362Tim. Bright excepts lobster and crab. Messarius commends salmon, which Bruerinus contradicts, lib. 22. c. 17. Magninus rejects conger, sturgeon, turbot, mackerel, skate.

Carp is a fish of which I know not what to determine. Franciscus Bonsuetus accounts it a muddy fish. Hippolitus Salvianus, in his Book de Piscium natura et praeparatione, which was printed at Rome in folio, 1554, with most elegant pictures, esteems carp no better than a slimy watery meat. Paulus Jovius on the other side, disallowing tench, approves of it; so doth Dubravius in his Books of Fishponds. Freitagius 1363extols it for an excellent wholesome meat, and puts it amongst the fishes of the best rank; and so do most of our country gentlemen, that store their ponds almost with no other fish. But this controversy is easily decided, in my judgment, by Bruerinus, l. 22. c. 13. The difference riseth from the site and nature of pools, 1364sometimes muddy, sometimes sweet; they are in taste as the place is from whence they be taken. In like manner almost we may conclude of other fresh fish. But see more in Rondoletius, Bellonius, Oribasius, lib. 7. cap. 22, Isaac, l. 1, especially Hippolitus Salvianus, who is instar omnium solus, &c. Howsoever they may be wholesome and approved, much use of them is not good; P. Forestus, in his medicinal observations, 1365relates, that Carthusian friars, whose living is most part fish, are more subject to melancholy than any other order, and that he found by experience, being sometimes their physician ordinary at Delft, in Holland. He exemplifies it with an instance of one Buscodnese, a Carthusian of a ruddy colour, and well liking, that by solitary living, and fish-eating, became so misaffected.

Herbs.] Amongst herbs to be eaten I find gourds, cucumbers, coleworts, melons, disallowed, but especially cabbage. It causeth troublesome dreams, and sends up black vapours to the brain. Galen, loc. affect. l. 3. c. 6, of all herbs condemns cabbage; and Isaac, lib. 2. c. 1. Animae gravitatem facit, it brings heaviness to the soul. Some are of opinion that all raw herbs and salads breed melancholy blood, except bugloss and lettuce. Crato, consil. 21. lib. 2, speaks against all herbs and worts, except borage, bugloss, fennel, parsley, dill, balm, succory. Magninus, regim. sanitatis, part. 3. cap. 31. Omnes herbae simpliciter malae, via cibi; all herbs are simply evil to feed on (as he thinks). So did that scoffing cook in 1366Plautus hold:

Non ego coenam condio ut alii coqui solent,

Qui mihi condita prata in patinis proferunt,

Boves qui convivas faciunt, herbasque aggerunt.

Like other cooks I do not supper dress,

That put whole meadows into a platter,

And make no better of their guests than beeves,

With herbs and grass to feed them fatter.

Our Italians and Spaniards do make a whole dinner of herbs and salads (which our said Plautus calls coenas terrestras, Horace, coenas sine sanguine), by which means, as he follows it,

1367Hic homines tam brevem vitam colunt —

Qui herbas hujusmodi in alvum suum congerunt,

Formidolosum dictu, non esu modo,

Quas herbas pecudes non edunt, homines edunt.

Their lives, that eat such herbs, must needs be short,

And 'tis a fearful thing for to report,

That men should feed on such a kind of meat,

Which very juments would refuse to eat.

1368They are windy, and not fit therefore to be eaten of all men raw, though qualified with oil, but in broths, or otherwise. See more of these in every 1369husbandman, and herbalist.

Roots.] Roots, Etsi quorundam gentium opes sint, saith Bruerinus, the wealth of some countries, and sole food, are windy and bad, or troublesome to the head: as onions, garlic, scallions, turnips, carrots, radishes, parsnips: Crato, lib. 2. consil. 11, disallows all roots, though 1370 some approve of parsnips and potatoes. 1371Magninus is of Crato's opinion, 1372“They trouble the mind, sending gross fumes to the brain, make men mad,” especially garlic, onions, if a man liberally feed on them a year together. Guianerius, tract. 15. cap. 2, complains of all manner of roots, and so doth Bruerinus, even parsnips themselves, which are the best, Lib. 9. cap. 14.

Fruits.] Pastinacarum usus succos gignit improbos. Crato, consil. 21. lib. 1, utterly forbids all manner of fruits, as pears, apples, plums, cherries, strawberries, nuts, medlars, serves, &c. Sanguinem inficiunt, saith Villanovanus, they infect the blood, and putrefy it, Magninus holds, and must not therefore be taken via cibi, aut quantitate magna, not to make a meal of, or in any great quantity. 1373Cardan makes that a cause of their continual sickness at Fessa in Africa, “because they live so much on fruits, eating them thrice a day.” Laurentius approves of many fruits, in his Tract of Melancholy, which others disallow, and amongst the rest apples, which some likewise commend, sweetings, pearmains, pippins, as good against melancholy; but to him that is any way inclined to, or touched with this malady, 1374Nicholas Piso in his Practics, forbids all fruits, as windy, or to be sparingly eaten at least, and not raw. Amongst other fruits, 1375Bruerinus, out of Galen, excepts grapes and figs, but I find them likewise rejected.

Pulse.] All pulse are naught, beans, peas, vetches, &c., they fill the brain (saith Isaac) with gross fumes, breed black thick blood, and cause troublesome dreams. And therefore, that which Pythagoras said to his scholars of old, may be for ever applied to melancholy men, A fabis abstinete, eat no peas, nor beans; yet to such as will needs eat them, I would give this counsel, to prepare them according to those rules that Arnoldus Villanovanus, and Frietagius prescribe, for eating, and dressing. fruits, herbs, roots, pulse, &c.

Spices.] Spices cause hot and head melancholy, and are for that cause forbidden by our physicians to such men as are inclined to this malady, as pepper, ginger, cinnamon, cloves, mace, dates, &c. honey and sugar. 1376 Some except honey; to those that are cold, it may be tolerable, but 1377 Dulcia se in bilem vertunt, (sweets turn into bile,) they are obstructive. Crato therefore forbids all spice, in a consultation of his, for a melancholy schoolmaster, Omnia aromatica et quicquid sanguinem adurit: so doth Fernelius, consil. 45. Guianerius, tract 15. cap. 2. Mercurialis, cons. 189. To these I may add all sharp and sour things, luscious and over-sweet, or fat, as oil, vinegar, verjuice, mustard, salt; as sweet things are obstructive, so these are corrosive. Gomesius, in his books, de sale, l. 1. c. 21, highly commends salt; so doth Codronchus in his tract, de sale Absynthii, Lemn. l. 3. c. 9. de occult. nat. mir. yet common experience finds salt, and salt-meats, to be great procurers of this disease. And for that cause belike those Egyptian priests abstained from salt, even so much, as in their bread, ut sine perturbatione anima esset, saith mine author, that their souls might be free from perturbations.

Bread.] Bread that is made of baser grain, as peas, beans, oats, rye, or 1378over-hard baked, crusty, and black, is often spoken against, as causing melancholy juice and wind. Joh. Mayor, in the first book of his History of Scotland, contends much for the wholesomeness of oaten bread: it was objected to him then living at Paris in France, that his countrymen fed on oats, and base grain, as a disgrace; but he doth ingenuously confess, Scotland, Wales, and a third part of England, did most part use that kind of bread, that it was as wholesome as any grain, and yielded as good nourishment. And yet Wecker out of Galen calls it horsemeat, and fitter for juments than men to feed on. But read Galen himself, Lib. 1. De cibis boni et mali succi, more largely discoursing of corn and bread.

Wine.] All black wines, over-hot, compound, strong thick drinks, as Muscadine, Malmsey, Alicant, Rumney, Brownbastard, Metheglen, and the like, of which they have thirty several kinds in Muscovy, all such made drinks are hurtful in this case, to such as are hot, or of a sanguine choleric complexion, young, or inclined to head-melancholy. For many times the drinking of wine alone causeth it. Arculanus, c. 16. in 9. Rhasis, puts in 1379wine for a great cause, especially if it be immoderately used. Guianerius, tract. 15. c. 2, tells a story of two Dutchmen, to whom he gave entertainment in his house, “that 1380in one month's space were both melancholy by drinking of wine, one did nought but sing, the other sigh.” Galen, l. de causis morb. c. 3. Matthiolus on Dioscorides, and above all other Andreas Bachius, l. 3. 18, 19, 20, have reckoned upon those inconveniences that come by wine: yet notwithstanding all this, to such as are cold, or sluggish melancholy, a cup of wine is good physic, and so doth Mercurialis grant, consil. 25, in that case, if the temperature be cold, as to most melancholy men it is, wine is much commended, if it be moderately used.

Cider, Perry.] Cider and perry are both cold and windy drinks, and for that cause to be neglected, and so are all those hot spiced strong drinks.

Beer.] Beer, if it be over-new or over-stale, over-strong, or not sodden, smell of the cask, sharp, or sour, is most unwholesome, frets, and galls, &c. Henricus Ayrerus, in a 1381consultation of his, for one that laboured of hypochondriacal melancholy, discommends beer. So doth 1382 Crato in that excellent counsel of his, Lib. 2. consil. 21, as too windy, because of the hop. But he means belike that thick black Bohemian beer used in some other parts of 1383Germany.

——— nil spissius illa

Dum bibitur, nil clarius est dum mingitur, unde

Constat, quod multas faeces in corpore linquat.

Nothing comes in so thick,

Nothing goes out so thin,

It must needs follow then

The dregs are left within.

As that 1384old poet scoffed, calling it Stygiae monstrum conforme paludi, a monstrous drink, like the river Styx. But let them say as they list, to such as are accustomed unto it, “'tis a most wholesome” (so 1385 Polydore Virgil calleth it) “and a pleasant drink,” it is more subtle and better, for the hop that rarefies it, hath an especial virtue against melancholy, as our herbalists confess, Fuchsius approves, Lib. 2. sec. 2. instit. cap. 11, and many others.

Waters] Standing waters, thick and ill-coloured, such as come forth of pools, and moats, where hemp hath been steeped, or slimy fishes live, are most unwholesome, putrefied, and full of mites, creepers, slimy, muddy, unclean, corrupt, impure, by reason of the sun's heat, and still-standing; they cause foul distemperatures in the body and mind of man, are unfit to make drink of, to dress meat with, or to be 1386used about men inwardly or outwardly. They are good for many domestic uses, to wash horses, water cattle, &c., or in time of necessity, but not otherwise. Some are of opinion, that such fat standing waters make the best beer, and that seething doth defecate it, as 1387Cardan holds, Lib. 13. subtil. “It mends the substance, and savour of it,” but it is a paradox. Such beer may be stronger, but not so wholesome as the other, as 1388Jobertus truly justifieth out of Galen, Paradox, dec. 1. Paradox 5, that the seething of such impure waters doth not purge or purify them, Pliny, lib. 31. c. 3, is of the same tenet, and P. Crescentius, agricult. lib. 1. et lib. 4. c. 11. et c. 45. Pamphilius Herilachus, l. 4. de not. aquarum, such waters are naught, not to be used, and by the testimony of 1389Galen, “breed agues, dropsies, pleurisies, splenetic and melancholy passions, hurt the eyes, cause a bad temperature, and ill disposition of the whole body, with bad colour.” This Jobertus stiffly maintains, Paradox, lib. 1. part. 5, that it causeth blear eyes, bad colour, and many loathsome diseases to such as use it: this which they say, stands with good reason; for as geographers relate, the water of Astracan breeds worms in such as drink it. 1390 Axius, or as now called Verduri, the fairest river in Macedonia, makes all cattle black that taste of it. Aleacman now Peleca, another stream in Thessaly, turns cattle most part white, si polui ducas, L. Aubanus Rohemus refers that 1391struma or poke of the Bavarians and Styrians to the nature of their waters, as 1392Munster doth that of Valesians in the Alps, and 1393Bodine supposeth the stuttering of some families in Aquitania, about Labden, to proceed from the same cause, “and that the filth is derived from the water to their bodies.” So that they that use filthy, standing, ill-coloured, thick, muddy water, must needs have muddy, ill-coloured, impure, and infirm bodies. And because the body works upon the mind, they shall have grosser understandings, dull, foggy, melancholy spirits, and be really subject to all manner of infirmities.

To these noxious simples, we may reduce an infinite number of compound, artificial, made dishes, of which our cooks afford us a great variety, as tailors do fashions in our apparel. Such are 1394puddings stuffed with blood, or otherwise composed; baked, meats, soused indurate meats, fried and broiled buttered meats; condite, powdered, and over-dried, 1395all cakes, simnels, buns, cracknels made with butter, spice, &c., fritters, pancakes, pies, sausages, and those several sauces, sharp, or over-sweet, of which scientia popinae, as Seneca calls it, hath served those 1396 Apician tricks, and perfumed dishes, which Adrian the sixth Pope so much admired in the accounts of his predecessor Leo Decimus; and which prodigious riot and prodigality have invented in this age. These do generally engender gross humours, fill the stomach with crudities, and all those inward parts with obstructions. Montanus, consil. 22, gives instance, in a melancholy Jew, that by eating such tart sauces, made dishes, and salt meats, with which he was overmuch delighted, became melancholy, and was evil affected. Such examples are familiar and common.

1347. Fecit omnia delicta quae fieri possunt circa res sex non naturales, et eae fuerunt causae extrinsecae, ex quibus postea ortae sunt obstructiones.

1348. Path. I. l. c. 2. Maximam in gignendis morbis vim obtinet, pabulum, materiamque morbi suggerens: nam nec ab aere, nec a perturbationibus, vel aliis evidentibus causis morbi sunt, nisi consentiat corporis praeparatio, et humorum constitutio. Ut semel dicam, una gula est omnium morborum mater, etiamsi alius est genitor. Ab hac morbi sponte saepe emanant, nulla alia cogente causa.

1349. Cogan, Eliot, Vauhan, Vener.

1350. Frietagius.

1351. Isaac.

1352. Non laudatur quia melancholicum praebet alimentum.

1353. Male alit cervina (inquit Frietagius) crassissimum et atribilarium suppeditat alimentum.

1354. Lib. de subtiliss. dieta. Equina caro et asinina equinis danda est hominibus et asininis.

1355. Parum obsunt a natura Leporum. Bruerinus, l. 13. cap. 25. pullorum tenera et optima.

1356. Illaudabilis succi nauseam provocant.

1357. Piso. Altomar.

1358. Curio. Frietagius, Magninus, part. 3. cap. 17. Mercurialis, de affect, lib. I. c. 10. excepts all milk meats in Hypochondriacal Melancholy.

1359. Wecker, Syntax. theor. p. 2. Isaac, Bruer. lib. 15. cap. 30. et 31.

1360. Cap. 18. part. 3.

1361. Omni loco et omni tempore medici detestantur anguillas praesertim circa solstitium. Damnanturtum sanis tum aegris.

1362. Cap. 6. in his Tract of Melancholy.

1363. Optime nutrit omnium judicio inter primae notae pisces gustu praestanti.

1364. Non est dubium, quin pro variorum situ, ac natura, magnas alimentorum sortiantur differentias, alibi suaviores, alibi lutulentiores.

1365. Observat. 16. lib. 10.

1366. Pseudolus act. 3. scen. 2.

1367. Plautus, ibid.

1368. Quare rectius valedutini suae quisque consulet, qui lapsus priorum parentum memor, eas plane vel omiserit vel parce degustarit. Kersleius, cap. 4, de vero usu med.

1369. In Mizaldo de Horto, P. Crescent. Herbastein, &c.

1370. Cap. 13. part. 3. Bright, in his Tract of Mel.

1371. Intellectum turbant, producunt insaniam.

1372. Audivi (inquit Magnin.) quod si quis ex iis per annum continue comedat, in insaniam caderet. cap. 13. Improbi succi sunt. cap. 12.

1373. De rerum varietat. In Fessa plerumque morbosi, quod fructus comedant ter in die.

1374. Cap. de Mel.

1375. Lib. 11. c. 3.

1376. Bright, c. 6. excepts honey.

1377. Hor. apud Scoltzium, consil. 186.

1378. Ne comedas crustam, choleram quia gignit adustam. Schol. Sal.

1379. Vinum turbidum.

1380. Ex vini patentis bibitione, duo Alemani in uno mense melancholici facti sunt.

1381. Hildesheim, spicel. fol. 273.

1382. Crassum generat sanguinem.

1383. About Danzig in Spruce, Hamburgh, Leipsig.

1384. Henricus Abrmcensis.

1385. Potus tum salubris tum jucundus, l. 1.

1386. Galen l. 1. de san. tuend. Cavendae sunt aquae quae ex stagnis hauriuntur, et quae turbidae and male olentes, &c.

1387. Innoxium reddit et bene olentum.

1388. Contendit haec vitia coctione non emendari.

1389. Lib. de bonitate aquae, hydropem auget, febres putridas, splenem, tusses, nocet oculis, malum habitum corporis et colorem.

1390. Mag. Nigritatem inducit si pecora biberint.

1391. Aquae nivibus coactae strumosos faciunt.

1392. Cosmog. l. 3. cap. 36.

1393. Method, hist. cap. 5. Balbutiunt Labdoni in Aquitania ob aquas, atque hi morbi ab acquis in corpora derivantur.

1394. Edulia ex sanguine et suffocato parta. Hildesheim.

1395. Cupedia vero, placentae, bellaria, commentaque alia curiosa pistorum et coquorum, gustui servientium conciliant morbos tum corpori tum animo insanibiles. Philo Judaeus, lib. de victimis. P. Jov. vita ejus.

1396. As lettuce steeped in wine, birds fed with fennel and sugar, as a Pope's concubine used in Avignon. Stephan.

Subsect. ii.

Quantity of Diet a Cause.

There is not so much harm proceeding from the substance itself of meat, and quality of it, in ill-dressing and preparing, as there is from the quantity, disorder of time and place, unseasonable use of it, 1397 intemperance, overmuch, or overlittle taking of it. A true saying it is, Plures crapula quam gladius. This gluttony kills more than the sword, this omnivorantia et homicida gula, this all-devouring and murdering gut. And that of 1398Pliny is truer, “Simple diet is the best; heaping up of several meats is pernicious, and sauces worse; many dishes bring many diseases.” 1399Avicen cries out, “That nothing is worse than to feed on many dishes, or to protract the time of meats longer than ordinary; from thence proceed our infirmities, and 'tis the fountain of all diseases, which arise out of the repugnancy of gross humours.” Thence, saith 1400 Fernelius, come crudities, wind, oppilations, cacochymia, plethora, cachexia, bradiopepsia, 1401Hinc subitae, mortes, atque intestata senectus, sudden death, &c., and what not.

As a lamp is choked with a multitude of oil, or a little fire with overmuch wood quite extinguished, so is the natural heat with immoderate eating, strangled in the body. Pernitiosa sentina est abdomen insaturabile: one saith, An insatiable paunch is a pernicious sink, and the fountain of all diseases, both of body and mind. 1402Mercurialis will have it a peculiar cause of this private disease; Solenander, consil. 5. sect. 3, illustrates this of Mercurialis, with an example of one so melancholy, ab intempestivis commessationibus, unseasonable feasting. 1403Crato confirms as much, in that often cited counsel, 21. lib. 2, putting superfluous eating for a main cause. But what need I seek farther for proofs? Hear 1404Hippocrates himself, lib. 2. aphor. 10, “Impure bodies the more they are nourished, the more they are hurt, for the nourishment is putrefied with vicious humours.”

And yet for all this harm, which apparently follows surfeiting and drunkenness, see how we luxuriate and rage in this kind; read what Johannes Stuckius hath written lately of this subject, in his great volume De Antiquorum Conviviis, and of our present age; Quam 1405portentosae coenae, prodigious suppers, 1406Qui dum invitant ad coenam efferunt ad sepulchrum, what Fagos, Epicures, Apetios, Heliogables, our times afford? Lucullus' ghost walks still, and every man desires to sup in Apollo; Aesop's costly dish is ordinarily served up. 1407Magis illa juvant, quae pluris emuntur. The dearest cates are best, and 'tis an ordinary thing to bestow twenty or thirty pounds on a dish, some thousand crowns upon a dinner: 1408Mully-Hamet, king of Fez and Morocco, spent three pounds on the sauce of a capon: it is nothing in our times, we scorn all that is cheap. “We loathe the very 1409light” (some of us, as Seneca notes) “because it comes free, and we are offended with the sun's heat, and those cool blasts, because we buy them not.” This air we breathe is so common, we care not for it; nothing pleaseth but what is dear. And if we be 1410witty in anything, it is ad gulam: If we study at all, it is erudito luxu, to please the palate, and to satisfy the gut. “A cook of old was a base knave” (as 1411Livy complains), “but now a great man in request; cookery is become an art, a noble science: cooks are gentlemen:” Venter Deus: They wear “their brains in their bellies, and their guts in their heads,” as 1412Agrippa taxed some parasites of his time, rushing on their own destruction, as if a man should run upon the point of a sword, usque dum rumpantur comedunt, “They eat till they burst:” 1413All day, all night, let the physician say what he will, imminent danger, and feral diseases are now ready to seize upon them, that will eat till they vomit, Edunt ut vomant, vomut ut edant, saith Seneca; which Dion relates of Vitellius, Solo transitu ciborum nutriri judicatus: His meat did pass through and away, or till they burst again. 1414Strage animantium ventrem onerant, and rake over all the world, as so many 1415slaves, belly-gods, and land-serpents, Et totus orbis ventri nimis angustus, the whole world cannot satisfy their appetite. 1416“Sea, land, rivers, lakes, &c., may not give content to their raging guts.” To make up the mess, what immoderate drinking in every place? Senem potum pota trahebat anus, how they flock to the tavern: as if they were fruges consumere nati, born to no other end but to eat and drink, like Offellius Bibulus, that famous Roman parasite, Qui dum vixit, aut bibit aut minxit; as so many casks to hold wine, yea worse than a cask, that mars wine, and itself is not marred by it, yet these are brave men, Silenus Ebrius was no braver. Et quae fuerunt vitia, mores sunt: 'tis now the fashion of our times, an honour: Nunc vero res ista eo rediit (as Chrysost. serm. 30. in v. Ephes. comments) Ut effeminatae ridendaeque ignaviae loco habeatur, nolle inebriari; 'tis now come to that pass that he is no gentleman, a very milk-sop, a clown, of no bringing up, that will not drink; fit for no company; he is your only gallant that plays it off finest, no disparagement now to stagger in the streets, reel, rave, &c., but much to his fame and renown; as in like case Epidicus told Thesprio his fellow-servant, in the 1417Poet. Aedipol facinus improbum, one urged, the other replied, At jam alii fecere idem, erit illi illa res honori, 'tis now no fault, there be so many brave examples to bear one out; 'tis a credit to have a strong brain, and carry his liquor well; the sole contention who can drink most, and fox his fellow the soonest. 'Tis the summum bonum of our tradesmen, their felicity, life, and soul, Tanta dulcedine affectant, saith Pliny, lib. 14. cap. 12. Ut magna pars non aliud vitae praemium intelligat, their chief comfort, to be merry together in an alehouse or tavern, as our modern Muscovites do in their mead-inns, and Turks in their coffeehouses, which much resemble our taverns; they will labour hard all day long to be drunk at night, and spend totius anni labores, as St. Ambrose adds, in a tippling feast; convert day into night, as Seneca taxes some in his times, Pervertunt officia anoctis et lucis; when we rise, they commonly go to bed, like our antipodes,

Nosque ubi primus equis oriens afflavit anhelis,

Illis sera rubens ascendit lumina vesper.

So did Petronius in Tacitus, Heliogabalus in Lampridius.

1418 ——— Noctes vigilibat ad ipsum

Mane, diem totum stertebat? ———

——— He drank the night away

Till rising dawn, then snored out all the day.

Snymdiris the Sybarite never saw the sun rise or set so much as once in twenty years. Verres, against whom Tully so much inveighs, in winter he never was extra tectum vix extra lectum, never almost out of bed, 1419 still wenching and drinking; so did he spend his time, and so do myriads in our days. They have gymnasia bibonum, schools and rendezvous; these centaurs and Lapithae toss pots and bowls as so many balls; invent new tricks, as sausages, anchovies, tobacco, caviar, pickled oysters, herrings, fumados, &c.: innumerable salt meats to increase their appetite, and study how to hurt themselves by taking antidotes 1420“to carry their drink the better; 1421and when nought else serves, they will go forth, or be conveyed out, to empty their gorge, that they may return to drink afresh.” They make laws, insanas leges, contra bibendi fallacias, and 1422brag of it when they have done, crowning that man that is soonest gone, as their drunken predecessors have done, — 1423quid ego video? Ps. Cum corona Pseudolum ebrium tuum —. And when they are dead, will have a can of wine with 1424Maron's old woman to be engraven on their tombs. So they triumph in villainy, and justify their wickedness; with Rabelais, that French Lucian, drunkenness is better for the body than physic, because there be more old drunkards than old physicians. Many such frothy arguments they have, 1425inviting and encouraging others to do as they do, and love them dearly for it (no glue like to that of good fellowship). So did Alcibiades in Greece; Nero, Bonosus, Heliogabalus in Rome, or Alegabalus rather, as he was styled of old (as 1426Ignatius proves out of some old coins). So do many great men still, as 1427Heresbachius observes. When a prince drinks till his eyes stare, like Bitias in the Poet,

1428 ———(ille impiger hausit

Spumantem vino pateram.)

——— a thirsty soul;

He took challenge and embrac'd the bowl;

With pleasure swill'd the gold, nor ceased to draw

Till he the bottom of the brimmer saw.

and comes off clearly, sound trumpets, fife and drums, the spectators will applaud him, “the 1429bishop himself (if he belie them not) with his chaplain will stand by and do as much,” O dignum principe haustum, 'twas done like a prince. “Our Dutchmen invite all comers with a pail and a dish,” Velut infundibula integras obbas exhauriunt, et in monstrosis poculis, ipsi monstrosi monstrosius epotant, “making barrels of their bellies.” Incredibile dictu, as 1430one of their own countrymen complains: 1431Quantum liquoris immodestissima gens capiat, &c. “How they love a man that will be drunk, crown him and honour him for it,” hate him that will not pledge him, stab him, kill him: a most intolerable offence, and not to be forgiven. 1432“He is a mortal enemy that will not drink with him,” as Munster relates of the Saxons. So in Poland, he is the best servitor, and the honestest fellow, saith Alexander Gaguinus, 1433 “that drinketh most healths to the honour of his master, he shall be rewarded as a good servant, and held the bravest fellow that carries his liquor best,” when a brewer's horse will bear much more than any sturdy drinker, yet for his noble exploits in this kind, he shall be accounted a most valiant man, for 1434Tam inter epulas fortis vir esse potest ac in bello, as much valour is to be found in feasting as in fighting, and some of our city captains, and carpet knights will make this good, and prove it. Thus they many times wilfully pervert the good temperature of their bodies, stifle their wits, strangle nature, and degenerate into beasts.

Some again are in the other extreme, and draw this mischief on their heads by too ceremonious and strict diet, being over-precise, cockney-like, and curious in their observation of meats, times, as that Medicina statica prescribes, just so many ounces at dinner, which Lessius enjoins, so much at supper, not a little more, nor a little less, of such meat, and at such hours, a diet-drink in the morning, cock-broth, China-broth, at dinner, plum-broth, a chicken, a rabbit, rib of a rack of mutton, wing of a capon, the merry-thought of a hen, &c.; to sounder bodies this is too nice and most absurd. Others offend in overmuch fasting: pining adays, saith 1435 Guianerius, and waking anights, as many Moors and Turks in these our times do. “Anchorites, monks, and the rest of that superstitious rank (as the same Guianerius witnesseth, that he hath often seen to have happened in his time) through immoderate fasting, have been frequently mad.” Of such men belike Hippocrates speaks, l. Aphor. 5, when as he saith, 1436“they more offend in too sparing diet, and are worse damnified, than they that feed liberally, and are ready to surfeit.”

1397. Animae negotium illa facessit, et de templo Dii immundum stabulum facit. Peletius, 10. c.

1398. Lib. 11. c. 52. Homini cibus utilissimus simplex, acervatio cirborum pestifera, et condimenta perniciosa, multos morbos multa fercula ferunt.

1399. 31. Dec. 2. c. Nihil deterius quam si tempus justo longius comedendo protrahatur, et varia ciborum genera conjungantur: inde morborum scaturigo, quae ex repugnantia humorum oritur.

1400. Path. l. 1. c. 14.

1401. Juv. Sat. 5.

1402. Nimia repletio ciborum facit melancholicum.

1403. Comestio superflua cibi, et potus quantitas nimia.

1404. Impura corpora quanto magis nutris, tanto magis laedis: putrefacit enim alimentum vitiosus humor.

1405. Vid. Goclen. de portentosis coenis, &c. puteani Com.

1406. Amb. lib. de Jeju. cap. 14. “They who invite us to a supper, only conduct us to our tomb.”

1407. Juvenal. “The highest-priced dishes afford the greatest gratification.”

1408. Guiccardin.

1409. Na. quaest. 4. ca. ult. fastidio est lumen gratuitum, dolet quod sole, quod spiritum emere non possimus, quod hic aer non emptus ex facili, &c. adeo nihil placet, nisi quod carum est.

1410. Ingeniosi ad Gulam.

1411. Olim vile mancipium, nunc in omni aestimatione, nunc ars haberi caepta, &c.

1412. Epist. 28. l. 7. Quorum in ventre ingenium, in patinis, &c.

1413. In lucem coenat. Sertorius.

1414. Seneca.

1415. Mancipia gulae, dapes non sapore sed sumptu aestimantes. Seneca, consol. ad Helvidium.

1416. Saevientia guttura satiare non possunt fluvii et maria, Aeneas Sylvius, de miser. curial.

1417. Plautus.

1418. Hor. lib. 1. Sat. 3.

1419. Diei brevitas conviviis, noctis longitudo stupris conterebratur.

1420. Et quo plus capiant, irritamenta excogitantur.

1421. Fores portantur ut ad convivium reportentur, repleri ut exhauriant, et exhauriri ut bibant. Ambros.

1422. Ingentia vasa velut ad ostentationem, &c.

1423. Plautus.

1424. Lib. 3. Anthol. c. 20.

1425. Gratiam conciliant potando.

1426. Notis ad Caesares.

1427. Lib. de educandis principum liberis.

1428. Virg. Ae. 1.

1429. Idem strenui potatoris Episcopi Sacellanus, cum ingentem pateram exhaurit princeps.

1430. Bohemus in Saxonia. Adeo immoderate et immodeste ab ipsis bibitur, ut in compotationibus suis non cyathis solum et cantharis sat infundere possint, sed impletum mulctrale apponant, et scutella injecta hortantur quemlibet ad libitum potare.

1431. Dictu incredible, quantum hujusce liquorice immodesta gens capiat, plus potantem amicissimum habent, et cert coronant, inimicissimum e contra qui non vult, et caede et fustibus expiant.

1432. Qui potare recusat, hostis habetur, et caede nonnunquam res expiatur.

1433. Qui melius bibit pro salute domini, melior habetur minister.

1434. Graec. Poeta apud Stobaeum, ser. 18.

1435. Qui de die jejunant, et nocte vigilant, facile cadunt in melancholiam; et qui naturae modum excedunt, c. 5. tract. 15. c. 2. Longa famis tolerantia, ut iis saepe accidit qui tanto cum fervore Deo servire cupiunt per jejunium, quod maniaci efficiantur, ipse vidi saepe.

1436. In tenui victu aegri delinquunt, ex quo fit ut majori afficiantur detrimento, majorque fit error tenui quam pleniore victu.

Subsect. iii.

Custom of Diet, Delight, Appetite, Necessity, how they cause or hinder.

No rule is so general, which admits not some exception; to this, therefore, which hath been hitherto said, (for I shall otherwise put most men out of commons,) and those inconveniences which proceed from the substance of meats, an intemperate or unseasonable use of them, custom somewhat detracts and qualifies, according to that of Hippocrates, 2 Aphoris. 50. 1437 “Such things as we have been long accustomed to, though they be evil in their own nature, yet they are less offensive.” Otherwise it might well be objected that it were a mere 1438tyranny to live after those strict rules of physic; for custom 1439doth alter nature itself, and to such as are used to them it makes bad meats wholesome, and unseasonable times to cause no disorder. Cider and perry are windy drinks, so are all fruits windy in themselves, cold most part, yet in some shires of 1440England, Normandy in France, Guipuscoa in Spain, 'tis their common drink, and they are no whit offended with it. In Spain, Italy, and Africa, they live most on roots, raw herbs, camel's 1441milk, and it agrees well with them: which to a stranger will cause much grievance. In Wales, lacticiniis vescuntur, as Humphrey Llwyd confesseth, a Cambro-Briton himself, in his elegant epistle to Abraham Ortelius, they live most on white meats: in Holland on fish, roots, 1442butter; and so at this day in Greece, as 1443Bellonius observes, they had much rather feed on fish than flesh. With us, Maxima pars victus in carne consistit, we feed on flesh most part, saith 1444Polydore Virgil, as all northern countries do; and it would be very offensive to us to live after their diet, or they to live after ours. We drink beer, they wine; they use oil, we butter; we in the north are 1445great eaters; they most sparing in those hotter countries; and yet they and we following our own customs are well pleased. An Ethiopian of old seeing an European eat bread, wondered, quomodo stercoribus vescentes viverimus, how we could eat such kind of meats: so much differed his countrymen from ours in diet, that as mine 1446author infers, si quis illorum victum apud nos aemulari vellet; if any man should so feed with us, it would be all one to nourish, as Cicuta, Aconitum, or Hellebore itself. At this day in China the common people live in a manner altogether on roots and herbs, and to the wealthiest, horse, ass, mule, dogs, cat-flesh, is as delightsome as the rest, so 1447Mat. Riccius the Jesuit relates, who lived many years amongst them. The Tartars eat raw meat, and most commonly 1448horse-flesh, drink milk and blood, as the nomades of old. Et lac concretum cum sanguine potat equino. They scoff at our Europeans for eating bread, which they call tops of weeds, and horse meat, not fit for men; and yet Scaliger accounts them a sound and witty nation, living a hundred years; even in the civilest country of them they do thus, as Benedict the Jesuit observed in his travels, from the great Mogul's Court by land to Pekin, which Riccius contends to be the same with Cambulu in Cataia. In Scandia their bread is usually dried fish, and so likewise in the Shetland Isles; and their other fare, as in Iceland, saith 1449Dithmarus Bleskenius, butter, cheese, and fish; their drink water, their lodging on the ground. In America in many places their bread is roots, their meat palmettos, pinas, potatoes, &c., and such fruits. There be of them too that familiarly drink 1450salt seawater all their lives, eat 1451raw meat, grass, and that with delight. With some, fish, serpents, spiders: and in divers places they 1452eat man's flesh, raw and roasted, even the Emperor 1453Montezuma himself. In some coasts, again, 1454one tree yields them cocoanuts, meat and drink, fire, fuel, apparel; with his leaves, oil, vinegar, cover for houses, &c., and yet these men going naked, feeding coarse, live commonly a hundred years, are seldom or never sick; all which diet our physicians forbid. In Westphalia they feed most part on fat meats and worts, knuckle deep, and call it 1455cerebrum Iovis: in the Low Countries with roots, in Italy frogs and snails are used. The Turks, saith Busbequius, delight most in fried meats. In Muscovy, garlic and onions are ordinary meat and sauce, which would be pernicious to such as are unaccustomed to them, delightsome to others; and all is 1456because they have been brought up unto it. Husbandmen, and such as labour, can eat fat bacon, salt gross meat, hard cheese, &c., (O dura messorum illa), coarse bread at all times, go to bed and labour upon a full stomach, which to some idle persons would be present death, and is against the rules of physic, so that custom is all in all. Our travellers find this by common experience when they come in far countries, and use their diet, they are suddenly offended, 1457as our Hollanders and Englishmen when they touch upon the coasts of Africa, those Indian capes and islands, are commonly molested with calentures, fluxes, and much distempered by reason of their fruits. 1458Peregrina, etsi suavia solent vescentibus perturbationes insignes adferre, strange meats, though pleasant, cause notable alterations and distempers. On the other side, use or custom mitigates or makes all good again. Mithridates by often use, which Pliny wonders at, was able to drink poison; and a maid, as Curtius records, sent to Alexander from King Porus, was brought up with poison from her infancy. The Turks, saith Bellonius, lib. 3. c. 15, eat opium familiarly, a dram at once, which we dare not take in grains. 1459Garcias ab Horto writes of one whom he saw at Goa in the East Indies, that took ten drams of opium in three days; and yet consulto loquebatur, spake understandingly, so much can custom do. 1460 Theophrastus speaks of a shepherd that could eat hellebore in substance. And therefore Cardan concludes out of Galen, Consuetudinem utcunque ferendam, nisi valde malam. Custom is howsoever to be kept, except it be extremely bad: he adviseth all men to keep their old customs, and that by the authority of 1461Hippocrates himself, Dandum aliquid tempori, aetati regioni, consuetudini, and therefore to 1462continue as they began, be it diet, bath, exercise, &c., or whatsoever else.

Another exception is delight, or appetite, to such and such meats: though they be hard of digestion, melancholy; yet as Fuchsius excepts, cap. 6. lib. 2. Instit. sect. 2, 1463“The stomach doth readily digest, and willingly entertain such meats we love most, and are pleasing to us, abhors on the other side such as we distaste.” Which Hippocrates confirms, Aphoris. 2. 38. Some cannot endure cheese, out of a secret antipathy; or to see a roasted duck, which to others is a 1464delightsome meat.

The last exception is necessity, poverty, want, hunger, which drives men many times to do that which otherwise they are loath, cannot endure, and thankfully to accept of it: as beverage in ships, and in sieges of great cities, to feed on dogs, cats, rats, and men themselves. Three outlaws in 1465Hector Boethius, being driven to their shifts, did eat raw flesh, and flesh of such fowl as they could catch, in one of the Hebrides for some few months. These things do mitigate or disannul that which hath been said of melancholy meats, and make it more tolerable; but to such as are wealthy, live plenteously, at ease, may take their choice, and refrain if they will, these viands are to be forborne, if they be inclined to, or suspect melancholy, as they tender their healths: Otherwise if they be intemperate, or disordered in their diet, at their peril be it. Qui monet amat, Ave et cave.

He who advises is your friend

Farewell, and to your health attend.

1437. Quae longo tempore consueta sunt, etiamsi deteriora, minus in assuetis molestare solent.

1438. Qui medice vivit, misere vivit.

1439. Consuetudo altera natura.

1440. Herefordshire, Gloucestershire, Worcestershire.

1441. Leo Afer. l. 1. solo camelorum lacte contenti, nil praeterea deliciarum ambiunt.

1442. Flandri vinum butyro dilutum bibunt (nauseo referens) ubique butyrum inter omnia fercula et bellaria locum obtinet. Steph. praefat. Herod.

1443. Delectantur Graeci piscibus magis quam carnibus.

1444. Lib. 1. hist. Ang.

1445. P. Jovius descript. Britonum. They sit, eat and drink all day at dinner in Iceland, Muscovy, and those northern parts.

1446. Suidas, vict. Herod, nihilo cum eo melius quam si quis Cicutam, Aconitum, &c.

1447. Expedit. in Sinas, lib. 1. c. 3. hortensium herbarum et olerum, apud Sinas quam apud nos longe frequentior usus, complures quippe de vulgo reperias nulla alia re vel tenuitatis, vel religionis causa vescentes. Equus, Mulus, Asellus, &c. aeque fere vescuntur ac pabula omnia, Mat. Riccius, lib. 5. cap. 12.

1448. Tartari mulis, equis vescuntur et crudis carnibus, et fruges contemnunt, dicentes, hoc jumentorum pabulum et bonum, non hominum.

1449. Islandiae descriptione victus corum butyro, lacte, caseo consistit: pisces loco panis habent, potus aqua, aut serum, sic vivunt sine medicina multa ad annos 200.

1450. Laet. occident. Ind. descrip. lib. 11. cap. 10. Aquam marinam bibere sueti absque noxa.

1451. Davies 2. voyage.

1452. Patagones.

1453. Benzo et Fer. Cortesius, lib. novus orbis inscrip.

1454. Linschoten, c. 56. Palmae instar totius orbis arboribus longe praestantior.

1455. Lips. epist.

1456. Teneris assuescere multum.

1457. Repentinae mutationes noxam pariunt. Hippocrat. Aphorism. 21. Epist. 6. sect. 3.

1458. Bruerinus, lib. 1. cap. 23.

1459. Simpl. med. c. 4. l. 1.

1460. Heurnius, l. 3. c. 19. prax. med.

1461. Aphoris. 17.

1462. In dubiis consuetudinem sequatur adolescens, et inceptis perseveret.

1463. Qui cum voluptate assumuntur cibi, ventriculus avidius complectitur, expeditiusque concoquit, et quae displicent aversatur.

1464. Nothing against a good stomach, as the saying is.

1465. Lib. 7. Hist. Scot.

Subsect. iv.

Retention and Evacuation a cause, and how.

Of retention and evacuation, there be divers kinds, which are either concomitant, assisting, or sole causes many times of melancholy. 1466 Galen reduceth defect and abundance to this head; others 1467“All that is separated, or remains.”

Costiveness. In the first rank of these, I may well reckon up costiveness, and keeping in of our ordinary excrements, which as it often causeth other diseases, so this of melancholy in particular. 1468Celsus, lib. 1. cap. 3, saith, “It produceth inflammation of the head, dullness, cloudiness, headache,” &c. Prosper Calenus, lib. de atra bile, will have it distemper not the organ only, 1469“but the mind itself by troubling of it:” and sometimes it is a sole cause of madness, as you may read in the first book of 1470Skenkius's Medicinal Observations. A young merchant going to Nordeling fair in Germany, for ten days' space never went to stool; at his return he was 1471grievously melancholy, thinking that he was robbed, and would not be persuaded but that all his money was gone; his friends thought he had some philtrum given him, but Cnelius, a physician, being sent for, found his 1472costiveness alone to be the cause, and thereupon gave him a clyster, by which he was speedily recovered. Trincavellius, consult. 35. lib. 1, saith as much of a melancholy lawyer, to whom he administered physic, and Rodericus a Fonseca, consult. 85. tom. 2, 1473of a patient of his, that for eight days was bound, and therefore melancholy affected. Other retentions and evacuations there are, not simply necessary, but at some times; as Fernelius accounts them, Path. lib. 1. cap. 15, as suppression of haemorrhoids, monthly issues in women, bleeding at nose, immoderate or no use at all of Venus: or any other ordinary issues.

1474Detention of haemorrhoids, or monthly issues, Villanovanus Breviar. lib. 1. cap. 18. Arculanus, cap. 16. in 9. Rhasis, Vittorius Faventinus, pract. mag. tract. 2. cap. 15. Bruel, &c. put for ordinary causes. Fuchsius, l. 2. sect. 5. c. 30, goes farther, and saith, 1475“That many men unseasonably cured of the haemorrhoids have been corrupted with melancholy, seeking to avoid Scylla, they fall into Charybdis.” Galen, l. de hum. commen. 3. ad text. 26, illustrates this by an example of Lucius Martius, whom he cured of madness, contracted by this means: And 1476 Skenkius hath two other instances of two melancholy and mad women, so caused from the suppression of their months. The same may be said of bleeding at the nose, if it be suddenly stopped, and have been formerly used, as 1477Villanovanus urgeth: And 1478Fuchsius, lib. 2. sect. 5. cap. 33, stiffly maintains, “That without great danger, such an issue may not be stayed.”

Venus omitted produceth like effects. Mathiolus, epist. 5. l. penult., 1479“avoucheth of his knowledge, that some through bashfulness abstained from venery, and thereupon became very heavy and dull; and some others that were very timorous, melancholy, and beyond all measure sad.” Oribasius, med. collect. l. 6. c. 37, speaks of some, 1480“That if they do not use carnal copulation, are continually troubled with heaviness and headache; and some in the same case by intermission of it.” Not use of it hurts many, Arculanus, c. 6. in 9. Rhasis, et Magninus, part. 3. cap. 5, think, because it 1481“sends up poisoned vapours to the brain and heart.” And so doth Galen himself hold, “That if this natural seed be over-long kept (in some parties) it turns to poison.” Hieronymus Mercurialis, in his chapter of melancholy, cites it for an especial cause of this malady, 1482priapismus, satyriasis, &c. Haliabbas, 5. Theor. c. 36, reckons up this and many other diseases. Villanovanus Breviar. l. 1. c. 18, saith, “He knew 1483many monks and widows grievously troubled with melancholy, and that from this sole cause.” 1484Ludovicus Mercatus, l. 2. de mulierum affect. cap. 4, and Rodericus a Castro, de morbis mulier. l. 2. c. 3, treat largely of this subject, and will have it produce a peculiar kind of melancholy in stale maids, nuns, and widows, Ob suppressionem mensium et venerem omissam, timidae, moestae anxiae, verecundae, suspicioscae, languentes, consilii inopes, cum summa vitae et rerum meliorum desperatione, &c., they are melancholy in the highest degree, and all for want of husbands. Aelianus Montaltus, cap. 37. de melanchol., confirms as much out of Galen; so doth Wierus, Christophorus a Vega de art. med. lib. 3. c. 14, relates many such examples of men and women, that he had seen so melancholy. Felix Plater in the first book of his Observations, 1485“tells a story of an ancient gentleman in Alsatia, that married a young wife, and was not able to pay his debts in that kind for a long time together, by reason of his several infirmities: but she, because of this inhibition of Venus, fell into a horrible fury, and desired every one that came to see her, by words, looks, and gestures, to have to do with her,” &c. 1486Bernardus Paternus, a physician, saith, “He knew a good honest godly priest, that because he would neither willingly marry, nor make use of the stews, fell into grievous melancholy fits.” Hildesheim, spicel. 2, hath such another example of an Italian melancholy priest, in a consultation had Anno 1580. Jason Pratensis gives instance in a married man, that from his wife's death abstaining, 1487“after marriage, became exceedingly melancholy,” Rodericus a Fonseca in a young man so misaffected, Tom. 2. consult. 85. To these you may add, if you please, that conceited tale of a Jew, so visited in like sort, and so cured, out of Poggius Florentinus.

Intemperate Venus is all but as bad in the other extreme. Galen, l. 6. de mortis popular. sect. 5. text. 26, reckons up melancholy amongst those diseases which are 1488“exasperated by venery:” so doth Avicenna, 2, 3, c. 11. Oribasius, loc. citat. Ficinus, lib. 2. de sanitate tuenda. Marsilius Cognatus, Montaltus, cap. 27. Guianerius, Tract. 3. cap. 2. Magninus, cap. 5. part. 3. 1489gives the reason, because 1490“it infrigidates and dries up the body, consumes the spirits; and would therefore have all such as are cold and dry to take heed of and to avoid it as a mortal enemy.” Jacchinus in 9 Rhasis, cap. 15, ascribes the same cause, and instanceth in a patient of his, that married a young wife in a hot summer, 1491“and so dried himself with chamber-work, that he became in short space from melancholy, mad:” he cured him by moistening remedies. The like example I find in Laelius a Fonte Eugubinus, consult. 129, of a gentleman of Venice, that upon the same occasion was first melancholy, afterwards mad. Read in him the story at large.

Any other evacuation stopped will cause it, as well as these above named, be it bile, 1492ulcer, issue, &c. Hercules de Saxonia, lib. 1. c. 16, and Gordonius, verify this out of their experience. They saw one wounded in the head who as long as the sore was open, Lucida habuit mentis intervalla, was well; but when it was stopped, Rediit melancholia, his melancholy fit seized on him again.

Artificial evacuations are much like in effect, as hot houses, baths, bloodletting, purging, unseasonably and immoderately used. 1493Baths dry too much, if used in excess, be they natural or artificial, and offend extreme hot, or cold; 1494one dries, the other refrigerates overmuch. Montanus, consil. 137, saith, they overheat the liver. Joh. Struthius, Stigmat. artis. l. 4. c. 9, contends, 1495“that if one stay longer than ordinary at the bath, go in too oft, or at unseasonable times, he putrefies the humours in his body.” To this purpose writes Magninus, l. 3. c. 5. Guianerius, Tract. 15. c. 21, utterly disallows all hot baths in melancholy adust. 1496“I saw” (saith he) “a man that laboured of the gout, who to be freed of this malady came to the bath, and was instantly cured of his disease, but got another worse, and that was madness.” But this judgment varies as the humour doth, in hot or cold: baths may be good for one melancholy man, bad for another; that which will cure it in this party, may cause it in a second.

Phlebotomy. Phlebotomy, many times neglected, may do much harm to the body, when there is a manifest redundance of bad humours, and melancholy blood; and when these humours heat and boil, if this be not used in time, the parties affected, so inflamed, are in great danger to be mad; but if it be unadvisedly, importunely, immoderately used, it doth as much harm by refrigerating the body, dulling the spirits, and consuming them: as Joh. 1497Curio in his 10th chapter well reprehends, such kind of letting blood doth more hurt than good: 1498“The humours rage much more than they did before, and is so far from avoiding melancholy, that it increaseth it, and weakeneth the sight.” 1499Prosper Calenus observes as much of all phlebotomy, except they keep a very good diet after it; yea, and as 1500Leonartis Jacchinus speaks out of his own experience, 1501“The blood is much blacker to many men after their letting of blood than it was at first.” For this cause belike Salust. Salvinianus, l. 2. c. 1, will admit or hear of no bloodletting at all in this disease, except it be manifest it proceed from blood: he was (it appears) by his own words in that place, master of an hospital of mad men, 1502“and found by long experience, that this kind of evacuation, either in head, arm, or any other part, did more harm than good.” To this opinion of his, 1503Felix Plater is quite opposite, “though some wink at, disallow and quite contradict all phlebotomy in melancholy, yet by long experience I have found innumerable so saved, after they had been twenty, nay, sixty times let blood, and to live happily after it. It was an ordinary thing of old, in Galen's time, to take at once from such men six pounds of blood, which now we dare scarce take in ounces: sed viderint medici;” great books are written of this subject.

Purging upward and downward, in abundance of bad humours omitted, may be for the worst; so likewise as in the precedent, if overmuch, too frequent or violent, it 1504weakeneth their strength, saith Fuchsius, l. 2. sect., 2 c. 17, or if they be strong or able to endure physic, yet it brings them to an ill habit, they make their bodies no better than apothecaries' shops, this and such like infirmities must needs follow.

1466. 30. artis.

1467. Quae excernuntur aut subsistunt.

1468. Ex ventre suppresso, inflammationes, capitis dolores, caligines crescunt.

1469. Excrementa retenta mentis agitationem parere solent.

1470. Cap. de Mel.

1471. Tam delirus, ut vix se hominem agnosceret.

1472. Alvus astrictus causa.

1473. Per octo dies alvum siccum habet, et nihil reddit.

1474. Sive per nares, sive haemorrhoides.

1475. Multi intempestive ab haemorrhoidibus curati, melancholia corrupti sunt. Incidit in Scyllam, &c.

1476. Lib. 1. de Mania.

1477. Breviar. l. 7. c. 18.

1478. Non sine magno incommodo ejus, cui sanguis a naribus promanat, noxii sanguinis vacuatio impediri potest.

1479. Novi quosdam prae pudore a coitu abstinentes, turpidos, pigrosque factos; nonnullos etiam melancholicos, praeter modum moestos, timidosque.

1480. Nonnulli nisi coeant assidue capitis gravitate infestantur. Dicit se novisse quosdam tristes et ita factos ex intermissione Veneris.

1481. Vapores venenatos mittit sperma ad cor et cerebrum. Sperma plus diu retentum, transit in venenum.

1482. Graves producit corporis et animi aegritudines.

1483. Ex spermate supra modum retento monachos et viduas melancholicos saepe fieri vidi.

1484. Melancholia orta a vasis seminariis in utero.

1485. Nobilis senex Alsatus juvenem uxorem duxit, at ille colico dolore, et multis morbis correptus, non potuit praestare officium mariti, vix inito matrimonio aegrotus. Illa in horrendum furorum incidit, ob Venerem cohibitam ut omnium eam invisentium congressum, voce, vultu, gestu expeteret, et quum non consentirent, molossos Anglicanos magno expetiit clamore.

1486. Vidi sacerdotem optimum et pium, qui quod nollet uti Venere, in melancholica symptomata incidit.

1487. Ob abstinentiam a concubitu incidit in melancholiam.

1488. Quae a coitu exacerbantur.

1489. Superstuum coitum causam ponunt.

1490. Exsiccat corpus, spiritus consumit, &c. caveant ab hoc sicci, velut inimico mortali.

1491. Ita exsiccatus ut e melancholico statim fuerit insanus, ab humectantibus curatus.

1492. Ex cauterio et ulcere exsiccato.

1493. Gord. c. 10. lib. 1. Discommends cold baths as noxious.

1494. Siccum reddunt corpus.

1495. Si quis longius moretur in iis, aut nimis frequenter, aut importune utatur, humores putrefacit.

1496. Ego anno superiore, quendam guttosum vidi adustum, qui ut liberaretur de gutta, ad balnea accessit, et de gutta liberatus, maniacus factus est.

1497. On Schola Salernitana.

1498. Calefactio et ebullitio per venae incisionem, magis saepe incitatur et augetur, majore impetu humores per corpus discurrunt.

1499. Lib. de flatulenta Melancholia. Frequens sanguinis missio corpus extenuat.

1500. In 9 Rhasis, atram bilem parit, et visum debilitat.

1501. Multo nigrior spectatur sanguis post dies quosdam, quam fuit ab initio.

1502. Non laudo eos qui in desipientia docent secandam esse venam frontis, quia spiritus debilitatur inde, et ego longa experientia observavi in proprio Xenodochio, quod desipientes ex phlebotomia magis laeduntur, et magis disipiunt, et melancholici saepe fiunt inde pejores.

1503. De mentis alienat. cap. 3. etsi multos hoc improbasse sciam, innumeros hac ratione sanatos longa observatione cognovi, qui vigesies, sexagies venas tundendo, &c.

1504. Vires debilitat.

Subsect. v.

Bad Air, a cause of Melancholy.

Air is a cause of great moment, in producing this, or any other disease, being that it is still taken into our bodies by respiration, and our more inner parts. 1505“If it be impure and foggy, it dejects the spirits, and causeth diseases by infection of the heart,” as Paulus hath it, lib. 1. c. 49. Avicenna, lib. 1. Gal. de san. tuenda. Mercurialis, Montaltus, &c. 1506Fernelius saith, “A thick air thickeneth the blood and humours.” 1507Lemnius reckons up two main things most profitable, and most pernicious to our bodies; air and diet: and this peculiar disease, nothing sooner causeth 1508(Jobertus holds) “than the air wherein we breathe and live.” 1509Such as is the air, such be our spirits; and as our spirits, such are our humours. It offends commonly if it be too 1510hot and dry, thick, fuliginous, cloudy, blustering, or a tempestuous air. Bodine in his fifth Book, De repub. cap. 1, 5, of his Method of History, proves that hot countries are most troubled with melancholy, and that there are therefore in Spain, Africa, and Asia Minor, great numbers of mad men, insomuch that they are compelled in all cities of note, to build peculiar hospitals for them. Leo 1511Afer, lib. 3. de Fessa urbe, Ortelius and Zuinger, confirm as much: they are ordinarily so choleric in their speeches, that scarce two words pass without railing or chiding in common talk, and often quarrelling in their streets. 1512Gordonius will have every man take notice of it: “Note this” (saith he) “that in hot countries it is far more familiar than in cold.” Although this we have now said be not continually so, for as 1513Acosta truly saith, under the Equator itself, is a most temperate habitation, wholesome air, a paradise of pleasure: the leaves ever green, cooling showers. But it holds in such as are intemperately hot, as 1514Johannes a Meggen found in Cyprus, others in Malta, Aupulia, and the 1515Holy Land, where at some seasons of the year is nothing but dust, their rivers dried up, the air scorching hot, and earth inflamed; insomuch that many pilgrims going barefoot for devotion sake, from Joppa to Jerusalem upon the hot sands, often run mad, or else quite overwhelmed with sand, profundis arenis, as in many parts of Africa, Arabia Deserta, Bactriana, now Charassan, when the west wind blows 1516Involuti arenis transeuntes necantur. 1517Hercules de Saxonia, a professor in Venice, gives this cause why so many Venetian women are melancholy, Quod diu sub sole degant, they tarry too long in the sun. Montanus, consil. 21, amongst other causes assigns this; Why that Jew his patient was mad, Quod tam multum exposuit se calori et frigori: he exposed himself so much to heat and cold, and for that reason in Venice, there is little stirring in those brick paved streets in summer about noon, they are most part then asleep: as they are likewise in the great Mogol's countries, and all over the East Indies. At Aden in Arabia, as 1518 Lodovicus Vertomannus relates in his travels, they keep their markets in the night, to avoid extremity of heat; and in Ormus, like cattle in a pasture, people of all sorts lie up to the chin in water all day long. At Braga in Portugal; Burgos in Castile; Messina in Sicily, all over Spain and Italy, their streets a